"Prehistoric World: or Vanished Races"
by E. A. Allen
Processed by D.R. Thompson
drthom@ihug.co.nz
THE PREHISTORIC WORLD:
or
VANISHED RACES.
By E. A. ALLEN,
Author of "The Golden Gems of Life."
Each of the following well-known Scholars reviewed one or more
Chapters, and made valuable suggestions:
C. C. ABBOTT, M.D.,
Author of "Primitive Industry."
Prof. F. W. PUTNAM,
Curator of Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology,
Harvard University.
A. F. BANDELIER,
Explorer for Archaeological Institute of America,
author of "Archaeological Tour in Mexico."
Prof. CHARLES RAU,
Curator of Archaeological Department of Smithsonian Institution.
ALEXANDER WINCHELL, LL.D.,
Professor of Geology and Paleontology,
University of Michigan.
CYRUS THOMAS, PH.D.,
Of the Bureau of Ethnology.
G. F. WRIGHT,
Of the United States Geological Survey,
Professor in Theological Seminary, Oberlin, Ohio.
NASHVILLE:
CENTRAL PUBLISHING HOUSE,
1885.
Copyright by
FERGUSON, ALLEN, AND RADER, 1885.
END OF TITLE***********************
The Prehistoric World: or, Vanished Races
by E. A. Allen
Processed by D.R. Thompson
drthom@ihug.co.nz
PREFACE
In this volume the author has sought to lay before the reader a
description of life and times lying beyond the light of history.
This is indeed an extensive subject, and calls for some
explanation, both as to the general design of the work and what
steps have been taken to secure correct information.
History is a word of varied import. In general, when we talk
about history, we mean those accounts of past events, times, and
circumstances of which we have written records. Not necessarily
meaning alphabetical writing, because hieroglyphic records have
furnished much true history. Hieroglyphic writing, which long
preceded alphabetical writing, is itself a comparatively recent
art. In no country do we find any records carrying us further
back than a few thousand years before the Christian era. We have
every reason to believe that the historical part of man's life
on the globe is but an insignificant part of the whole.
This historic period is not the same in all countries. It varies
from a few centuries in our own country to a few thousands of
years in Oriental lands. In no country is there a hard and fast
line separating the historic period from the prehistoric. In the
dim perspective of years the light gradually fades away, the
mist grows thicker and thicker before us, and we at last find
ourselves face to face with the unknown past.
This extensive period of time is not, however, utterly lost to
us. We have simply to gather our information in some other way.
Enthusiastic explorers, digging beneath the ashes of Vesuvius,
have brought to light the remains of an entombed city. Of this
city we indeed have historic records, but even if all such
records had long since disappeared, we would gather much
information as to the nationality of the inhabitants, their
customs, and manners, by a simple inspection of the relics
themselves. Everywhere over the earth, entombed beneath the feet
of the living, or crumbling on the surface, are the few relics
of a past far antedating the relics of Pompeii. They are the
proofs positive that some people inhabited the land in far
away times.
Our object is to gather together the conclusions of the
scientific world as to primitive man. We wish to see how far
back in the geological history of the globe we can find evidence
of man's existence, and we desire to learn his surroundings and
the manner of his life. There can be no more important field
than for us to thus learn of the past. To read the story of
primitive man, to walk with him the earth in ages long ago, with
him to wage war on the huge animals of a previous epoch, to
recede with him before the relentless march of the ice of the
Glacial Age, to watch his advance in culture, to investigate
whether there are any races of men now living which are the
direct descendants of this primeval man.
The author makes no claims to original investigations.
He trusts, however, it will not be considered impertinent for a
mere loiterer in the vestibule of the temple of science to
attempt to lay before others the results of the investigations
of our eminent scholars. He has endeavored faithfully to perform
this task. As far as possible technical language has been
avoided. This is because he has written not for the
distinctively scientific men, but rather for the farmer, the
mechanic, and the man of business. Constant references are made
to the authorities consulted. The reader his a right to know who
vouches for the statements made in the text.
The pleasantest part of an author's duty is to return thanks for
assistance. After the manuscript was prepared with what care
could be bestowed on it, it was determined to submit it to some
of our best American scholars for criticism. Accordingly, each
of the gentlemen named on the title page were requested to
review one or more chapters. As far as possible, each one was
asked to review that chapter or chapters for which, either by
reason of the position they held, or the interest they were
known to take in such subjects, they would by common assent be
acknowledged as eminently fitted to sit in judgment. In justice
to them, it should he stated that they were not expected to
concern themselves with the literary merits or demerits of the
manuscript, but to criticise the scientific statements made
therein. To each and all of these gentlemen the author would
acknowledge his deep obligations.
We are indebted to Rev. J. P. MacLean, the well-known
archaeologist, both for many valuable suggestions, and for the
use of wood-cuts on pages 60, 138 and 396. We are also under
obligation to Rev. S. D. Peet, editor of the American
Antiquarian, for cuts illustrative of the effigy mounds of
Wisconsin. The officials of the Smithsonian Institution, and the
Bureau of Ethnology have our thanks for many cuts, for which
credit is given them throughout the work.
Finally, the author wishes to say that it was the intention to
make this work the joint production of the author and his
partner, Mr. S. C. Ferguson, but before any progress was made it
was deemed advisable to change the programme. While the literary
work has all been performed by the author, the many details
necessarily connected with the publication of a book were
attended to by Mr. Ferguson.
E. A. ALLEN.
Cincinnati, January 1, 1885.
END OF PREFACE**************************
The Prehistoric World: or, Vanished Races
by E. A. Allen
Processed by D.R. Thompson
drthom@ihug.co.nz
CONTENTS
Chapter I.
INTRODUCTION.
Difficulties of the subject--Lesson to be learned--The pursuit
of knowledge--Recent advances--Prehistoric past of the Old
World--Of the New--Of Mexico and the South--The Isles of the
Pacific--Similar nature of the relics--The wonders of the
present age--History of popular opinion on this subject--
The teachings of the Bible--Nature of the evidence of man's
antiquity--The steps leading up to this belief--Geology--
Astronomy--Unfolding of life--Nature of our inquiry.
Chapter II.
EARLY GEOLOGICAL PERIODS.
Necessity of a general acquaintance with the outlines of
Geology--A time in which no life was possible on the globe--
Length of this period--History of life commences at the close of
this period--On the formation of rocks--The record imperfect--
The three great periods in animal life on the globe--Paleozoic
Age--Animal and vegetable life of this period--Ideal scenes in
this period--The Mesozoic Age--Animal and vegetable life of this
period--Advance noted--Abundance of reptilian life--First
appearance of birds--Nature's methods of work--the Cenozoic Age
Geological outline--Sketch of the Eocene Age--Of the Miocene
Age--What is sufficient proof of the presence of man--
Discussion on the Thenay flints--The Pliocene Age--Animal and
vegetable life of this age--Was man present during this age?--
Discussion of this subject--Summing up of the evidence--
Conclusion.
Chapter III.
MEN OF THE RIVER DRIFT.
Beginning of the Glacial Age--Interglacial Age--Man living
in Europe during this age--Map of Europe--Proof of former
elevation of land--The animals living in Europe during this age
--Conclusions drawn from these different animals--The vegetation
of this period--Different climatic conditions of Europe during
the Glacial Age--Proofs of the Glacial Age--Extent of Glacial
Ice--Evidence of warm Interglacial Age--The primitive state of
man--Early English civilization--Views of Horace--Primitive man
destitute of metals--Order in which different materials were
used by man for weapons--Evidence from the River Somme--History
of Boucher De Perthes's investigations. Discussion of the
subject--Antiquity of these remains--Improvement during the
Paleolithic Age--Description of the flint implements--Other
countries where these implements are found--What race of men
were these tribes--The Canstadt race--Mr. Dawkins's views--When
did they first appear in Europe? The authorities on this
question--Conclusion.
Chapter IV.
CAVE-MEN.
Other sources of information--History of cave explorations--The
formation of caves--Exploration in Kent's Cavern--Evidence of
two different races--The higher culture of the later race--
Evidence of prolonged time--Exploration of Robin Hood
Cave--Explorations in Valley of the River Meuse--M. Dupont's
conclusions--Explorations in the Valley of the Dordogne--The
station at Schussenreid--Cave-men not found south of the Alps--
Habitations of the Cave-men--Cave-men were hunters--methods of
cooking--Destitute of the potter's art--Their weapons--Clothing
--Their skill in drawing--Evidence of a government--Of a
religious belief--Race of the Cave-men--Distinet from the Men of
the Drift--Probable connection with the Eskimos.
Chapter V.
ANTIQUITY OF THE PALEOLITHIC AGE.
Interest in the Antiquity of man--Connected with the Glacial
Age--The subject difficult--Proofs of a Glacial Age--State of
Greenland to-day--The Terminal Moraine--Appearance of the North
Atlantic--Interglacial Age--Causes of the Glacial Age--Croll's
Theory--Geographical causes--The two theories not antagonistic--
The date of the Glacial Age--Probable length of the Paleolithic
Age--Time Since the close of the Glacial Age--Summary
of results.
Chapter VI.
THE NEOLITHIC AGE IN EUROPE.
Close of the first cycle--Neolithic culture connected with the
present--No links between the two ages--Long lapse of time
between the two ages--Swiss lake villages--This form of villages
widely scattered--Irish cranogs--Fortified villages--Implements
and weapons of Neolithic times--Possessed of pottery--Neolithic
agriculture--Possessed of domestic animals--Danish shell-heaps--
Importance of flint--The art of navigation--Neolithic clothing--
Their mode of burial--The question of race--Possible remnants--
Connection with the Turanian race--Arrival of the Celts.
Chapter VII.
THE BRONZE AGE IN EUROPE.
Races of Men, like Individuals--Gradual change of Neolithic Age
to that of Bronze--The Aryan family--First Aryans Neolithic--
Origin of Bronze--How Great discoveries are made--Gold the first
metal--Copper abundant--No Copper Age--The discovery of Tin--
Explanation of an Alloy--Bronze, wherever found, the same
composition--What is meant by the Bronze Age--Knowledge in other
directions--Gradual Growth of Culture--Three Centers of Bronze
production--Habitations during the Bronze Age--The Bronze Ax--
Implements of Bronze--Personal ornaments--Ornaments not always
made of Bronze--Advance in Arts of living--Advance in
Agriculture--Warlike Weapons--How they worked Bronze--Advance in
Government--Trade in the Bronze Age--Religion of the Bronze Age
--Symbolical figures--Temples of the Bronze Age--Stonehenge.
Chapter VIII.
THE IRON AGE IN EUROPE.
Bronze not the best metal--Difficulties attending the discovery
of Iron--Probable steps in this discovery--Where this discovery
was first made--Known in Ancient Egypt--How this knowledge would
spread--Iron would not drive out Bronze--The primitive Iron-
worker--The advance in government--Pottery and ornaments of the
Iron Age--Weapons of early Iron Age--The battle-field of
Tilfenau--Trade of early Iron Age--Invention of Money--Invention
of Alphabetic Writing--Invasion of the Germanic Tribes--The
cause of the Dark Ages--Connection of these three ages--
Necessity of believing in an Extended Past--Attempts to
determine the same--Tiniere Delta--Lake Bienne--British
Fen-lands--Maximum and Minimum Data--Mr. Geikie's conclusions--
The Isolation of the paleolithic Age.
Chapter IX.
EARLY MAN IN AMERICA.
Conflicting accounts of the American Aborigines--Recent
discoveries--Climate of California in Tertiary Times--Geological
changes near its close--Description of Table Mountain--Results
of the discoveries there--The Calaveras skull--Other relics--
Discussion of the question--Early Californians Neolithic--
Explanation of this--Date of the Pliocene Age--Other discoveries
bearing on the Antiquity of man--Dr. Koch's discovery--
Discoveries in the Loess of Nebraska--In Greene County, Ill.--
In Georgia--Difficulties in detecting a Paleolithic Age in this
country--Dr. Abbott's discoveries--Paleolithic Implements of the
Delaware--Age of the deposits--The race of Paleolithic man--
Ancestors of the Eskimos--Comparison of Paleolithic Age in this
country with that in Europe--Eskimos one of the oldest races in
the World.
Chapter X.
THE MOUND BUILDERS.
Meaning of "Mound Builders"--Location of Mound Building tribes--
All Mounds not the work of men--Altar Mounds--Objects found on
the Altars--Altar Mounds possibly burial Mounds--Burial
Mounds--Mounds not the only Cemeteries of these tribes--Terraced
Mounds--Cahokia Mound--Historical notice of a group of Mounds--
The Etowal group--Signal Mounds--Effigy Mounds--How they
represented diiterent animals--Explanation of the Effigy Mounds
--Effigy Mounds in other localities--Inclosures of the Scioto
Valley--At Newark, Ohio--At Marietta, Ohio--Graded Ways--
Fortified Inclosures--Ft. Ancient, Ohio--Inclosures of Northern
Ohio--Works of unknown import--Ancient Canals in Missouri--
Implements and Weapons of Stone--Their knowledge of Copper--
Ancient mining--Ornamental pipes--Their knowledge of pottery--
Of Agriculture--Government and Religion--Hard to distinguish
them from the Indians.
Chapter XI.
THE PUEBLO COUNTRY.
Description of the Pueblo Country--Historical outline--
Description of Zuni--Definition of a Pueblo--Old Zuni--
Inscription Rock--Pueblo of Jemez--Historical notice of Pecos
--Description of the Moqui tribes--The Estufa--Description of
the San Juan country--Aztec Springs--In the Canyon of the
McElmo--The Ruins on the Rio Mancos--On Hovenweep Creek--
Description of a Cliff-house--Cliff Town--Cave Houses--Ruins on
the San Juan--Cave Town--The Significance of Cliff-houses--
Moqui traditions--Ruins in Northern New Mexico--Ruins in the
Chaco Canyon--Pueblo Bonito--Ruins in South-western Arizona--
The Rio Verde Valley--Casa Grande--Ruins on the Gila--Culture of
the Pueblo Tribes--Their Pottery--Superiority of the Ancient
pottery--Conclusion.
Chapter XII.
THE PREHISTORIC AMERICANS.
Different views on this Subject--Modern System of Government--
Ancient System of Government--Tribal Government universal in
North America--The Indians not Wandering Nomads--Indian houses
Communal in character--Indian Methods of Defense--Mandan
Villages--Indians sometimes erected Mounds--Probable Government
of the Mound Builders--Traditions of the Mound Builders among
the Iroquois--Among the Delawares--Probable fate of the Mound
Builders--The Natchez Indians possibly a remnant of the Mound
Builders--Their early Traditions--Lines of resemblance between
the Pueblo Tribes and the Mound Builders--The origin of the
Indians--America Inhabited by the Indians from a very early
time--Classification of the Indian Tribes--Antiquity of the
Indian Tribes.
Chapter XIII.
THE NAHUA TRIBES.
Early Spanish discoveries in Mexico--The Nahua tribes defined--
Climate of Mexico--The Valley of Anahuac--Ruins at Tezcuco--The
Hill of Tezcocingo--Ruins at Teotihuacan--Ancient Tulla--Ruins
in the Province of Querataro--Casa Grandes in Chihuahua--Ancient
remains in Sinaloa--Fortified Hill of Quemada--The Pyramid of
Cholula--Fortified Hill at Xochicalco--Its probable use--Ruins
at Monte Alban--Ancient remains at Mitla--Mr. Bandelier's
investigations--Traditions in regard to Mitla--Ruins along the
Panuco River--Ruins in Vera Cruz--Pyramid of Papantla--Tusapan--
Character of Nahua Ruins.
Chapter XIV.
THE MAYA TRIBES.
The geographical location of the Maya tribes--Description of
Copan--Statue at Copan--Altar at Copan--Ruins at Quiriga--
Patinamit--Utatlan--Description of Palenque--The Palace at
Palenque--The Temple of the Three Inscriptions--Temple of the
Beau-relief--Temple of the Cross--Temple of the Sun--Maler's
Temple of the Cross--Significance of the Palenque crosses--
Statue at Palenque--Other ruins in Tobasco and Chiapas--Ruins in
Yucatan--Uxmal--The Governor's House--The Nunnery--Room in
Nunnery--The Sculptured Facades--Temple at Uxmal--Kabah--Zayi--
Labna--Labphak--Chichen-Itza--The Nunnery--The Castillo--The
Gymnasium--M. Le Plongon's researches--The tradition of the
Three Brothers--Chaac-Mal--Antiquity of Chichen-Itza.
Chapter XV.
THE CULTURE OF THE CIVILIZED TRIBES.
Different views on this question--Reasons for the same--Their
architecture--Different styles of houses--The communal
house--The teepan--The teocalli--State of society indicated by
this architecture--The gens among the Mexicans--The phratry
among the Mexicans--The tribe--The powers and duties of the
council--The head chiefs of the tribe--The duties of the
"Chief-of-men"--The mistake of the Spaniards--The Confederacy--
The idea of property among the Mexicans--The ownership of land--
Their laws--Enforcement of the laws--Outline of the growth of
the Mexicans in power--Their tribute system--How collected--
Their system of trade--Slight knowledge of metallurgy--Religion
--Quetzalcohuatl--Huitzilopochtli--Mexican priesthood--
Human sacrifice--The system of Numeration--The calendar system--
The Calendar Stone--Picture-writing--Landa Alphabet--
Historical outline.
Chapter XVI.
ANCIENT PERU.
First knowledge of Peru--Expeditions of Pizarro--Geography of
Peru--But a small part of it inhabitable--The tribes of ancient
Peru--How classified--Sources of our knowledge of Peru--
Garcillaso De La Vega--Origin of Peruvian civilization--The
Bolson of Cuzco--Historical outline--Their culture--Divided into
phratries and gentes--Government--Efforts to unite the various
tribes--Their system of colonies--The roads of the Incas--The
ruins of Chimu--The arts of the Chimu people--The manufacture of
Pottery--Excavation at Ancon--Ruins in the Huatica Valley--The
construction of a Huaca--The ruins at Pachacamac--The Valley of
the Canete--The Chincha Islands--Tiahuanuco--Carved gateway--The
Island of Titicaca--Chulpas--Aboriginal Cuzco--Temple of the
Sun--The Fortress--General remarks.
END OF CONTENTS*****************
The Prehistoric World: or, Vanished Races
by E. A. Allen
Processed by D.R. Thompson
drthom@ihug.co.nz
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
1. Pyramids and Sphinx.
2. Paleozoic Forest.
3. The Pterodactyl.
4. Ichthyosauri.
5. The Labyrinthodon.
6. The Paleotherium.
7. Miocene Mammals.
8. Cut Bones of a Whale.
9. Mastodon.
10. Map of Europe.
11. Scratched Stone.
12. Interglacial Bed.
13. Paleolithic Flints.
14. Flint Implements.
15. Section of Gravel-pit.
16. Paleolithic Flint, England.
17. Flint Flakes.
18. Spear-head Type.
19. Hatchet Type.
20. Neanderthal Man.
21. Gailenreuth.
22. Spear-head, Lower Breccia, Kent's Cavern.
23. Spear-head, Cave-earth, Kent's Cavern.
24. Flake, Cave-earth, Kent's Cavern.
25. Harpoon, Pin, Awl, and Needle, Kent's Cavern.
26. Robin Hood Cave.
27. Horse incised on Piece of Rib.
28. Bone Implements, Cresswell Crags.
29. Bone Implements, Dordogne Caves.
30. Rock Shelter, Bruniquel.
31. Whale and Seal incised on Bone.
32. Cave-bear incised on Slate.
33. Glove incised on Bear's Tooth.
34. Reindeer grazing.
35. Group of Reindeers.
36. Man, and other Animals.
37. Fish incised on Bear's Tooth.
38. Ibex.
39. Mammoth, La Madeline Cave, France.
40. Reindeer carved on Dagger Handle.
41. Flower on Reindeer's Horn.
42. Ornamented Reindeer Horn, use unknown.
43. Eskimo Art.
44. The Mammoth.
45. Antarctic Ice-sheet.
46. Earth's Orbit.
47. Lake Village.
48. Foundation Lake Village.
49. Irish Cranogs.
50. Fortified Camp, Cissbury.
51. Neolithic Axes.
52. Neolithic Weapons.
53. Ax in Sheath.
54. Hafted Hatchet in Sheath.
55. Sheath with two Hatchets.
56. Chisels in Sheath.
57. Horn Hoe.
58. Miner's Pick.
59. Polishing Stone.
60. Neolithic Boat-making.
61. Neolithic Cloth.
62. Spindle Whorl.
63. Weaver's Comb.
64. Chambered Burial Mound.
65. Dolmen, England.
66. Dolmen, France.
67. Dolmen once covered with Earth.
68. Menhir.
69. Stone Circle, England.
70. Chambered Tomb, France.
71. Bronze Axes, first Form.
72. Bronze Axes, second Form.
73. Bronze Axes, third Form.
74. Chisel.
75. Hammer.
76. Bronze Knives.
77. Crescent, use unknown.
78. Bracelet.
79. Hair-pin.
80. Bronze Pendants.
81. Necklace and Beads.
82. Ornamental Designs.
83. Bronze Sickle.
84. Clay Vessel and Support.
85. Bronze Weapons.
86. Mold.
87. Burial Mound.
88. Avebury Restored.
89. Stonehenge Restored.
90. Ancient Tower, Scotland.
91. Ornaments.
92. Gold Ornament.
93. Swords.
94. Ornamental Sword-sheath.
95. Lance-head and Javelin.
96. Shields.
97. Gallic Coins.
98. Imaginary Section of Table Mountain.
99. Calaveras Skull.
100. Implement found in Loess.
101. Spear-shaped Paleolithic Implement.
102. Paleolithic Implement, Argillite.
103. Stone Implement.
104. Mound Prairie.
105. Mound and Circle.
106. Altar Mound.
107. Plan and Section of Altar.
108. Burial Mounds.
109. Burial Mounds.
110. Grave Creek Mound.
111. Cross-section St. Louis Mound.
112. Terraced Mound.
113. Elevated Square, Marietta.
114. Cahokia Mound.
115. Temple Mound inclosed in a Circle.
116. Etowah Mound, Georgia.
117. Hill Mounds.
118. Miamisburg Mound.
119. Effigy Mounds.
120. Elephant Mound.
121. Emblematic Mounds.
122. Grazing Elks--Fox in the distance.
123. Eagle Mound.
124. Hawks and Buffaloes.
125. Goose and Duck.
126. Turtle.
127. Salamander and Muskrat.
128. Man-shaped Mound.
129. Emblematic Mound Inclosure.
130. Bird Mound surrounded by a Stone Circle.
131. The Big Serpent Mound.
132. The Alligator Mound.
133. High Bank Works.
134. Square and Circle Embankment.
135. Square inscribed in a Circle.
136. Circle and Ditch.
137. Mound Builders' Works, Newark, Ohio.
138. Eagle Mound.
139. Gateway of Octagon.
140. Observatory Mound.
141. Works at Marietta, Ohio.
142. Graded Way, Piketon, Ohio.
143. Fortified Hill, Hamilton, Ohio.
144. Fort Ancient, Ohio.
145. Fortified Headland.
146. Inclosure, Northern Ohio.
147. Square Inclosure, Northern Ohio.
148. Sacrificial Pentagon.
149. Festival Circle.
150. Crescent Works.
151. Triangular Works.
152. Arrow Points.
153. Ax found in a Mound.
154. Weapons of Stone from Tennessee.
155. Copper Ax.
156. Copper Bracelets.
157. Ancient Mine, Michigan.
158. Sculptured Face.
159. Face of a Female.
160. Beaver.
161. Otter.
162. Birds on Pipes.
163. Group of Clay Vessels.
164. Bowls with Human Faces.
165. Water Cooler.
166. Pottery Vessels.
167. Agricultural Implements.
168. Idols.
169. Map of the Pueblo Country.
170. Zuni.
171. Ground Plan.
172. End View.
173. Old Zuni.
174. Inscription Rock.
175. Wolpi.
176. Watch Tower.
177. Ruins at Aztec Springs.
178. Ruins in the McElmo Canyon.
179. Tower on the Rio Mancos
180. Ruins in the Havenweep Canyon.
181. Two-storied House in the Mancos Canyon.
182. View of the Cliff in which the House is Situated.
183. Plan of the House.
184. Doorway of the House.
185. Room of the House.
186. Cliff Town, Rio Mancos.
187. Caves Used as Houses, Rio Mancos.
188. Ruins in the San Juan Canyon.
189. Cave Town.
190. Battle Rock, McElmo Canyon.
191. Restoration of Pueblo Bonito.
192. Plan of Pueblo Bonito.
193. Different Styles of Masonry.
194. Room in Pueblo Bonito.
195. Casa Grandes, on the Gila.
196. Indented and Corrugated Ware.
197. Painted Ware.
198. Long House of the Iroquois.
199. Stockaded Onondaga Village.
200. Pomelock.
201. Mandan Village.
202. Ruins near the La Platte, Valley of the San Juan.
203. Stone Mask, found in Tennessee.
204. Map of Mexico.
205. Bas-relief Tezcuco.
206. Montezuma's Bath.
207. Aqueduct, Tezcocingo.
208. Teotihuacan.
209. Casas Grandes.
210. Quemada.
211. Pyramid of Cholula.
212. Xochicalco.
213. Enlarged View of the Ruins.
214. Wall at Mitla.
215. Ornamentation at Mitla.
216. Hall at Mitla.
217. Papantla.
218. Tusapan.
219. Map of Central America.
220. Ruins of Copan.
221. Statue, Copan.
222. Statue, Copan.
223. Hieroglyphics, Top of Altar.
224. Bas-relief, East Side of Altar.
225. Portrait, Copan.
220. Plan of Palenque.
227. General View of Palace, Palenque.
228. Cross-section of Palace, Palenque.
229. Trefoil Arch.
230. Entrance to Principal Court.
231. Stone Tablet.
232. Palace, Palenque.
233. Ruined Temple of the Three Tablets.
234. Elevation Temple of the Three Tablets.
235. The Beau-relief.
236. Temple of the Cross.
237. Tablet of the Cross.
238. The Sun.
239. Maler's Cross.
240. Statue, Palenque.
241. Bas-relief, on the left hand of the Altar of the Cross.
242. Plan of Uxmal.
243. The Governor's House, Uxmal.
244. Two-headed Monument, Uxmal.
245. End View.
246. Ground Plan.
247. Figure Over the Doorway.
248. Ornament Over the Doorway.
249. Elephant's Trunk.
250. Plan of Nunnery.
251. Room in Nunnery.
252. Facade, Southern Building.
253. Facade, Eastern Building.
254. Serpent Facade, Western Building.
255. Temple, Uxmal.
256. Arch, Kabah.
257. Zayi.
258. Plan of Zayi.
259. Gateway at Labna.
260. Castillo, Chichen-Itza.
261. Gymnasium at Chichen-Itza.
262. Ring.
263. Building at end of Gymnasium.
264. Painted Stucco Work.
265. Queen Consulting the H-men.
266. Chaac-Mol.
267. Bearded Itza.
268. Arizona Ruin.
269. Tribute Sheet.
270. Yucatan Axes.
271. Carpenter's Ax.
272. Mexican Carpenter.
273. Copper Tool.
274. Huitzilopochtli.
275. Mexican Numeration Signs.
276. Maya and Mexican Day Signs.
277. Maya Months.
278. Calendar Stone.
279. Sign of Rain.
280. Sign of a Cycle.
281. Indian Picture-writing.
282. Chapultepec.
283. Amen.
284. Historical Sheet.
285. Chilapi Tribute.
286. Child-training.
287. Migration Chart.
288. Landa Alphabet.
289. Maya T.
290. Maya Picture-writing.
291. Hieroglyphics, Tablet of the Cross.
292. Map of Peru.
293. Fortress, Huatica Valley.
294. Ruins at Pachacamac.
295. Relics from Guano Deposits.
296. Burial Towers.
297. Palace.
298. Section of Palace Walls.
299. Ornamentation on Walls.
300 Adobe Ornament.
301 Gold and Silver Vases.
302. Bronze Knives and Tweezers.
303. Water-jar.
304. Water-jars from Ancon.
305. Cloth Found in Grave.
306. Wall in Huatica Valley.
307. Burial Mound, or Huaca.
308. Fortress Mound.
309. Temple Wall.
310. Fortress, Huatica Valley.
311. General View of Pachacamac.
312. View of the Temple.
313. Relics from Graves at Pachacamac.
314. Relics found Buried in Guano Deposits.
315. Prehistoric Pottery-ware.
316. Silver Cylinder-head.
317. Terrace Wall, Tiahuanuco.
318. Method of Joining Stones, Tiahuanuco.
319. Gateway, Tiahuacuno.
320. Ruins on the Island of Titicaca.
321. Ruins, Island of Coati.
322. Burial Tower.
323. Terrace Wall at Cuzco.
324. Temple of the Sun.
325. Fortress Wall.
326. Section Fortress Wall.
327. Quippos.
ENGRAVINGS
1. Cliff Houses, Rio Mancos Canyon.
2. Engraved Title Page.
3. Paleozoic Forest.
4. Rock Shelter at Bruniquel.
5. Antarctic Ice Sheet.
6. Lake Village, Switzerland.
7. Pueblo of Zuny.
8. Cliff-town, Rio Mancos.
9. Restoration of Pueblo Bonito.
10. Painted Pueblo Pottery.
11. Pyramid of Cholula.
12. Copan Statue.
13. General View of Palace.
14. Bas-relief on the left-hand of the Altar of the Cross.
15. Plan of Uxmal.
16. The Governor's House, Uxmal.
17. Room in Nunnery.
18. Zayi.
19. Castillo, Chichen-Itza.
20. Tribute Sheet.
21. Huitzilopochtli.
22. Calendar Stone.
23. Historical Sheet.
24. Pachacamac.
END OF LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS****************
The Prehistoric World: or, Vanished Races
by E. A. Allen
Processed by D.R. Thompson
drthom@ihug.co.nz
THE PREHISTORIC WORLD--Chapter I
Thou unrelenting Past!
Strong are the barriers round thy dark domain--
And fetters, sure and fast,
Hold all that enter thy unbreathing reign.
Far in thy realm, withdrawn,
Old empires sit in sullenness and gloom;
And glorious ages, gone,
Lie deep within the shadow of thy womb.
Full many a mighty name
Lurks in thy depths, unuttered, unrevered:
With thee are silent fame,
Forgotten arts, and wisdom disappeared.
W. C. BRYANT
Chapter I
INTRODUCTION.
Difficulties of the subject--Lesson to be learned--The pursuit
of knowledge--Recent Advances--Prehistoric past of the Old
World--Of the New--Of Mexico and the South--The Isles of the
Pacific--Similar nature of the relics--The wonders of the
present age--History of popular Opinion on this subject--The
teachings of the Bible--Nature of the evidence of man's
antiquity--Geology--Astronomy--Unfolding of life--Nature of
our inquiry.
Who can read the book of the past? Who can tell us the story of
Creation's morn? It is, not written in history, neither does it
live in tradition. There is mystery here; but it is hid by the
darkness of bygone ages. There is a true history here, but we
have not learned well the alphabet used. Here are doubtless
wondrous scenes; but our stand-point is removed by time so vast,
the mist of years is so thick before us, that only the ruder
outlines can be determined. The delicate tracery, the body of
the picture, are hidden from our eye. The question as to the
antiquity and primitive history of man, is full of interest in
proportion as the solution is beset with difficulties. We
question the past; but only here and there a response is heard.
Surely bold is he who would attempt, from the few data at hand,
to reconstruct the history of times and people so far removed.
We quickly become convinced that many centuries, and tens of
centuries, have rolled away since man's first appearance on the
earth. We become impressed with the fact, "that multitudes of
people have moved over the surface of the Earth, and sunk into
the night of oblivion, without leaving a trace of their
existence: without a memorial through which we might have at
least learned their names."<1>
To think of ourselves, is to imagine for our own nation an
immortality. We are so great, so strong, surely nothing can move
us. Let us learn humility from the past: and when, here and
there, we come upon some reminder of a vanished people, trace
the proofs of a teeming population in ancient times, and recover
somewhat of a history, as true and touching as any that poets
sing, let us recognize the fact, that nations as well as
individuals pass away and are forgotten.
The past guards its secret well. To learn of it we must seek new
methods of inquiry. Discouraged by the difficulties in the way,
many have supposed it hidden from the present by a veil which
only thickens as time passes. In the remains of prehistoric
times they have failed to recognize the pages of history.
They saw only monuments of ancient skill and perseverance:
interesting sketches, not historical portraits. Some writers
have held that we must give up the story of the past, "whether
fact or chronology, doctrine or mythology--whether in Europe,
Asia, Africa, or America--at Thebes, or Palenque--on Lycian
shore, or Salisbury plain--lost is lost and gone is gone for
evermore." Such is the lament of a gifted writer,<2> amongst the
first to ponder over the mysteries of the past. At the present
day, with better means at hand, a more hopeful view is taken.
But here a caution is necessary; for, in attempting to
reconstruct the history of primitive times, such is the interest
which it inspires, that many allow imagination to usurp the
place of research, and write in terms too glowing
for history.<3>
The human mind is sleepless in the pursuit of knowledge. It is
ever seeking new fields of conquest. It must advance: with it,
standing still is the precursor of defeat. If necessary it
invents new methods of attack, and rests not until it gains its
objective point, or demonstrates the hopelessness of its quest.
The world needs but be informed that on a given point knowledge
is dim and uncertain, when there are found earnest minds
applying to the solution of the mystery all the energies of
their natures. All the resources of science are brought to bear;
every department of knowledge is made to contribute of its
store: and soon a mass of facts is established and a new science
is added to the department of human knowledge.
Thus, with our knowledge of prehistoric times, what so seemingly
vain as to attempt to roll back the flight of time, and learn
the condition of primeval man? All the light of ancient history
makes but little impression on the night of time. By its aid we
can but dimly see the outlines of the fortieth century back;
beyond is gloom soon lost in night. But a few short years ago,
men did not think it possible to gain further information.
With the materials at hand this could not be done. The triumph
of the intellect was simply delayed, not hopelessly repulsed.
Geology was but just beginning to make good its claim to a place
among the sciences. This unfolded to man the physical history of
the world as read from the rocks, and deals with times so vast
and profound that we speak no longer of years, but of ages.
And with the aid of Geology grand secrets were wrung from the
past, and new light was thrown on the manners and customs of
primitive man. Thus the foundation for still another science was
laid, called Archaeology, or the science of Human Antiquities.
These two sister sciences are the keys by whose aid we have not
only acquired much information of a past that seemed a hopeless
enigma--but, as Columbus on the waste of waters could perceive
traces of land as yet invisible, so can the present seekers
after knowledge trace the signs of a satisfactory solution of
many of the great questions relating to the origin and history
of the vanished races of mankind.
In whatever land we commence our investigations, we quickly come
upon the evidences of an ancient life long antedating all
historical information. Ancient Egypt has been a fruitful theme
for the antiquarians pen. The traveler has moralized over the
ruins of her past greatness, and many pointed illustrations of
national growth and decay have been drawn from her history.
Here was the seat of an ancient civilization, which was in the
zenith of its power many centuries before Christ. The changes
that have passed over the earth since that time are far more
wonderful than any ascribed to the wand of the magician.
Nations have come and gone, and the land of the Pharaohs has
become an inheritance for strangers; new sciences have enriched
human life, and the fair structure of modern civilization has
arisen on the ruins of the past. Many centuries, with their
burden of human hopes and fears, have sped away into the past,
since "Hundred-gated Thebes" sheltered her teeming population,
where now are but a mournful group of ruins. Yet to-day, far
below the remorseless sands of her desert, we find the rude
flint-flakes that require us to carry back the time of man's
first appearance in Egypt to a past so remote that her stately
ruins become a thing of yesterday in comparison to them.
In the New World, mysterious mounds and gigantic earth-works
arrest our attention. Here we find deserted mines, and there we
can trace the sites of ancient camps and fortifications.
The Indians of the prairies seem to be intruders on a fairer
civilization. We find here evidences of a teeming population.
In the presence of their imposing ruins, we can not think that
nomadic savages built them. They give evidences rather of a
people having fixed habitations and seem to imply the possession
of a higher civilization than that of the Indians.
These questions demand solution; but how shall we solve the
problem? Save here and there a deserted camp, or a burial mound,
containing perhaps articles of use or adornment, all traces have
vanished. Their earth-works and mounds are being rapidly leveled
by the plow of modern times, and the scholar of the future can
only learn from books of their mysterious builders. In Mexico,
and farther south, we find the ruins of great cities. To the
student of antiquity, these far surpass in interest the ruined
cities of the Nile or Euphrates valley. Babylon of old, with its
walls, towers, and pleasure resorts, was indeed wonderful.
In our own land cities, if not as ancient, yet fallen in more
picturesque ruin, reward the labors of the explorer.
Uxmal, Copan, and Palenque, invite our attention. Here are
hieroglyphics in abundance, but no Rosetta Stone supplies the
key by whose aid a Champollion can unravel the mystery.
The luxuriant vegetative growth of the tropics, with its fierce
storms, is every year hastening the obliteration of these ruins,
and we must improve the time well, if we would learn from them
what they have to say of the past.
The isles of the Pacific give evidence that, long before the
dawn of authentic history, man lived there. Indeed, as the
islands which gem that ocean, from their configuration and
position, seem to be but the elevated plateaus and mountain
peaks of a continent that has gone down beneath the blue wave of
the Pacific, so, throughout Polynesia can be traced the
fragmentary remains of a civilization, the greater portion of
which has been completely buried by the waters of oblivion,
leaving only here and there a trace to reconstruct, if we can,
the entire structure.
The earliest remains of man are very similar in all lands.
They consist of weapons of war and of the chase, implements of
domestic use, and articles of personal adornment. Few and simple
as they are, they are capable of imparting useful information as
to early times. By their aid we become eye-witnesses of the
daily life of primitive man. We learn that though lacking in
almost every thing we consider essential for comfort and
happiness, yet they were actuated by much the same hopes and
fears as the men of the present age. The great burden of life
was the same then as now. There was the same round of daily
labor made necessary by the same ceaseless struggle for
existence. Rude forts and warlike implements show there was the
same encroachment of the strong on the weak as now.
This is a wonderful age in many respects. In none, however, more
wonderful than in the wide-spread diffusion of knowledge.
The ordinary people now understand more of nature's secrets than
the wise men of old. They are to-day interested in researches
that a former generation would have relegated to the scholar and
the man of leisure. No department of knowledge is retained for
the researches of a favored few. The farmer, the mechanic, and
the man of business are alike interested in a knowledge of
prehistoric times. The rude implements of the past appeal to the
curiosity of all. We arise from a study of the past with clearer
ideas of man's destiny. Impressed with the great advancement in
man's condition from the rude savagery of the drift, to the
enlightened civilization of to-day, what may we not hope the
advancement will be during the countless ages we believe a
beneficent Providence has in store for his creature, man?
A history of the popular opinion of the antiquity of man is not
only of interest, but should teach a lesson to all who think
others are wrong because not holding the same views as they do.
Hardly fifty years have passed since scientific men began to
attribute to the human race an antiquity more remote than that
assigned them by history and tradition. At first these views met
with general opposition, much as did the theory of the present
system of astronomy when it was first proclaimed. We laugh now
at the ignorant fear's and prejudices used to combat both.
It was claimed that the Bible taught that man had lived on the
globe scarcely six thousand years. The Bible is the book to
which the Anglo-Saxon mind clings with the greatest reverence.
The memories of childhood are associated with its pages, and its
very appearance recalls the prayers of long ago. It is not
strange then that the Christian world guards with jealous care
against any thing which may be thought to weaken the force of
its statements.
But it is human nature to go to extremes: and, when we give our
support to one way of thinking, we find it difficult to be
patient with those of the contrary opinion.
Now, the researches of some of the most eminent men and learned
divines have amply shown, that there are no data given in the
Scriptures on which to base an estimate as to the antiquity of
man. Happily the Christian mind no longer shrinks from the
conclusions reached by the scientist: and, indeed, it is the
contemplation of the stupendous periods of Geological times, and
the infinite greatness of the works of Creation as disclosed by
Astronomy, with the extreme lowness of man's first condition as
made evident by Archaeology, that lend new force to the words,
"What is man, that thou art mindful of him!"
The evidences on which we predicate an extreme antiquity for man
are necessarily cumulative. It is not from one source alone that
we obtain information, but from many. Eminent men in nearly
every department of knowledge have lent their aid to the
elucidation of this subject. It can only be understood by those
who will fairly weigh the facts that modern discoveries have
unrolled before their eyes. There are many who have not done
this, and are consequently unable to project their mental vision
so far back into the very night of time, as is now demanded for
the beginning of man's first appearance on the earth.
And, indeed, so enormously has this period been extended--so far
back does it require us to go--that even the most enlightened
investigator may well recoil in dismay when he first perceives
the almost infinite lapse of years that are required by his
calculation since the creation of man.
At this day the scholar must be ready to explain the steps by
which he reaches his conclusions. Not necessarily explaining the
minutiae of his journey hither, but the main outlines of his
course. This seems to call for a slight outline of Geology.
The animal and vegetable tribes which have come and gone upon
the earth, following each other like the shadows of passing
clouds on a Summer's day, have left their remains in the rocks
which at that time were forming. A close investigation of these
remains shows that they form the record book of nature, wherein
we are permitted to read somewhat of her secrets. This had long
been a sealed book to man; but science, as we have seen,
constantly extending her domain, at length taught him
the alphabet.
And the Geologist now unfolds the past age of our world with a
variety of detail, and a certainty of conclusion well calculated
to inspire us with grateful admiration.
It is no longer a question that many ages must have rolled away,
during which our world was totally unfit for life of any kind,
either animal or vegetable.
The nebular theory of Laplace, as modified by the modern
astronomers, so satisfactorily explains many of the phenomena of
the solar system, that it takes rank almost as a demonstrated
fact. According to the terms of this theory, our Earth, now so
dependent on the sun for light and warmth, was itself a glowing
orb, and as a bright star radiated its light and heat into
space. Grand conception, and probably true. It is now useless to
speculate as to how many cycles of almost infinite years had
begun and ended, before Earth's fading fires gave notice that
they must soon expire in night.
The stages through which the Earth passed in turn await the sun,
save that there is no further beneficent luminary to give him
light and heat: when time shall have quenched his fiery glow,
death and night shall reign supreme, where now is life
and light.
Time is long, and nature never hurries. She builds for infinite
years, and recks not the time of building. The human mind is far
too feeble to comprehend the duration of time that sped away and
was gone ere the slowly falling temperature of the Earth
admitted the formation of a crust over her surface. When that
came, the first great scene was closed. The star had expired,
the planet rolled in her annual course around the still glowing
central sun. Now came the formative age of the world, when the
great continents were outlined.
The atmosphere gradually freed itself from its weight of water-
vapor, the rains descended, and the ocean took form and contour.
We are concerned only with the outlines of Geology, not with its
details. It is full of the most interesting facts, but is
foreign to our present purpose. We will only say, there is a
marked progression in the scale and importance of life forms.
The lower forms of animals appear first to be followed in time
by the higher. It is true that some forms have survived through
all the changes of Geological time to the present: yet, speaking
generally, some forms of life are peculiar to each age, and the
general phase of animal life is different with each period.
They thus form epochs in the history of the world as read from
the rocks, and though the beginning and ending of each age may
blend by insensible gradations with that of the preceding and
following, yet, taken as a whole, we observe in each such
singularities of form and structure as to give name to each
particular age.
In the fullness of time man appears; and it is our pleasant task
to trace the evidence of his primitive state, his growth in
culture, and his advancement made before the dawn of history.
Our inquiry, then, is as to his prehistoric state. We use this
term in the same sense as Dr. Wilson uses it: that is, to
express the whole period disclosed to us by means of
archaeological evidence, as distinguished from what is known
through historical records. We can not doubt but that this
includes by far the largest portion of man's existence. The time
embraced within historical records, though different in
different portions of the world, is but a brief period in
comparison to the duration of time since he first went forth to
possess the Earth. If we can make plain to our readers that man
has lived in the world an extremely long time, going back indeed
to a former Geological age--that his first state was very low
and rude--that he has risen to his present high estate by means
of his own exertions continued through long ages--and from this
form a prophecy of a golden age to come in the yet distant
future, we shall feel that we have not written in vain.
Illustration of The Sphinx.------------
REFERENCES
(1) Von Hellwald: "Smithsonian Report," 1866.
(2) Palgrave,
(3) Lubbock: "Prehistoric Times," p. 2.
END OF CHAPTER I******************
The Prehistoric World: or, Vanished Races
by E. A. Allen
Processed by D.R. Thompson
drthom@ihug.co.nz
Chapter II
EARLY GEOLOGICAL PERIODS.<1>
Necessity of a general acquaintance with the outlines of
Geology--A time in which there was no life possible on the
globe--Length of this period--On the formation of rocks--The
record imperfect--The three great periods in animal life on the
globe--Paleozoic age--Animal and vegetable life of this period--
The Mesozoic age--Animal and vegetable life of this period--
Advance noted--Abundance of reptilian life--First appearance of
birds--Nature's methods of work--The Cenozoic age--Geological
outline--Sketch of the Eocene age--Of the Miocene age--What is
sufficient proof of the presence of man--Discussion of the
Thenay flints--The Pliocene age--Animal and vegetable life of
this age--Was man living during this age?--Discussion of this
subject--Summing up the evidence--Conclusion.
For a clear understanding of questions relating to early man, a
more or less extensive acquaintance with Geology is required.
This is by no means a difficult task to accomplish. What so
interesting as to understand at least the outlines of the
history of life on the globe? To see how, following a definite
plan, the vast continents have grown to their present size and
form; to see how animal and vegetable life have evolved
successively higher and higher forms; to see where in this
wondrous drama of creation, this strange unfolding of life, the
first faint, indecisive traces of man's presence are to be
found; to learn what great changes in climate, in Geogony, and
in life, had occurred before man's appearance, let us pass in
brief review the history of early geological periods.
As we have already stated, there must have been a very long
period of time during which no life was possible on the globe.
Of this era we know but little; for we find no strata of rocks
of an earlier date than we know life, in its simplest forms, to
have existed.<2> Still we are not less confident of the
existence of this era, and the mind can dimly comprehend the
scene, when a nearly shoreless ocean surged around the globe.<3>
As to the extent of time during which there was no life, we have
no means of determining. That it was almost infinitely long is
made apparent by the researches of eminent scholars on the
cooling of lava. Toward the close of this extended period of
time faint traces of life appear. Not life as we are apt to
think of it. No nodding flowers were kissed by the sunshine of
this early time. The earliest forms of flowerless plants, such
as sea-weeds, and in dry places possibly lichens covering the
rocks, were the highest forms of vegetable life. Animal life, if
present, for the fact is denied by some, occurs in the very
lowest form, merely structureless bodies, with no especial
organs of sense, or nutrition: and their motion consisting
simply in protruding and withdrawing hair-like processes.<4>
Such was the beginning of life. This vast period of time, which
includes the beginning, is known among geologists as
Archean time.
From the close of this age, the history of life properly
commences. It might be well to explain the means which the
geologist uses to interpret the history of the globe. It is now
understood that the forces of nature have always produced the
same results as they do now. From the very earliest time to the
present, rocks have been forming. There, where conditions were
favorable, great beds of limestone, formed from shells and
corals, ground up by the action of the sea<5>--in other places,
massive beds of sandstone or of sand, afterward consolidated
into sandstone--were depositing. On the land surface, in places,
great beds of vegetable debris were being converted into
coal. Now we can easily see how the remains of organic bodies,
growing at the time of the formation of these beds, should be
preserved in a fossil form. Limestone rocks are thickly studded
in places with all sorts of marine formations. Coal fields
reveal wonders of early vegetative growth. From sandstone rocks,
and shaly beds, we learn strange stories of animal life at the
time they were forming. From a careful study of these remains
together with the formation in which they occur, not only in one
locality but all over the earth, geologists have gradually
unfolded the history of life on the globe. It is admitted that,
at best, our knowledge in that direction is fragmentary.
This arises from errors in observation as well as that fossil
formations are rare, or at least localities where they are known
to exist are but few. So our knowledge of the past is as if we
were examining some record from which pages, chapters, and even
volumes, have been extracted.
Illustration of Paleozoic Forest---------------
In consequence of this imperfect record we can not, as yet,
trace a gradual successive growth from the low forms of animal
and plant, life, that characterized the closing period of
Archean time, to the highly organized types of the present.
The record suddenly ceases and when we again pick up the thread
we are surrounded by more advanced types, higher forms of life.
Though we may hope that future discoveries will do much toward
completing the records, we can not hope that they will ever
really be perfected. So, from our present stand-point, the
history of life on the globe falls naturally into three great
divisions.<6> This is no more than we might expect, when we
reflect that nature's laws are universal in their action, and
that the world, as a whole, has been subjected to the same set
of changes.
The period following on after Archean time is called, by
geologists, Paleozoic time.
During the long course of time embraced in this age, the forms
of life present wide differences from those of
existing time.
This period produced the great beds of coal we use to-day.
But the vegetation of the coal period would present strange
features to our eyes. The vegetation commenced with the lowest
orders of flowerless plants, such as sea-weeds; but, before it
was brought to a close, there was a wonderful variety and
richness of plants of the flowerless or Cryptogamic division.
In some of the warmest portions of the globe, we have to-day
tree-ferns growing four or five feet high. During the closing
part of the Paleozoic time, there were growing all over the
temperate zone great tree-ferns thirty feet or so in height.
Some varieties of rushes in our marshes, a foot or two in
height, had representatives in the marshes of the coal period
standing thirty feet high, and having woody trunks.<7> Near the
close of the Paleozoic time, vegetation assumed a higher form of
life. Flowering plants are represented. Pines were growing in
the coal measures.
In animal life a similar advance is noted. The class of animals
having no backbone, or invertebrate animals, were largely
represented. But, toward the close of the Paleozoic time, we
meet with representatives of the backbone family. The waters
swarmed with fishes.<8> Besides these, there were amphibians;
<9> and reptiles in the closing portions.<10>
Illustration of The Pterodactyl.--------------
Thus we see what a great advance was made in life during this
period. The forms of life during the early stages of this age
were inferior in this, also, that they were all water
species.<11> But, before it closes, we have a rich and varied
terrestrial vegetation, and also air-breathing animals.
The class Mammalia, to which man belongs, had no representative
on the earth during the extended Paleozoic time.
We can easily see, from the foregoing, how appropriately this
period has been named that of old life forms. In imagination we
can recall a scene of this old age. The air is sultry and full
of vapors. The soil seems hot and steaming. This is a veritable
forest, but we see none of the beautiful flowers which we
associate with tropical vegetation to-day. In the branches of
the graceful tree-ferns, we will look in vain for birds.
They were yet far in the future. Neither were there any of the
higher orders of animals present. Not a single representative of
the great class of mammals enlivened the depths of the forest.
There were fishes in the waters, but not the fishes of to-day.
Some true reptiles and amphibians disported themselves in swampy
jungles, but they were unimportant. Almost the only sound to
break the stillness, was the hum of marsh-loving insects, the
whistling of the wind, and the roar of the tempests, which we
may well believe raged with the more than tropic severity of
the present.<12>
The time at last came for the dawning of a new era. Vast changes
had been taking place in the geography of both continents. The
region to the south-west of the Green Mountains was upturned.
The Alleghany Mountains were formed, and the region east of the
Mississippi River became part of the stable land of the
continent.<13> In Europe, nearly as great changes occurred.
The conditions of life must have been greatly modified by these
geographical changes. The life-forms bear testimony to this
changed condition. Old forms die away, and are succeeded by
those approaching more nearly our own times. The name of this
period is the Mesozoic time, or the period of middle life
forms.<14> It is instructive to notice the steady advance in the
type of life, both animal and vegetable. The abundant flowerless
vegetation of the coal formation of the preceding epoch dwindles
away. But the flowering trees increase in number and importance
until, in the closing period of Mesozoic time, we have trees
with deciduous leaves. A great many of our forest trees had
representatives in the forests of that epoch.
Illustration of Ichthyosauri.-----------
Palms and species like the big tree of California were growing
side by side with species akin to our own common trees. But in
the animal world there were many strange forms. This was the age
of reptiles. They domineered on the land, in the air, and in the
sea. On the land there stalked huge reptiles fifty and sixty
feet long, and, when standing erect, at least thirty feet
high.<15> Some of these huge creatures were carnivorous, living
on other animals. Others fed on the foliage of trees. In the
air, huge reptilian bats, veritable flying dragons with a spread
of wings from ten to twenty feet, disported themselves.<16>
In the sea there swam great reptilian whales, seals, and
walruses.<17> There was a marvelous abundance of reptilian life.
At the present day, there are not more than six species of
reptiles in the whole world having a length of over fifteen
feet, and not more than eighteen species exceeding ten feet in
length. But from one limited locality, representing but one era
of this age in England, there have been discovered four or five
species of carnivorous reptiles twenty to fifty feet long, ten
or twelve species of crocodiles, lizards, and swimming reptiles
from ten to sixty feet long--besides multitudes of great flying
reptiles and turtles. Doubtless similar scenes of animal life
were everywhere represented.
Illustration of The Labyrinthodon.--------
Birds made their first appearance during the Mesozoic time, and
here we obtain a clear view of nature's methods of work.
There is no longer a doubt but that the first birds were simply
modified reptiles. The first bird had a long jointed tail, and a
bill well supplied with formidable teeth.<18> It was during this
period that the first representative of the class Mammalia, to
which man belongs, appears.<19> It is in the rocks of this era
that we meet with remains of marsupials, the order to which
opossums belong. This is the lowest of the Mammalian class.
To the class Mammalia belong the most highly organized animals.
They have been the ruling animals since the close of Mesozoic
time. We must now watch their development with especial care.
For this brief review, as far as it has gone, has shown a steady
and gradual progress in life forms, the lower invariably
preceding the higher. We therefore feel that it will be vain to
seek for any trace of man until we find undoubted proofs of the
existence of all the forms of animals below him. The last great
division of time is called Cenozoic.<20> This means new life
forms. In this age, the forms of life are much nearer our own.
As it was some time during this epoch when man makes his
appearance, we deem it best to go into more detail, and give the
subdivisions of this period. It has been amply sufficient to
give simply the outlines of the other periods. In order to fix
more clearly the sequence of life, we will give an outline
showing the periods we have reviewed, and also the subdivisions
of the Cenozoic time, which we are now to examine with
more care.
OUTLINE.
LIFE.
Archaean Time.
The Beginning: Includes the long lapse of time when the globe
could not support life, but towards its close faint traces of
life, both animal and vegetable appeared.
Paleozoic Time.
The Period of Old Life Forms: Forests of flowerless trees;
but pines grew in the coal measures. Animal life largely
invertebrate; but amphibians and reptiles among the vertebrate
appear at the close.
Mesozoic Time.
The Period of Middle Life Forms: Flowering trees increasing in
number and importance. Deciduous trees make their appearance.
Animal life largely reptilian. The class Mammalia represented by
marsupials.
Cenozoic Time.
Tertiary, or Age of Mammals: Eocene, Miocene, Pliocene.
Quarternary, or Age of Man: Glacial or Pleistocene, Recent.
At the close of the Mesozoic time, great elevations of land took
place in both America and Europe, especially in the northern
portions.<21> This could not fail to have a great effect on
life, both animal and vegetable.
During the Eocene, or first division of the Tertiary Age, we
have simply to note the steady progress of life. There were
forests of species of oaks, poplars, maples, hickories, and
other common trees, and others now found only in tropical
regions. Palm trees were growing in the upper Missouri region of
the United States. And England was decidedly a land of Palms, as
no less than thirteen species are known to have been growing
there. Cypresses, yews, and pines graced the scene.<22>
Our special interest centers, however, in the mammals of
this epoch.
Illustration of The Paleotherium.--------
In the preceding epoch marsupials only were represented. But in
beds of the middle and closing portions of the Eocene period we
meet with a sudden increase of Mammalian life. Whale-like
animals were especially abundant in the seas; and on our Western
plains were animals like the tapirs of India, and rhinoceros-
like animals as large as elephants<23> but having no trunks, and
diminutive little animals not larger than foxes, from which have
come our horses. Europe also had a varied Mammalian fauna.
There were numerous hog-like animals. Animals, like the tapirs
of tropical Asia and America, wandered in the forests and on the
banks of the rivers. Herds of horse-like animals, about the size
of Shetland ponies, fed on the meadows.<24> Animals that chew
the cud were present, or at least had near representatives.<25>
Among the flesh-eating animals were creatures resembling foxes,
wolverines, and hyenas.<26> This shows what a great advance had
been made. But, besides all these, we are here presented with
representatives of the order of Quadrumana, or four-handed
animals. Several genera of lemurs are found in both America
and Europe.
Now the Quadrumana are the order below man. Therefore it seems
that in the Eocene period, all the forms of life below
man are represented. The time seems to be at hand when we can
look, with some confidence, for traces of the presence of man
himself. We must therefore be more cautious in
our investigations.
The epoch following on after the Eocene is designated as the
Miocene. We must remember that, though recent in a geological
sense, yet it is immensely remote when measured by the standard
of years. We must inquire into all the surroundings of this far
away time. The geographical features must have been widely
different from the present.
In the first place, the elevation of land to the north must have
been sufficient to have connected the land areas of the Northern
Hemisphere--North America, with Asia<27> and Greenland; and this
latter country must have been united with Iceland, and, through
the British Islands, with Europe. But, to compensate for this
land mass to the north, large portions of Central and Southern
Europe were beneath the waves.<28> The proof of this extended
mass of land is to be found in the wide distribution of similar
animals and plants in the Miocene time. All the chief botanists
are agreed that the north Polar region was the center from which
plants peculiar to the Eocene and Miocene epochs spread into
both Europe and America.<29> We may mention that the famous big
trees of California are simply remnants of a wide-spread growth
of these trees in Miocene times. They can be found in a fossil
state at various places in British America, in Greenland, and in
Europe. They are supposed to have originated somewhere in the
north, and spread by these land connections we have mentioned
into both Europe and America. But this is not the only tree that
grew in the Miocene forests of both continents. The magnolia,
tulip-tree, and swamp cypress are other instances.<30>
Eleven species, growing in the Rocky Mountain regions in Rocene
times, found their way to Europe in the Miocene times,<31>
driving before them the plants of a tropical growth that had
hitherto flourished in England. Now this implies land connection
between the two continents. Furthermore, animals both large and
small are found common to the two countries.<32> The climate
over what is now the North Temperate Zone, and even further.
north, must have been delightful. There is ample testimony to
this effect in the rich vegetative remains over wide areas.
In Spitzbergen, within twelve degrees of the pole, where now a
dwarf willow and a few herbaceous plants form the only
vegetation, and the ground is most of the time covered with snow
and ice, there were growing, in Miocene times, no less than
ninety-five species of trees, including yews, hazels, elders,
beech, elms, and others.<33> But it is in the Miocene forests of
the continent of Europe where we meet with evidence of a
singularly mild climate.
There were at least eleven species of palms growing in
Switzerland; and one variety of them grew as far north as
Northern Germany.<34>
We can not give a list of all the species. On the one hand,
there were elms, willows, poplars, oaks, and beeches, thus far
similar to the forest growth of temperate regions. Mingled with
these were forests of trees like the tulip-tree, swamp cypress,
and liquid amber or sweet gum of the southern part of the United
States--plants whose home is in the warm and moist regions of
the earth. But there were also representatives of the tropical
regions--such as fig-trees, cinnamon-trees, and camphor-trees:
these are found growing now in tropical countries. Fruit-trees
of the cherry, plum, and almond species were also to be seen.
Prof. Heer points out how all this should convince us that a
large part of Europe, in the Miocene Age, possessed a climate
not unlike that of the Madeira or Canary Islands to-day.
He calls especial attention to the fact that these trees were
nearly all of evergreen species, and that a severe winter would
destroy them. He finds one hundred and thirty-one species of the
Temperate Zone--species that can stand a moderate amount of
cold, but not very hot and dry climates. He finds eighty-five
species of tropical plants that could not possibly live where
the Winters are severe. Mingled with these were nearly three
hundred species whose natural home is in the warm, temperate
portions of the earth. The only way you can explain this motley
assemblage of trees is, to suppose that in what is now Europe
was a climate free from extremes, allowing the trees to put
forth flowers and fruits all the year round. "Reminding us,"
says Prof. Heer, "of those fortunate zones where Nature never
goes to rest."<35>
Illustration of Miocene Mammals.-----------
Let us now inquire as to the animals that roamed through these
great forests we have been describing. The Miocene period
extended over a long lapse of time, and considerable change took
place among the animals belonging to the different parts of this
age. We will only give a general outline for the whole period.
The marsupials lingered along into the early stages of this
period, and then disappeared from Europe. The rhinoceros were
present in the early stages, and continued through the entire
age. We meet in this period animals of the elephant kind, two
species, the mastodon and deinotherium. Antelopes and gazelles
wandered in vast troops over the plains of Hungary, Spain, and
Southern France. Carnivorous animals resembling tigers and
hyenas found abundance of animal food. Herds of horse-like
animals fed on the rich herbage of the meadows. The birds were
largely represented. In the woods were to be seen flocks of
gayly feathered paroquets and trogons. On the plains secretary-
birds hunted the serpents and reptiles, which furnished them
food--and eagles were on the watch for their prey. Cranes waded
in the rivers for fish. Geese, herons, and pheasants must have
been abundant.
Our main interest centers in the order Quadrumana. We must
remember that this order appeared in the Eocene. Several species
were present in the Miocene. They wandered in the forests of
France, Switzerland, Germany, and Italy, and doubtless found
abundant food in the figs and bread-fruit, walnuts, almonds,
dates, and other nuts growing there.<36> One of the most
important is regarded as belonging to the same genus as the
Gibbons.<37> This is the genus which has been sometimes regarded
as making a nearer approach to man than any other monkey.<38>
Others, however, consider it as belonging to an extinct
family.<39> In addition to this species there were at least
three other species: thus there was no absence of simian life in
the Miocene.<40>
From the sketch we have thus far drawn of the Miocene Age, it
seems to have been a very favorable one in every respect.
One writer<41> affirms, that "the world never experienced a more
beautiful period." And indeed it seems as if the facts bear out
this statement. A genial, temperate climate was the rule, even
to high northern latitudes. We need not doubt but that there
were grassy plains, wooded slopes, and rolling rivers. Was man
present to take advantage of all these favorable surroundings?
Did he wander through the evergreen forests, and hunt the deer,
antelope, and hogs--the hipparions, and mastodons, and
deinotheres--then so numerous?<42> We know of no inherent
improbability of his existence at that time. An ape belonging to
a highly organized genus was then living in Europe.
Every condition considered necessary for the primeval Garden of
Eden was then satisfied. Let us stop for a minute and examine
the nature of the evidence considered sufficient to prove the
presence of man during any of the past geological ages.
Should we be so fortunate as to find portions of the bones of
the human skeleton in a geological formation in such positions
that they could not possibly have been introduced there since
the deposition of the containing bed, it would of course prove
that man was at least as old as the formation itself. But it
happens that human remains in beds of a previous geological age
are very rare. Indeed, human remains in formations of the
Pleistocene Age,<43> during which we have ample testimony, as we
shall see, of the presence of man, are very rare. The cases in
which there can be no doubt can he reckoned on the fingers.
The explanation of this state of things is not at all difficult,
for it is only under very rare circumstances that portions of
the bones of animals even larger than man are preserved to us in
geological strata. Vast numbers die and vanish away without
leaving a trace behind them for every fragmentary bone we
recover. In the case of man we must remember that, in previous
eras, he was present in very small numbers; that, owing to his
intelligence, he would not be as liable to be drowned and swept
away, and so mingle his remains with beds of river detritus then
forming, as were animals. Mr. Lyell has made some remarks on the
draining of the Haarlem Lake by the government of Holland in
1853, which shows that even favorable circumstances do not
always preserve remains for future inspection. Though called a
lake, this body of water was an arm of the sea, covering about
forty-five thousand acres. The population which had lived on the
shores of the lake was between thirty and forty thousand souls.
"There had been many a shipwreck, and many a naval fight on
those waters, and hundreds of Dutch and Spanish soldiers and
sailors had met there with a watery grave," yet not a solitary
portion of the human skeleton was to be found in its bed.<44>
Thus we see that, in the majority of cases, we must rely on
other evidence than the presence of human bones to prove the
existence of man in the geological periods of the past. In the
case of the Haarlem Lake again, there was found the wreck of one
or two vessels, and some ancient armor. So, had it been a
disputed point whether man was a denizen of this planet at the
time when the area in question was covered by water, it would
have been settled beyond a doubt by these relics of his
industry, even though portions of the human frame itself were
entirely wanting. And, in reality, proofs of this nature are
just as satisfactory as it would be to discover human bones.
If, on a desert island, we find arrow-heads, javelins, a place
where there had been a fire, split bones, and other
debris of a feast, we are as much justified in asserting
that man had been there, as we would be had we seen him with our
own eyes. In the same manner, if we detect in any strata of the
past any undoubted products of human industry--such as weapons,
or implements and ornaments--in such position that we know they
could not have been deposited there since the formation of the
bed itself, we have no hesitancy in asserting that man himself
is of the same antiquity as the strata containing the
implements. In the great majority of cases, this is the only
kind of evidence possible to advance.
It is now well known that the first stage in the culture of any
people, is what is called the Stone Age. That is to say, their
weapons and implements were made from stone, or at least the
majority of them were. We will discuss on another page this
point, and also the grounds leading us to infer that many of the
extremely rude forms are really the work of man.
Let us now return to the Miocene Age, in which we are to seek
for the presence of man. In 1867 a French geologist, by the name
of Bourgeois, who had been searching some beds of the Miocene
Age, near Thenay, France, found a number of flints of such a
peculiar shape, that he concluded they could only be explained
by supposing that man formed them. In this case there is to
question as to the age of the stratum containing the flints.
All geologists are agreed that it is of the Miocene Age.
The question then is, whether the flints were artificially cut
or not. On this question there has been a great division of
opinion, and we can not do better than to examine and see where
the Principal scientific men stand on this point.
In 1872, at the scientific congress in Brussels, this question
was referred to a committee composed of the most competent men
from the different countries of Europe. We are sorry to say
that, after a thorough consideration of them, the judges were
unable to agree. Some accepted them, others rejected them, and
still others were undecided. Some of the latter have since
become convinced by recent discoveries.<45>
Since this discovery, similar specimens have been described as
having been found in Portugal, and from another locality in
France. Some men of the highest authority accept these flints as
proving the presence of man in Miocene times. This is supported
by such men as Quatrefages, Hamy, Mortillet, and Capellini.<46>
These are all known to be competent and careful geologists.
Another class does not think the evidence strong enough to
declare these flints of human origin, and so do not think it
proved that man lived in Europe in Miocene times; but do believe
that we will eventually find proofs of his existence during that
era in the warm and tropical regions of the globe. This is the
view of such men as Lubbock, Evans, Huxley, and Winchell. Still
others say that, during the vast lapse of years since Miocene
times, all the species of land mammals then alive have
perished<47>--their place being taken by other species--and
therefore it is incredible that man, the most highly specialized
of all animals, should have survived. And hence, if these Thenay
flints are really artificial in their origin, it is more
reasonable to suppose they were cut by one of the higher apes,
then living in France, than by man. This is the view of Prof.
Dawkins and Prof. Gaudry.<48> As to the last view, it is surely
but reasonable to suppose, with Quatrefages,<49> that the
superior intelligence of man would serve to protect him from the
operation of causes that would effect the extinction of lower
animals. Hence, unless some evidence be produced to show that
species of apes are known to make rude stone implements, or some
evidence that they did this in past ages, we must believe, with
Geikie and others, that these flints prove that Miocene man
lived in France, unless indeed we refuse to believe that they
are artificial.
It also seems to us that those who hold to the view that man was
living in other parts of the world, as Asia, during the Miocene
Age, ought readily to admit that a few wandering bands might
penetrate into Europe.<50> The climate was tropical, there was
an abundance of animal life, and, if man was living anywhere, it
is very reasonable to suppose that, at some epoch during the
course of the Miocene Age, he would have found his way to
Europe, unless shut off by the sea. It therefore seems to us
that the presence of those cut flints is conclusive of the
presence of man in Europe during the Miocene Age. At the same
time we can not affirm that this is the conclusion of the
scientific world. They seem to have heeded the remark of
Quatrefages, that "in such a matter there is no great urgency,"
and are waiting for further discoveries.
Thus far in our review we have noticed the steady progress in
the forms of life. In the Miocene Age we have seen all the types
of life below man present, and some indications of the presence
of man himself. We must now learn what we can of the Pliocene
Age, the last division of the Tertiary Age.
The Pliocene Age need not detain us long. Considerable changes
in the geography of both Europe and America were going forward
during the Miocene Age, and the result was quite a change in
climate. There was a steady elevation of the Pacific coast
region of America, and, as a consequences a period of great
volcanic outbursts in California and Oregon.<51> At the same
time the bridge connecting Asia and America was severed.<52>
In Europe the Mediterranean area was elevated; but the land
connecting Greenland with Europe sank, allowing the cold waters
of the Arctic to communicate with both the North Sea and the
Atlantic--England at that time forming part of the great
peninsula extending north and west from Europe.<53> The climate
during the Pliocene Age was cooler than that of the Miocene.
This is marked in the vegetation of that period. The palms and
the cinnamon trees, which in Miocene times grew in Germany,
flourished no farther north than Italy during the Pliocene.<54>
Count DeSaporta, who made special researches in the flora of
this period, found the remains of a forest growth buried under
lava on the side of a mountain in Cantal France, at an elevation
of about four thousand feet above the level of the sea.
This consisted principally of pines. This shows that probably
all Northern Europe was covered with somber forests of pine.
In the same section he found, buried under volcanic ash, a
vegetation consisting mostly of deciduous trees--maples, alders,
poplars, willows, elms, and ashes. As this was growing at the
height Of about twenty-three hundred feet in Cantal France, it
probably represents the vegetation of Britain and Northern
Germany. Finally, the vegetation of Central and Southern France,
as well as Northern Italy, was intermediate in character between
the luxuriant evergreen forests of the Miocene Age and that now
growing there. The tropical character of the vegetation was
evidently passing away. The climate over a large part of Europe
was now temperate, though probably warmer than at present.<55>
In the Mammalia we have to notice the disappearance of some
species, and the arrival and spread of some others. The apes
living as far north as Germany in the Miocene Age were
restricted to Southern France and Italy in the Pliocene, and, at
its close, vanished altogether from Europe. The first living
species of mammals is found in the remains of the hippopotamus
that frequented the rivers of Pliocene times. The mastodon of
Miocene times was still to be seen, but along with it was a
species of true elephants. The hipparion survived into this
epoch, but the horse also makes its appearance. Great quantities
of deer roamed over the land; and, as might be expected where
they were so abundant, the carnivorous animals allied to the
bears and wolves, panthers, linxes, and tigers, were also to be
found. "At night," says Mr. Dawkins, "the Pliocene forests of
Central France echoed with the weird laughter of the hyena."
The gradual lowering of the climate is also shown by the remains
of the mollusks deposited in beds of marine or sea formation
during different eras of this age. It is found that the earlier
the bed, the more southern mollusks are found in it. This shows
us that, all through the Pliocene Age, the waters of the seas
surrounding England were gradually growing cooler, thus
compelling the retreat of those mollusks fitted only for a warm
climate, and allowing a gradual increase in those species fitted
for cold or northern latitudes. We also find, in deposits made
near the close of Pliocene times, numbers of stone which show
all evidence of having been borne thither by means of ice. So we
may conclude that rafts of ice came floating down the North Sea
during the closing period of the Pliocene Age.<56> Still, during
the entire length of the Pliocene Age, Europe certainly offered
an inviting home for man. Not only were the higher orders of
animals present, but at least one living species was known.
We find more proofs of his presence, but whether they are
sufficient to convince us that man really lived during that
epoch is to be seen.
Prof. Whitney has brought to the attention of the scientific
world what he considers ample evidence of the presence of
Pliocene man in California. We reserve this for discussion in
another place. We will only remark, at present, that the
evidence in this case is regarded as sufficient by some of the
best of American Scholars.<57> We simply mention them here, so
that they may be borne in mind when we see what evidence Europe
has to offer on this point. In 1863, M. Desnoyers, of France,
discovered, in a stratum which he considered Pliocene, some
bones of elephants and other animals cut and scratched in such a
manner that he considered the cuts to be the work of man.
As showing how cautious geologists are of accepting such
conclusions, we mention this case. There was found in the same
bed the remains of an extinct beaver. The question was at once
raised, whether rodents by gnawing these bones could not have
produced the cuts in question. Sir Charles Lyell, by actual
experiments in the Zoological Gardens in London, soon showed
that this was probably the fact.<58> Yet Sir John Lubbock thinks
it quite likely some of them were of human origin.<59>
Subsequently, however, M. Bourgeois discovered in the same bed
worked flints, about the human origin of which there seems to be
no doubt;<60> but a more careful study of the formation in which
they occur has raised questions as to its age. Though usually
held to be Pliocene, some careful observers consider it to be of
a later age. Geologists can not be accused of rashly accepting
statements as to the antiquity of man.
In 1867 there was discovered, in Northern Italy, a human skull
in a railway cutting at a depth of nearly fifty feet.
This stratum contains remains of several Pliocene animals.
This is held to prove the existence of Pliocene man by several
eminent observers, amongst others Prof. Cocchi, of Italy, and
Forsyth Major.<61> But in this case Mr. Dawkins contends that it
was not found under such conditions as render it certain that
the stratum had been undisturbed, and so does not prove to a
certainty that it was of the same age as the stratum.<62>
And Mr. Geikie thinks that the stratum itself is of a later age
than the Pliocene.<63> It is but right that geologists should
thus carefully scan all the evidence produced.
Illustration of Cut on Bones of a Whale from Pliocene Deposit.-
-------------------------------
In 1876 Prof. Capellini discovered, in a Pliocene deposit in
Italy, the bones of a whale, which were so marked with cuts and
incisions that he thought the only explanation was to say they
had been cut by men. In this case<64> there is no dispute as to
the age of the stratum. Neither is there much doubt but that the
cuts are the work of man. It is quite true that Mr. Evans has
suggested that they may be the work of fishes. In this he is
followed by Prof. Winchell.<65> But there appears to be little
ground for such belief, because the cuts are all on the outside
faces of rib-bones, and the outer faces of the backbones.
From the position occupied by the remaining portions of the
skeleton, Prof. Capellini is sure that the animal had run
aground, and, in that condition, was discovered and killed by
men, who then, by means of flint knives, cut away such portions
of food as they wished. It must have been lying on its left
side, since the cuts were all made on bones of the right.<66>
It is not probable that fishes would have been apt to choose the
outside faces of the ribs on the right side for their meals.
These cut bones have been carefully examined by many competent
men, who have agreed with Capellini that they are the work of
men.<67> Mr. Dawkins thinks the cuts were artificial, but he
says, "It is not, however, to my mind satisfactorily shown that
these were obtained from undisturbed strata."<68> Now these
bones have been found in several localities, always in Pliocene
deposits, which formed the shores of the Pliocene sea.<69>
Knowing how carefully geologists inquire into all the
surroundings of a find, surely, if Capellini and others are the
competent men they are admitted to be, they would have informed
us long ago if they were not found in undisturbed strata.
Mr. Dawkins also objects because fragments of pottery were found
in the strata. "Pottery," says he, "was unknown in the
Pleistocene Age,<70> and therefore is unlikely to have been
found in the Pliocene."<71> Mr. Geikie says this objection is
founded on a mistake, as Prof. Capellini told him the pottery
was found lying on the surface, and was never for a moment
imagined by him as belonging to the same age as the cut
bones.<72> There is also the objection, that, inasmuch as all
the mammals then alive except one have perished, it is more than
likely that, had man been in existence then, he too would
have disappeared.
We considered this point fully when speculating as to the
presence of man in the Miocene: so we have nothing further to
offer. We might, however, suggest that, if the hippopotamus
amongst mammals could survive all the changing time since the
Pliocene, as it has done, it seems no more than fair to admit
equal power of endurance to the human species. The position then
of the scientific world as to the Pliocene Age of man is, on the
whole, more decided in its favor than for the Miocene Age.
Quite a number of eminent scholars, whose conclusions are
worthy of all respect, unhesitatingly affirm the existence of
Pliocene man in Europe. Others are not quite ready to admit his
existence in Europe, but do think he was in existence elsewhere.
Still others, with all due respect for the discoveries of
Capellini, think it more prudent to await further discoveries.
The reader, who has followed us through this brief outline
of the past, can join which of the classes he will, and be sure
of finding himself in good company.
This completes our review of past geological ages. With the
termination of the Pliocene Age we find ourselves on firmer
ground. We only wish to call attention once more to the gradual
unfolding of life. We see that the rule has been that everywhere
the lower forms of life precede the higher. In the plant world
flowerless plants precede the flowering ones. The coal we burn
to-day is mainly the remains of the wonderful growth of the
flowerless vegetation of the Paleozoic Ace. When flowering
plants appear, it is the lower forms of them at first.
It was long ages before trees with deciduous leaves appeared.
The growth of animal life is equally instructive.
First invertebrate life, then the lowest forms of vertebrate
life. The fishes are followed by amphibians--then reptiles, then
birds. The first mammal to appear was the lowest organized of
all--the marsupials. And we have seen the sudden increase of
mammalian life in Tertiary times. We notice, in all the
divisions of life, a beginning, a culmination, and a decline.
There has never been such a growth of flowerless plants as in
the Paleozoic, and flowering plants probably culminated in the
Miocene. The same rule holds good for the animal world also.
As man is the most highly organized of all the animals, we can
not hope to find any evidence of his presence until we find
proofs of the presence of all the lower types of life. Of course
future discoveries may change our knowledge when the series is
complete; but, from our present stand-point, he could not have
lived before the Miocene Age, and we have seen how faint and
indecisive are the proofs of his presence even then. But should
it finally be proved, beyond all dispute, that man did live in
the Miocene Age, we must observe that this is but a small
portion, but a minute fraction, of the great lapse of time since
life appeared on the globe. We are a creation of but yesterday,
even granting all that the most enthusiastic believer in the
antiquity of man can claim.
Illustration of The Mastodon.-------------
REFERENCES
(1) The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to Prof.
Winchell, of the University of Michigan, for criticism.
(2) Dana's "Manual of Geology," p. 146.
(3) Ibid. p. 147.
(4) Nicholson's "Manual of Zoology," p. 59.
(5) Dana's "Manual of Geology," p. 74.
(6) Nicholson's "Manual of Zoology," p. 42.
(7) Dana's "Manual of Geology," p. 323.
(8) Nicholson's "Zoology," p. 402.
(9) Dana's "Geology," p. 302.
(10) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 6.
(11) Dana's "Geology," p. 382.
(12) Haywood's, Heer's, "Primeval World of Switzerland."
(13) Dana's "Man. Geology," p.395.
(14) Nicholson's "Man. Zoo1ogy," p.42.
(15) Marsh: "American Assoc. Rep.," 1877.
(16) Marsh: "American Assoc. Rep.," 1877.
(17) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 6.
(18) Nicholson's "Manual of Zoology," pp. 419 and 504.
(19) When we talk of first appearance, we mean the discovery of
remains. All who believe in the doctrine of evolution, know that
the class Mammalia must have appeared early in Paleozoic times.
Thus, Mr. Wallace says, "Bats and whales--strange modifications
of mammals--appear perfectly well developed in the Eocene.
What countless ages back must we go for the origin of these
groups--the whales from some ancestral carnivorous animal, the
bats from the insectivora!" and even then we have to seek for
the common origin of these groups at far earlier periods.
"So that, on the lowest estimate, we must place the origin of
the Mammalia very far back in Paleozoic times." ("Island Life,"
p. 201.)
(20) This word is also spelled Kainozoic, and Cainozoic.
We follow Dana, p. 140.
(21) Dana, "Manual of Geology," p. 488.
(22) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 28.
(23) Many of these animal forms were common during the early
Eocene. (Winchell.)
(24) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 29.
(25) Dana, "Geology," p. 517.
(26) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 32.
(27) Marsh. "American Assoc. Rep.," 1877.
(28) Haywood's Heer's "Primeval World of Switzerland," p. 296.
(29) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 20.
(30) Ibid., p. 43.
(31) Dana's "Manual of Geology," p. 498.
(32) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 42.
(33) Dana's "Manual of Geology," p. 514.
(34) Haywood's Heer's "Primeval World of Switzerland," p. 334.
(35) Haywood's Heer's "Primeval World of Switzerland."
(36) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," pp. 57 and 64.
(37) Ibid., p. 57: also, Haywood's Heer's "Primeval World of
Switzerland."
(38) Nicholson's "Manual of Zoology," p. 605.
(39) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 58.
(40) Ibid. 58.
(41) McLean: "Mastodon, Mammoth, and Man," p. 67.
(42) Dawkins's "Early Man in Europe," p. 66.
(43) See "Outline," p. 41.
(44) Lyell's "Antiquity of Man," p. 193.
(45) Quatrefages's "Human Species," p. 151.
(46) Prof. Winchell says: "Quatrefages does not now consider the
proof decisive (Hommes Fossiles et Hommes Sauvages,
Paris, 1884, p. 95)." He cites, as agreeing with him, MM.
Cotteau, Evans, "and, I believe, most of the members who have
not publicly pronounced themselves."
(47) Dawkins’s "Early Man in Britain," p. 67.
(48) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 68.
(49) "Human Species," p. 152.
(50) Prof. Winchell remarks that, though some savage races might
have been living in tropical lands during the Miocene, still the
oldest skull and jaws obtainable in Europe are of a higher type
than these.
(51) Dana's "Manual of Geology," p. 523.
(52) Marsh: "American Assoc. Rep.," 1877.
(53) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 73.
(54) Ibid., p. 78.
(55) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 77.
(56) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 76.
(57) Winchell's "Pre-Adamites," Whitney's "Auriferous Gravels of
California," Marsh's "Address before American Assoc.," 1879.
(58) "Antiquity of Man," p. 234.
(59) "Prehistoric Times," p. 433.
(60) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe," p. 343.
(61) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain."
(62) Ibid.
(63) "Prehistoric Europe," p. 318.
(64) Quatrefages's "Hum. Species," p. 150; Geikie's "Prehistoric
Eur.," p. 345.
(65) "Pre-Adamites."
(66) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe," p. 344.
(67) Ibid.
(68) "Early Man in Britain," p. 92.
(69) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe," p. 344.
(70) Same as Glacial. See "Outline," p. 41.
(71) "Early Man in Britain," p. 92.
(72) "Prehistoric Europe," p. 345, note 2.
END OF CHAPTER II************
The Prehistoric World: or, Vanished Races
by E. A. Allen
Processed by D.R. Thompson
drthom@ihug.co.nz
Chapter III
MEN OF THE RIVER DRIFT.<1>
Beginning of the Glacial Age--Inter-glacial Age--Man living in
Europe during this age--Map of Europe--Proof of former elevation
of land--The animals living in Europe during this age--
Conclusions drawn from these different animals--The vegetation
of this period--Different climatic conditions of Europe during
the Glacial Age--Proofs of a Glacial Age--Extent of the Glacial
Ice--Evidence of warm Inter-glacial Age--The primitive state of
man--Early English civilization--Views of Horace--Primitive man
destitute of metals--Order in which different materials were
used by man for weapons--Evidence, from the River Somme--History
of Boucher de Perthes's investigations--Discussion of the
subject--Antiquity of these remains--Improvement during
Paleolithic Age--Description of the flint implements--Other
countries where these implements are found--What race of men
were these tribes--The Canstadt race--Mr. Dawkins's views--When
did they first appear in Europe--The authorities on this
question--Conclusion.
The Tertiary Age, with its wonderful wealth of animal and plant
life, gradually drew to its close. In our "Outline" we have
named the period that next ensued the Glacial Age.<2> This was
sufficiently exact for our purpose then, but we must remember
this is the name<3> for a long series of years. During this
period great changes in climate occurred. At its commencement, a
genial temperate climate prevailed throughout Europe; and this,
as we know, was preceded, during the Miocene Age, by a warm
tropical one.<4> This succession, then, shows us that, for some
reason or other, the climate had been gradually growing colder.
This change went forward uninterruptedly. Doubtless very
gradually, from century to century, the seasons grew more and
more severe, until, finally, the Summer's sun no longer cleared
the mountains of the Winter's snow. This was the beginning of
the Glacial Age proper.
The best authorities also suppose that the reign of snow and ice
was broken by at least one return (possibly more) of genial
climate, when animals and plants from the south again visited
the countries of Northern Europe--only, however, to be once more
driven forth by a return of arctic cold. But finally, before the
increasing warmth of a genial Climate, the glaciers vanished,
not to return again, and the Glacial Age became merged in that
of the present.
It is no longer a question that man lived in Europe during the
largest portion of this age, if not from the beginning. It is
necessary, then, to come to a clear understanding of the
successive stages of this entire age, and to trace the wonderful
cycles of climate--the strange mutation of heat and cold, which
must have exerted a powerful influence on the life, both animal
and vegetable, of the period--and see when we first find
decisive proofs of man's presence, and learn what we can of
his condition.
The map of Europe, at the close of Pliocene times and the
commencement of the Glacial Age, is of interest to us in several
ways. From this it will be seen that it was considerably more
elevated than at the present. As this is no fancy sketch, but is
based on facts, it is well to outline them. Without the aid of
man, land animals can not possibly pass from the mainland of a
continent to an island lying some distance off the shore. But it
is well known that animals like the rhinoceros, and several
others, wandered as well over the surface of the British Islands
as on the adjacent coast of Europe. We are therefore compelled
to assume, that at that time the English Channel and the Irish
Sea were not in existence. This necessitates an elevation of at
least four hundred feet, which would also lay bare a large
portion of the North Sea.<5> In proof of this latter statement
is the fact, that, at a distance from land in the North Sea,
fishermen at the present day frequently dredge up bones and
teeth of animals that then roamed in Europe.<6>
Map of Europe------------------
While there is no necessity for supposing an elevation greater
than that required to lay bare a passage for animals back and
forth, yet soundings undertaken by the British government have
established the fact, that the ocean deepens very gradually away
from the shores of the main-land until a depth of six hundred
feet is reached, when the shore falls away very suddenly.
This is supposed to be the sea-coast of that time. The English
Channel would then have existed as the valley of the Seine, and
the Rhine have prolonged its flow over the present bed of the
North Sea. As the land stood at this height through a large
portion of the Glacial Age, it is not at all unreasonable to
suppose that primitive tribes hunted back and forth along these
valleys, and so doubtless many convincing proofs of their
presence at that early day lie buried underneath the waves of
the sea. In like manner, at the south, we know that elephants,
lions, and hyenas passed freely from Africa to Spain, Italy, and
the Island of Crete,<7> and, consequently, the Mediterranean Sea
must have been bridged in one or two places at least.<8>
The change from Pliocene times to early Glacial was so gradual
that quite a number of animals lived on from one to the other,
and, as we have already stated, one of these species has even
survived to our own times.<9>
But we note the arrival in Europe of a great number of new
animals, and the diversity of species seems at first an
inexplicable riddle. The key, however, is to be found in the
great climatic changes, which we have already mentioned as
occurring during this age. On the one hand, we find such animals
as the musk-sheep, reindeer, and arctic fox, animals whose
natural home is in high northern latitudes, where snow and ice
prevail most of the year.<10> Yet during this age they lived in
Southern France and Italy, which must then have had a far
different climate than that at present.
Were we to confine our attention to these alone we would be
convinced that the climate of Europe at that time was arctic in
its severity. But side by side with the remains of these animals
are found others which imply an altogether different climate.
The hippopotamus, now frequenting the rivers of Africa, during
that period roamed as far north as Yorkshire, England.<11>
This animal could not live in a country where the cold was
severe enough to form ice on the rivers. The remains of a number
of other animals are found whose natural home is in the warm
regions of the earth.<12> These two groups of animals, one from
the north and one from the south, show how varied was the
climate of Europe during the Glacial Age.
In addition to these, there was also a large number of animals
whose home is in the temperate regions of the earth--animals
that thrive in neither extremes of heat and cold. This includes
a great many animals of the deer kind, several varieties of
bears and horses; in fact, the majority of those with which we
are acquainted.<13>
Now, what conclusion follows from this assemblage of animals?
Many theories have been put forward in explanation. It has been
suggested that Europe at that time had a climate not unlike that
of some portions of the earth at present; that is, a long and
severe Winter was followed by a short but warm Summer.
During the Winter reindeer and other northern animals would
press from the north in search of food, but would retire on the
approach of Spring, when their feeding grounds would in turn be
occupied by bisons and animals of a southern habitat.
In confirmation of this view it is pointed out that a vast
collection of bones, from the bottom of a sink-hole or pond in
Derbyshire, England, conclusively show that in the summer-time
it was visited by bisons with their calves, and in Winter by
reindeer.<14> This theory is open to a great many objections.
As is well known, some animals make quite extensive migrations
annually, but we can scarcely believe that heavy, unwieldy
animals like the hippopotamus, were then such industrious
travelers as to wander every year from Italy to Northern England
and return.<15> But the very ground on which this theory rests,
that of strongly contrasted summers and winters, could not be
true of Europe or the western portions of it, owing to the
presence of the Atlantic Ocean, and the influence which it
inevitably exerts on the climate.<16> We see, then, that the
presence of these different animals can be explained only by
supposing great secular changes in climate. Let us see if we can
strengthen this view by an appeal to the vegetation of
this period.
We have seen how important a guide as to climate were the
remains of the vegetation of the early times. We therefore turn
with more confidence to such discoveries as will tell us of the
flora of this age. But there are many reasons why remains of
plant growth should be few. As we shall soon learn, this was a
period of flooded rivers; and in the gravels and loams thus
formed is found our principal source of information as to the
life of the age. But such a rush of waters would form gravelly
banks or great beds of loam, and would sweep any plants which
might be washed into its floods far out to sea; or if by chance
they should become buried in such gravel beds, the action of
water would speedily cause the decay of the tender portions,
such as leaves, bark, and soft wood, in which case no profitable
investigation could be made. Occasionally, however, around the
shores of old lakes, vegetable beds have been buried, and we
know that some mineral springs deposit a sort of protecting
sediment on every thing with which they come in contact. By such
means, at rare intervals, leaves, seeds, and fruits have been
sealed up for future inspection, and from a careful study of all
such instances much valuable information has been obtained.
At one place in the valley of the Seine was discovered, under a
bed of tufa, the remains of a forest growth. It is not doubted
that the deposit belongs to the Glacial Age.<17>
Yet the forest growth reminds us of that prevalent during the
Miocene Age. The fig-tree, canary, laurel, and box-tree grew in
profusion. These are all southern forms. One severe winter would
kill them all, and even hard frosts would prevent the ripening
of their fruits.
Neither were the Summers hot and dry. This is shown by the
presence of numerous plants which can not thrive in hot and dry
localities, but live in the shady woods of Northern France and
Germany. The evidence of this forest growth surely presents us
an inviting picture of Europe during a portion of the
Glacial Age.
We are not without evidence, also, of a much more severe
climate. In a lignite bed (a species of coal) found in nearly
the same latitude as the forest growth just mentioned, we detect
the presence of trees that grow only in cold northern climates,
such as birch, mountain pine, larch, and spruce.<18> And in some
peat-bogs of Southern Europe belonging to this age<19> are found
willows now growing only in Spitzbergen, and some species of
mosses that only thrive far to the north. It is quite evident
that this deposit testifies to an altogether different climate
from that indicated by the deposit before mentioned. No theory
of migration can explain this assemblage of plants, unless it be
migration taking place very slowly, in consequence of an equally
slow change of climate.
From what we have just learned of the animals and plants living
in Europe during this age, we can frame some conception of the
different climatic conditions of Europe. On the one hand, we
have a country with a mild and genial climate. Trees of a warm
latitude were then growing as far north as Paris, and we may
well suppose Europe to have abounded in shady forests and grassy
plains, through which flowed large rivers. It was just such a
country as that in which elephants and southern animals would
flourish, while vast herds of deer and bovine animals wandered
over the entire length and breadth of the land. Where animal
life was so abundant there were sure to be carnivorous animals
also, and lions, hyenas, tigers, and other animals added to the
variety of animal life.
This, however, is but one side of the picture. The other
presents us with a very different scene; instead of an abundant
forest growth, the land supported only dwarf birch, arctic
willows, and stunted mosses. Arctic animals, such as musk-sheep
and reindeer, lived all the year around in Southern France.
The woolly mammoth lived in Spain and Italy. In short, the
climate and conditions of life were vastly different in the
two stages.
We must now turn our attention to the proofs of glaciers in
Europe, the phenomena from which this age derives its name.
Descriptions of Alpine glaciers are common enough, but as
glaciers and the Glacial Age have a great deal to do with the
antiquity of man, we can not do better than to learn what we can
of their formation, and their wonderful extension during this
period. The school-boy knows that by pressure he gives his
snowball nearly the hardness of ice. He could make it really ice
if he possessed sufficient strength. The fact is, then, that
snow under the influence of pressure passes into the form of
ice. In some cases nature does this on a large scale.
Where mountains are sufficiently elevated to raise their heads
above the snow line we know they are white all the year around
with snow. What is not blown away, evaporated, or, as an
avalanche, precipitated to lower heights, must accumulate from
year to year. But the weight pressing on the lower portions of
this snow-field must soon be considerable, and at length become
so great, that the snow changes to the form of ice. But as ice
it is no longer fixed and immovable. We need not stop to explain
just how this ice-field moves, but the fact is that, though
moving very slowly, it acts like a liquid body. It will steal
away over any incline however small, down which water would
flow. Like a river it fills the valleys leading down from the
mountains. But, of course, the lower down it flows the higher
the temperature it meets, and it will sooner or later reach a
point where it will melt as fast as it advances. This stream of
ice flowing down from snow-clad mountains is called a glacier.
Those we are best acquainted with are but puny things compared
with those of the polar regions, where in one case a great river
of ice sixty miles wide, flowing from an unknown distance, some
thousands of feet in depth (or height), pours out into
the sea.<20>
We at once perceive that such a mass of ice could not pour down
a valley without leaving unmistakable signs of its passage.
The sides of the mountains would be deeply scarred and smoothed.
Projecting knobs would be worn away. The surface of the
valley, exposed to the enormous grinding power of the moving
ice, would be crushed, pulverized, and dragged along with it.
Pieces of stone, like that here represented, would form part of
this moving debris, and as they were crowded along they
would now and then grate over another piece of stone more firmly
seated, and so their surface would be deeply scratched in the
direction of their greatest length. There is always more or less
water circulating under the Alpine glaciers, and the streams
that flow from them are always very muddy, containing, as they
do, quantities of crushed rock, sand, and clay.
Illustration of Scratched Stone---------
If, for any reason, this earthy matter was not washed out it
would form a bed of hard clay, in places packed with these
striated stones. Such beds of clay are known as "till" or
bowlder clay.<21>
This is descriptive, though in a very general way, of the
glaciers as they exist to-day. Geologists have long been aware
of the fact that they have convincing proofs of the former
presence of glaciers in Northern Europe, where now the climate
is mild. The mountains of Scotland and Wales show as distinct
traces of glaciers as do those of the Alps. It is not necessary,
in this hasty sketch, to enumerate the many grounds on which
this conclusion rests. It is sufficient to state that by the
united labors of many investigators in that field we are in
possession of many conclusions relating to the great glaciers of
this age which almost surpass belief; and yet they are the
results of careful deductions. The former presence of this ice
sheet itself is shown in a most conclusive manner by the bowlder
clay formed underneath the great glacier, containing abundant
examples of stone showing by their scratched surface that they
have been ground along underneath the glacier. The rocks on the
sides of the mountains are scratched exactly as are those in the
Alps. By observing how high up on the mountains the striae are,
we know the thickness of the ice-sheet; and the direction in
which it moved is shown in several ways.<22>
Briefly, then, the geologist assures us that when the cold of
the Glacial Age was at its maximum glaciers streamed down from
all the mountains of Scotland, Wales, and Northern England;
that the ice was thick enough to overtop all the smaller hills,
and on the plains it united in one great sea of ice some
thousands of feet in thickness, that it stretched as far south
as the latitude of London, England. But that to the west the ice
streamed out across, the Irish Sea, the islands to the west of
Scotland, and ended far out into what is now the Atlantic.<23>
But these glaciers, vast as they were, were very small compared
with the glaciers that streamed out from the mountains of Norway
and Sweden. These great glaciers invaded England to the south-
west, beat back the glacier ice of Scotland from the floor of
the North Sea, overran Denmark, and spread their mantle of
bowlder clay far south into Germany.<24>
While such was the condition of things to the north, the
glaciers of the Alps were many times greater than at present.
All the valleys were filled with glacier ice, and they spread
far out on the plains of Southern Germany and westward into
France. The mountains of Southern France and the Pyrenees also
supported their separate system of glaciers. Ice also descended
from the mountains of Asia Minor and North Africa.<25>
In America we meet with traces of glaciers on a vast scale;
but we can not pause to describe them here.<26>
It need not surprise us, therefore, to learn of reindeer and
musk-sheep feeding on stunted herbage in what now constitutes
Southern France. When a continuous mantle of snow and ice
cloaked all Northern Europe, it is not at all surprising to find
evidence of an extremely cold climate prevailing throughout its
southern borders. We thus see how one piece of evidence fits
into another, and therefore we may, with some confidence,
endeavor to find proofs of more genial conditions when the snow
and ice disappeared, and a more luxuriant vegetation possessed
the land, and animals accustomed to warm and even tropical
countries roamed over a large extent of European territory.
In Switzerland it was long ago pointed out that after the
ancient glaciers had for a long time occupied the low grounds of
that country they, for some cause, retreated to the mountain
valleys, and allowed streams and rivers to work over the
debris left behind them. At Wetzikon most interesting
conclusions have been drawn. We there learn that, after the
retreat of the glaciers, a lake occupied the place, which in
course of time became filled with peat, and that subsequently
the peat was transformed into lignite. To judge from the remains
of animals and plants, the climate must have been at least as
warm as that at present; and this condition of things must have
prevailed over a period of some thousands of years to explain
the thick deposits of peat, from which originated the
lignites.<27>
But we also know that this period came to an end, and that once
more the ice descended. This is shown by the fact that directly
overlying the lignite beds are alternating layers of sand and
gravel, and, resting on these, glacier-born bowlders. The same
conclusion follows from the discoveries made at many
other places.
In Scotland it is well known that the bowlder clay contains
every now and then scattered patches of peat and beds of soil
either deposited in lakes or rivers. The only explanation that
can be given for their presence is that they represent old land
surfaces; that is, when the land was freed from ice, and
vegetation had again clothed it in a mantle of green. In this
cut is shown one of these beds. Both above and below are the
beds of bowlder clay. The peat in the centre varies from an inch
to a foot and a half in thickness, and contains many fragments
of wood, sticks, roots, etc.; and of animals, numerous beetles
were found, one kind of which frequents only places where deer
and ruminant animals abound.
Diagram of Interglacial Bed------------
From a large number of such discoveries it is conclusively shown
that, after all, Scotland was smothered under one enormous
glacier, a change of climate occurred, and the ice melted away.
Then Scotland enjoyed a climate capable of nourishing sufficient
vegetation to induce mammoths, Irish deer, horses, and great
oxen to occupy the land. But the upper bowlder clay no less
conclusively shows that once more the climate became cold, and
ice overflowed all the lowlands and buried under a new
accumulation of bowlder clay such parts of the old land surface
as it did not erode. Substantially the same set of changes are
observed in English and German geology.<28>
Having thus given an outline of the climatic changes which took
place in Europe during the Glacial Age, and the grounds on which
these strange conclusions rest, we must now turn our attention
to the appearance of man.
The uncertainties which hung over his presence in the earlier
periods, spoken of in the former chapter, do not apply to the
proofs of his presence during this age, though it is far from
settled at what particular portion of the Glacial Age he came
into Europe. We must remember we are to investigate the past,
and to awaken an interest in the history of a people who trod
this earth in ages long ago. The evidence on which we establish
a history of the early tribes of Europe is necessarily
fragmentary, but still a portion here and a piece there are
found to form one whole, and enable us to form quite a vivid
conception of manners and times now very far remote.
It is not claimed that we have surmounted every difficulty--on
the contrary, there is yet much to be deciphered; but, in some
respects, we are now better acquainted with these shadowy tribes
of early times than with those whose history has been recorded
by the historian's facile pen. He has given us a record of
blood. He acquaints us with the march of vast armies, tells us
of pillaged cities, and gives us the names of a long roll of
titled kings; but, unfortunately, we know little of the home
life, the occupation, or of those little things which make up
the culture of a people. But the knowledge of primitive tribes,
gathered from the scanty remains of their implements, from a
thorough exploration of their cavern homes, has made us
acquainted with much of their home life and surroundings:
and we are not entirely ignorant as to such topics as their
trade, government, and religion. We must not forget that this is
a knowledge of tribes and peoples who lived here in times
immeasurably ancient as compared with those in existence at the
very dawn of history.
We must try and form a mental picture of what was probably the
primitive state of man; and a little judicious reasoning from
known facts will do much for us in this direction. Some writers
have contended that the first condition of man was that of
pleasing innocence, combined with a high degree of
enlightenment, which, owing to the wickedness of mankind, he
gradually lost. This ideal picture, however consonant with our
wishes, must not only give way before the mass of information
now at our command, but has really no foundation in reason;
"or, at any rate, if this primitive condition of innocence and
enlightenment ever existed, it must have disappeared at a period
preceding the present archaeological investigations."<29>
Nothing is plainer than that our present civilization has been
developed from barbarism, as that was from savagism.<30> We need
go back but a few centuries in the history of any nation, before
we find them emerging from a state of barbarism. The energy and
intelligence of the Anglo-Saxon has spread his language to the
four corners of the globe; he has converted the wilderness into
fruitful fields, and reared cities in desert lands: yet his
history strikingly illustrates our point. A century back, and we
are already in a strange land. The prominent points of present
civilization were yet unthought of. No bands of iron united
distant cities; no nerves of wire flashed electric speech.
The wealth of that day could not buy many articles conducive of
comfort, such as now grace the homes of the poor. The contrast
is still more apparent when we recall another of the countless
centuries of the past. England, with Europe, was but just
awakening to modern life. Printing had but just been invented.
Great discoveries had been made, and mankind was but just
beginning those first feeble efforts which were to bring to us
our modern comforts. But a millennium of years ago, and the
foundation of English civilization had but just been laid by the
union of the rude Germanic tribes of the Saxons and the Angles.
Similar results attend the ultimate analysis of any
civilization. It was but yesterday that wandering hordes, bound
together by the loose cohesion of tribal organization, and
possessing but the germ of modern enlightenment, held sway in
what is now the fairest portion of the world: and we, the
descendants of these rude people, must reflect that the end is
not yet--that the onward march of progress is one of ever
hastening steps--and that, in all human probability, the sun of
a thousand years hence will shine on a people whose civilization
will be as superior to ours as the light of day exceeds the
mellow glow of a moon-lit night.
If such are the changes of but a few centuries, what must we not
consider the changes to have been during the countless ages that
have sped away since man first appeared on the scene! The early
Greek and Roman writers were much nearer right when they
considered primitive man to have been but a slight degree
removed from the brute world. Horace thus expresses himself:
"When animals first crept forth from the newly formed earth, a
dumb and filthy herd, they fought for acorns and lurking places
--with their nails, and with fists--then with clubs--and at last
with arms, which, taught by experience, they had forged.
They then invented names for things, and words to express their
thoughts; after which they began to desist from war, to fortify
cities, and enact laws." The learning of modern times leads to
much the same conclusion.
It is evident that primitive man must have been destitute of
metals; for it requires a great deal of knowledge and experience
to extract metals from their ores. In the eyes of savages, the
various metallic ores are simply so many varieties of stone--
much less valuable for his purposes than flint, or some other
varieties. We know it to be historically true, that a great many
nations have been discovered utterly destitute of any knowledge
of metals.
When we reflect how much of our present enlightenment is due to
the use of metals, we can readily see that their discovery marks
a most important epoch in the history of man. There is, then,
every reason to suppose that stone was a most important article
for primitive man. It was the material with which he fought his
battle for existence, and we need not be surprised that its use
extended through an enormously long period of time. Not only was
primitive man thus low down in the scale, but of necessity his
progress must have been very slow.
The time during which men were utterly destitute of a knowledge
of metals, far exceeds the interval that has elapsed since that
important discovery.<31> Scholars divide the stone age into two
parts. In the first, the stone implements, are very few, of
simple shapes, and in the main formed of but one variety of
stone--generally flint~-and they were never polished. In the
second division, we meet with a great many different implements,
each adapted to a different purpose. Different varieties of
stone were employed, and they also made use of bone, shell, and
wood, which were often beautifully polished.
From what we have learned of the development of primitive
society, it will not surprise us to learn that the first
division of the age of stone comprises a vastly greater portion
of time, and is far more ancient, than the second. We will give
an outline showing the order of use of different materials;
but it is here necessary to remark that Bronze was the first
metal that man learned to use, and Iron the second.
ORDER IN WHICH DIFFERENT MATERIALS WERE USED FOR WEAPONS AND
IMPLEMENTS BY PRIMITIVE MAN.
Age of Stone.
Rough, or Old Stone Age--Paleolithic.
Polished or New Stone Age--Neolithic.
Age of Metals.
Bronze Age.
Iron Age.
In this outline the words Paleolithic and Neolithic are the
scientific terms for the two divisions of the Stone Age, and
will he so used in these pages.
The only races of men that we could expect to find in Europe
during the Glacial Age would be Paleolithic tribes, and it is
equally manifest that we must find traces of them in beds of
this age, or in association with animals that are characteristic
of this age, or else we can not assert the existence of man at
this time. The valley of the river Somme, in Northern France,
has become classical ground to the student of Archaeology, since
it was there that such investigations as we have just mentioned
were first and most abundantly made. It is now well known that
the surface features of a country--that is, its hills and dales,
its uplands and lowlands--are mainly due to the erosive power of
running water. Our rivers have dug for themselves broad valleys,
undermined and carried away hills, and in general carved the
surface of a country, until the present appearance is the
result. It must be confessed that when we perceive the slow
apparent change from year to year, and from that attempt to
estimate the time required to produce the effects we see before
us, we are apt to shrink from the lapse of time demanded for its
accomplishment. Let us not forget that "Time is long," and that
causes, however trifling, work stupendous results in the course
of ages.
Picture of Paleolithic Flints.--------
But a river which is thus digging down its channel in one place,
deposits the materials so dug away at other and lower levels, as
beds of sand and gravel. In the course of time, as the river
gradually lowers its channel, it will leave behind, at varying
heights along its banks, scattered patches of such beds.
Wherever we find them, no matter how far removed, or how high
above the present river, we are sure that at some time the river
flowed at that height; and standing there, we may try and
imagine how different the country must have looked before the
present deep valley was eroded.
In the case of the river Somme, we have a wide and deep valley,
a large part of which has been excavated in chalk rock, through
which the river now winds its way in a sinuous course to the
English Channel. Yet we feel sure that at some time in the past
it was a mighty stream, and that its waters surged along over a
bed at least two hundred feet higher than now. In proof of this
fact we still find, at different places along the chalky bluff,
stretches of old gravel banks, laid down there by the river,
"reaching sometimes as high as two hundred feet above the
present water level, although their usual elevation does not
exceed forty feet."<32>
The history of the investigation of the ancient gravel beds of
the Somme is briefly this: More than one instance had been noted
of the finding of flint implements, apparently the work of men,
in association with bones of various animals, such as hyenas,
mammoths, musk-sheep, and others, which, as we have just seen,
lived in Europe during the Glacial Age. In a number of cases
such finds had been made in caves. But for a long time no one
attributed any especial value to these discoveries, and various
were the explanations given to account for such commingling.
A French geologist, by the name of Boucher DePerthes, had noted
the occurrence of similar flint implements, and bones of these
extinct animals, in a gravel pit on the banks of the Somme, near
Abbeville, France. He was convinced that they proved the
existence of man at the time these ancient animals lived in
Europe. But no one paid any attention to his opinions on this
subject, and a collection of these implements, which he took to
Paris in 1839, was scarcely noticed by the scientific world.
They were certainly very rude, and presented but indistinct
traces of chipping, and perhaps it is not strange that he failed
to convince any one of their importance. He therefore determined
to make a thorough and systematic exploration of these beds at
Abbeville. In 1847 he published his great work on this subject,
giving over sixteen hundred cuts of the various articles he had
found, claiming that they were proof positive of the presence of
man when the gravels were depositing.
Picture of Flint Implements, so-called.------
Now there are several questions to be answered before the
conclusions of the French geologist can be accepted. In the
first place, are these so-called flint implements of human
workmanship? From our illustrations, we see that they are of an
oval shape, tending to a cutting edge all around, and generally
more or less pointed at one end. The testimony of all competent
persons who have examined them is, that however rude they may
be, they were undoubtedly fashioned by man. Dr. C. C. Abbott has
made some remarks on implements found in another locality,
equally applicable to the ones in question. He says: "We find,
on comparing a specimen of these chipped stones with an
accidentally fractured pebble, that the chipped surfaces of the
former all tend toward the production of a cutting edge, and
there is no portion of the stone detached which does not add to
the availability of the supposed implement as such; while in the
case of a pebble that has been accidentally broken, there is
necessarily all absence of design in the fracturing."<33>
Like the watch found on the moor, they show such manifest
evidence of design, that we can not doubt that they were
produced by the hand of man. But it is not enough to know that
they are artificial, we must also know that they are of the same
age as the beds in which they are found.
Section of Gravel Pit.-----------
This cut represents a section of a gravel pit at St. Acheul, on
the Somme. The implements are nearly always found in the lowest
strata, which is a bed of gravel from ten to fourteen feet
thick. Overlying this are beds of marl, loam, and surface soil,
comprising in all a depth of fourteen feet. It has been
suggested that the implements are comparatively recent, and have
sunk down from above by their own weight, or perhaps have been
buried in artificial excavations. The beds are however too
compact to admit of any supposition that they may have been sunk
there; and if buried in any excavation, evident traces of such
excavation would have remained. We can account for their
presence there in no other way than, that when the river rolled
along at that high elevation, and deposited great beds of sand,
these implements were someway lost in its waters, and became
buried in the gravel deposits.
Finally, we have to consider the age of the deposits. This is a
question that can be answered only by geologists, and we may be
sure that more than ordinary attention has been bestowed upon
them. The remains of many animals characteristic of the Glacial
Age were found in the beds at Abbeville. These include those of
the elephants, rhinoceros, hyenas, cave-bear, and cave-lion.<34>
In the formation of these gravel beds, ice has undoubtedly
played quite an important part. Bowlders that could have got
there only by the aid of ice, are found in several localities.
Evidence gathered from a great many different sources all
establish the fact that these gravels date as far back as the
close of the Glacial Age at least, and there are some reasons
for supposing them to be interglacial.
We can easily see that the melting away of the immense glaciers
that we have been describing would produce vast floods in the
rivers, and it is perhaps owing to the presence of such swollen
rivers that are due the great beds of surface soil, called loam
or loess, found in all the river valleys of France and
Germany.<35> These deposits frequently overlie the gravel beds.
They are then of a later date than the beds in which are found
such convincing proofs of the presence of man, and if they
themselves date from the close of the Glacial Age, it is no
longer a question whether the gravel beds themselves belong to
that age. Thus we see that we can no longer escape the
conclusions of Boucher DePerthes. The discovery of rudely worked
flints in the drift of the Somme River thus establishes the fact
that some time during the Glacial Age, man in a Paleolithic
state lived in France.
Geological terms convey to us no definite ideas as to the lapse
of time, and we have an instinctive desire to substitute for
them some term of years. In most cases this is impossible, as
we have no means to measure the flight of past time, nor are we
yet prepared to discuss the question of time, since to do so we
must learn a great deal more about the cause of the Glacial Age.
We might, however, cite statements which can not fail to impress
us with the fact that a great extent of time has passed.
In the case of the river Somme we have a valley in some places a
mile or more in width, and about two hundred feet in depth.
This has mostly been excavated in chalk rock. Taking our present
large rivers as a basis, it would require from one to two
hundred thousand years for the Somme to perform this work.<36>
It will not do, however, to take the present action of our
rivers as a guide, since we have every reason to suppose this
work went forward much more rapidly in past times. But we can
not escape the conclusion that it demands a very long time
indeed to explain it. The valley has remained in its present
shape long enough to admit the formation of great beds of peat
in some portions. Peat is formed by the decomposition of
vegetable growth. Its growth is in all cases slow, depending
entirely upon local circumstances. European scholars who have
made peat formation a special study assure us that to form such
immense beds as occur near Abbeville, several thousand years are
required, even under the most favorable conditions.
Yet we would be scarcely willing to rest such important
conclusions as the foregoing on the researches of one
individual, or in one locality. As already stated, DePerthes
made his discoveries public in 1847. Yet they were so opposed to
all that had been believed previously, that but few took the
pains to investigate for themselves. In 1853, Dr. Rigollot, of
Amiens, who had been skeptical as to DePerthes, commenced to
look for himself in the gravel beds at St. Acheul, about nine
miles below Abbeville. As might be expected, he was
soon convinced.
Picture of Paleolithic Flint, England.------
It may be said that the scientific world formally accepted the
new theory when such English scientists as Evans, Falconer,
Lyell, and Prestwich reported in its favor. Since that time,
many discoveries of ancient implements have been made at various
places in France and England under circumstances similar to
those in the valley of the Somme. In England they have been
found along almost all the rivers in the southern and south-
eastern part. One class of discoveries there gives us new ideas
as to the extent of time that has passed since they were
deposited. That is where they occur in gravel beds having no
connection with the present system of rivers. In one case the
gravel forms a hill fifteen feet high, situated in the midst of
a swampy district, surrounded on all sides by low, flat
surfaces. Several such instances could be given; but, in all
such cases, we can not doubt that, somewhere near, there once
rolled the waters of an ancient river, that man once hunted
along its banks, and that, owing to some natural cause, the
waters forsook their ancient bed--and that since then, in the
slow course of ages, the action of running water has removed so
much of the surface of the land near there, that we can not
guess at its ancient configuration: we only know, from scattered
patches of gravel, that we are standing on the banks of an
ancient water-course.
One instance, illustrative of the great change that has come
over the surface features of the country, demanding for their
accomplishment a great lapse of time, is furnished by the Isle
of Wight. That island is now separated from the mainland by a
narrow channel, called the South Hampton Water, or the
Solent Sea.
It is now known that this is nothing but an old river channel,
in which the sea has usurped the place of the river. The coast
is a river embankment, with the usual accompaniments of gravel
beds, flint implements, and fresh water shells. On the shores of
the island we find the opposite bank of the old river. A very
great change must have taken place in the surface features
before the sea could have rolled in and cut off the Isle of
Wight from the mainland.
In speaking of the length of time demanded for this change, Dr.
Evans says: "Who can fully understand how immeasurably remote
was the epoch when what is now that vast bay was high and dry
land, and a long range of chalk downs, six hundred feet above
the sea, bounded the horizon on the South? And yet that must
have been the sight that met the eye of primitive man who
frequented the banks of that ancient river, which buried their
handiwork in gravels that now cap the cliffs--and of the course
of which so strange and indubitable a memorial subsists in what
has now become the Solent Sea?"<37>
The illustrations scattered through this essay are
representations of the stone implements found in the drift of
European rivers. During all the long course of time supposed to
he covered by the Paleolithic Age, there are but very few
evidences of any improvement, as far as we can judge from the
implements themselves. This is in itself a melancholy proof of
the low condition of man. He had made so little advance in the
scale of wisdom, he possessed so little knowledge, he was so
much a creature of instinct, that, during the thousands of years
demanded for this age, he made no appreciable progress.
The advance of the last century was many times greater than that
of the entire Paleolithic Age. A blow struck on one end of a
piece of flint will, owing to the peculiar cleavage of flint,
split off pieces called flakes. This is the simplest form of
implement used by man. It is impossible to say with certainty
how they were used; but, from the evidence observed on
them, they were probably used as scrapers. The men of that day
doubtless knew some simple method of preparing clothing from the
skins of the animals they had killed, and probably many of these
sharp-rimmed flakes were used to assist in this primitive
process of tanning.
Illustration of Flint Flakes.--------
When the piece of flint itself was chipped into form, it was one
whose shape would indicate a spear-head or hatchet. We present
illustrations of each. Forms intermediate between these two are
found. Some have such a thick heavy base that it is believed
they were used in the hand, and had no handle or haft.
Others, with a cutting edge all round, may have been provided
with a handle. M. Mortillet, of France, who has had excellent
opportunities of studying this question very thoroughly, thinks
that the hatchet was the only type of implement they possessed,
and that it was used for every conceivable purpose--but that
their weapon was a club, all traces of which have, of course,
long since vanished away.<38>
Illustrations of Spear Head Type and Hatchet Type.------
These few implements imply that their possessors were savages
like the native Australians. In this stage of culture, man lived
by hunting, and had not yet learned to till the ground, or to
seek the materials out of which his implements were made by
mining. Re merely fashioned the stones which happened to be
within reach in the shallows of rivers as they were wanted,
throwing them away after they had been used. In this manner the
large numbers which have been met with in certain spots may be
accounted for. Man at this time appears before us as a nomad
hunter, poorly equipped for the struggle of life, without
knowledge of metals, and ignorant of the art of grinding his
stone tools to a sharp edge.<39> Of course we can not hope to
learn much of their social condition other than that just
set forth.
DePerthes found some flints which show evidence of their human
origin, and yet it would be very difficult to say what was their
use. He thinks they may have a religious significance, and has
set forth a great variety of eloquent surmises respecting them.
It only need be said that such theorizing is worse than useless.
That while it is very probable these tribes had some system
of belief, yet there is no good reason for supposing these
flints had any connection with it. It has been supposed, from
another series of wrought flints, that the men of this epoch
were possessed of some sentiments of art, as pieces have been
found thought to represent the forms of animals, men's faces,
birds, and fishes; but as very few have been able to detect such
resemblances, it is safe to say they do not exist.
As the love of adornment is almost as old as human nature
itself, we may not be surprised to find traces of its sway then.
Dr. Rigollot found little bunches of shells with holes
through either end. The supposition is that these were used as
beads; which is not at all strange, considering how
instinctively savage men delight in such ornaments. These
ancient hunters made use of beads partially prepared by nature.
Europe is not the only country where the remains of this savage
race are found. They are found in the countries bordering the
Mediterranean in Northern Africa, and in Egypt. In this latter
country they are doubtless largely buried under the immense
deposits of Nile mud; yet in 1878 Professor Haynes discovered in
Upper Egypt scrapers and hatchets, pronounced by archaeologists
to be exactly similar to those of the river Somme. We are not
informed as to their geological age, but there can be no
question that they are much older than any monument of Egyptian
civilization hitherto known.<40>
Paleolithic implements have also been found in Palestine and in
India. In the latter country the beds are so situated that they
present the same indicia, of age as do those of the Somme
Valley. A great portion of the formation has been removed, and
deep valleys cut in them by running water.<41> They have also
been found in at least one locality in the United States;
that is in the glacial gravel of the valley of the Delaware at
Trenton, New Jersey. We must not confound these remains with
those of the Indian tribes found scattered over a large extent
of surface. Those at Trenton also are not only in all respects,
except materials, similar to those of the Somme, but are found
imbedded in a formation of gravel that was deposited at least as
far back as the close of the Glacial Age, thus requiring the
passage of the same long series of years since they were used,
as do the implements of European rivers.<42> We must also bear
in mind that no country has been so carefully explored for these
implements as has Europe, and that the very country, Asia,
where, for many reasons, we might hope to find not only
unequivocal proofs of man's presence but from our discoveries be
able to clear up many dark points, as to the race, origin, and
fate of these primitive tribes, is yet almost a sealed book.
But the scattered discoveries we have instanced show us that the
people whose implements have been described in this chapter were
very widely dispersed over the earth, and everything indicates
that they were far removed from us in time. The similarity in
type of implements shows that, wherever found, they were the
same people, in the same low savage state of culture--"Alike in
the somber forests of oak and pine in Great Britain, and when
surrounded by the luxuriant vegetation of the Indian jungle."<43>
We have yet two important points to consider. The first is, what
race of men were these river tribes? and second, when did they
arrive in Europe? Did they precede the glacial cold? did they
make their appearance during a warm interglacial period? or was
it not until the final retreat of the glaciers that they first
wandered into Europe? These questions are far from settled;
yet they have been the object of a great amount of
painstaking research.
To determine the first point, it is necessary that anatomists
have skeletons of the men of this age, to make a careful study
of them. But for a great many reasons, portions of the human
skeleton are very rarely found in such circumstances that we are
sure they date back to the Paleolithic Age, and especially is
this true of the men of the River Drift. In a few instances
fragmentary portions have been found.
M. Quatrefages, of France, who is certainly a very high
authority on these points, thinks that the hunter tribes of the
River Drift belonged to the Canstadt race--"so named from the
village of Canstadt, in Germany, near which a fossil skull was
discovered in 1700, and which appears to be closely allied to
the Neanderthal skull, discovered near Dusseldorf in 1857, and
about which so much has been written."<44> Quatrefages supposes
that this type of man is still to be found in certain Australian
tribes. These are not mere guesses, but are conclusions drawn
from careful study by eminent European scholars.<45>
It is well known that a competent naturalist needs but a single
fossil bone to describe the animal itself, and tell us its
habits. So also anthropologists need but fragments of the human
skeleton, especially of the skull, to describe characteristics
of the race to which the individual belonged.
Illustration of Neanderthal Man.-----------
This cut, though an ideal restoration, is a restoration made in
accordance with the results of careful study of fragmentary
skulls found in various localities in Europe. The head and the
face present a savage aspect; the body harmonized with the head;
the height was not more than five feet and a half; yet the bones
are very thick in proportion to their length, and were evidently
supplied with a powerful set of muscles, since the little
protuberances and depressions where the muscles are attached are
remarkably well developed.<46> Huxley and Quatrefages have both
pointed out that representatives of this race are to be found
among some Australian tribes. "Among the races of this great
island there is one, distributed particularly in the province of
Victoria, in the neighborhood of Port Western, which reproduces
in a remarkable manner, the characters of the Canstadt
race."<47> Not the least interesting result of this discovery is
the similarity of weapons and implements. "With Mr. Lartet, we
see in the obsidian lances of New Caledonia the flint heads of
the lower alluvium of the Somme. The hatchet of certain
Australians reminds us, as it did Sir Charles Lyell, of the
Abbeville hatchet.<48>
Yet some hesitate about accepting these interesting inferences,
thinking that the portions of the human skeleton thus far
recovered, which are beyond a doubt referable to this period,
are too fragmentary to base such important conclusions upon.
This is the view of Boyd Dawkins, who thinks "we can not refer
them to any branch of the human race now alive."<49> "We are
without a clew," continues he, "to the ethnology of the River
Drift man, who most probably is as completely extinct as the
woolly rhinoceros or the cave bear."<50> Future discoveries will
probably settle this point.
It is yet a much disputed point to what particular portion of
the Glacial Age we can trace the appearance of man. We can
profitably note the tendency of scientific thought in this
direction. But a short time has elapsed since a few scholars
here and there began to urge an antiquity for man extending back
beyond the commonly accepted period of six thousand years.
Though it is now well known and admitted that there are no good
grounds for this estimate, yet such was its hold, such its sway
over scientific as well as popular thought, that an appeal to
this chronology was deemed sufficient answer to the discoveries
of DePerthes, Schmerling, and others. It was but yesterday that
this popular belief was overthrown and due weight given the
discoveries of careful explorers in many branches, and the
antiquity of man referred, on indisputable grounds, to a point
of time at least as far back as the close of the preceding
geological age.<51>
It seems as if here a halt had been called, and all possible
objections are urged against a further extension of time. It is,
of course, well to be careful in this matter, and to accept only
such results as inevitably follow from well authenticated
discoveries. But it also seems to us there is no longer any
doubt that man dates back to the beginning of that long extended
time we have named the Glacial Age.<52>
In the first place, we must recall the animals that suddenly
made their appearance in Europe at the beginning of this age.
Though there were a number of species, since become extinct, the
majority of animal forms were those still living.<53>
These are the animals with which man has always been associated.
There is therefore no longer any reason to suppose the evolution
of animal life had not reached that stage where man was to
appear. We need only recall how strongly this point was urged in
reference to the preceding geological epoch, to see its
important bearings here. Mr. Boyd Dawkins has shown that the
great majority of animals which invaded Europe at the
commencement of this age, can be traced to Northern and Central
Asia, whence, owing to climatic changes, they migrated into
Europe.<54>
Inasmuch as man seems to have been intimately associated with
these animals, it seems to us very likely that he came with them
from their home in Asia. We think the tendency of modern
discoveries is to establish the fact that man arrived in Europe
along with the great invasion of species now living.<55>
Turning now to the authorities, we find this to be the accepted
theory of many of those competent to form an opinion.
In England Mr. Geikie has strongly urged the theory that the
Glacial Age includes not only periods of great cold, but also
epochs of exceptional mildness; and he strongly argues that all
the evidence of the River Drift tribes can be referred to these
warm interglacial epochs; in other words, that they were living
in Europe during the Glacial Age.<56>
In answer to this it has been stated that the relics of River
Drift tribes in Southern England overlie bowlder clay, and must
therefore be later in origin than the Glacial Age.<57>
But, Mr. Geikie and others have shown that the ice of the last
great cold did not overflow Southern England,<58> so that this
evidence, rightly read, was really an argument in favor of their
interglacial age.<59> The committee appointed by the British
Association to explore the Victoria Cave, near Settle, urge this
point very strongly in their final report of 1878.<60> To this
report Mr. Dawkins, a member of the committee, records his
dissent, but in his last great work he freely admits that man
was living in England during the Glacial Age, if he did not, in
fact, precede it.<61>
Mr. Skertchley, of the British coast survey, in 1879,<62>
announced the discovery in East Anglia of Paleolithic,
implements underlying the bowlder clay of that section.
Mr. Geikie justly regards this as a most important discovery.<63>
Finally Mr. Dawkins, in his address as President of the
Anthropological section of the British Association, in 1882,
goes over the entire ground. After alluding to the discovery of
paleolithic implements in Egypt, India, and America, he
continues: "The identity of implements of the River Drift hunter
proves that he was in the same rude state of civilization, if it
can be called civilization, in the Old and the New World, when
the hand of the geological clock struck the same hour. It is not
a little strange that this mode of life should have been the
same in the forests of the North, and south of the
Mediterranean, in Palestine, in the tropical forests of India,
and on the western shores of the Atlantic." This, however, is
not taken as proving the identity of race, but as proving that
in this morning-time of man's existence he had nowhere advanced
beyond a low state of savagism. Mr. Dawkins then continues:
"It must be inferred from his wide-spread range that he must
have inhabited the earth for a long time, and that his dispersal
took place before the Glacial epoch in Europe and America.
I therefore feel inclined to view the River Drift hunter as
having invaded Europe in preglacial times, along with other
living species which then appeared." He also points out that the
evidence is that he lived in Europe during all the changes of
that prolonged period known as the Glacial Age.<64>
Sir John Lubbock also records his assent to these views. He says
on this point: "It is, I think, more than probable that the.
advent of the Glacial Period found man already in possession
of Europe."<65>
In our own country Prof. Powell says: "It is now an established
fact that man was widely scattered over the earth at least as
early as the beginning of the Quaternary period, and perhaps in
Pliocene times."<66>
This completes our investigation of the men of the River Drift.
We see how, by researches of careful scholars, our knowledge of
the past has been enlarged. Though there are many points which
are as yet hidden in darkness, we are enabled to form quite a
clear mental picture of this early race. Out of the darkness
which still enshrouds the continent of Asia we see these bands
of savages wandering forth; some to Europe, Africa, and the
west; others to America and the east.
This was at a time when slowly falling temperature but dimly
prophesied a reign of arctic cold, still far in the future.
This race does not seem to have had much capacity for
advancement, since ages came and went leaving him in the same
low state. During the climax of glacial cold he doubtless sought
the southern coasts of Europe along with the temperate species
of animals. But whenever the climatic conditions were such that
these animals could find subsistence as far north as England he
accompanied them there, and so his remains are found constantly
associated with theirs throughout Europe. Though doubtless very
low in the scale, and at the very foot of the ladder of human
progress, we are acquainted with no facts connecting them with
the higher orders of animals. If such exists, we must search for
them further back in geological time. The men of the River Drift
were distinctively human beings, and as such possessed those
qualities which, developing throughout the countless ages that
have elapsed, have advanced man to his present high position.
REFERENCES
(1) This chapter was submitted to Prof. G. F. Wright, of
Oberlin, for criticism.
(2) Lyell's "Antiquity of Man;" Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe,"
p. 332.
(3) It is, however, applicable to only a portion of the
Quaternary, or Post-tertiary period. (Wright.)
(4) Chapter II.
(5) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe," p. 339.
(6) Dawkins's "Cave Hunting," p. 365.
(7) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 112.
(8) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe," p. 337.
(9) The majority of the Pliocene animals disappeared from Europe
at the close of the period in question. This includes such
animals as the mastodon, hipparion, and many kinds of deer
(Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe," p. 334). The following animals
survived into the Glacial Age, and some even into Inter-glacial
periods: African hippopotamus (still living), saber-toothed
lion, bear of Auvergne, big-nosed rhinoceros, Etruskan
rhinoceros, Sedgwick's deer, deer of Polignac, Southern
elephant. ("Prehistoric Europe," p. 95.)
(10) The northern animals include the following: Alpine hare,
musk-sheep, glutton, reindeer, arctic fox, lemming, tailless
hare, marmot, spermophile, ibex, snowy vole, chamois. (Geikie's
"Prehistoric Europe," p. 32.)
(11) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe," p. 28.
(12) The following animals are given as southern species:
Hippopotamus, African elephant, spotted hyena, striped hyena,
serval, caffer cat, lion, leopard. In addition to the above
there were also four or five species of elephants and three
species of rhinoceros, which have since become extinct.
(Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe," p. 32.)
(13) It is scarcely necessary to give a list of these animals.
Prof. Dawkins enumerates thirty-three species. The following are
some of the most important: Urus, bison, horse, stag, roe,
beaver, rabbit, otter, weasel, martin, wildcat, fox, wolf, wild
boar, brown bear, grizzly bear. (Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe,"
p, 32.)
(14) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 191.
(15) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times," p. 316.
(16) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe," p. 87.
(17) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe," p. 50.
(18) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe," p. 54.
(19) Ibid., p. 55.
(20) Kane's "Arctic Exploration," Vol. I, p. 225.
(21) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe," p. 180.
(22) Wallace's "Island Life," p. 104.
(23) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe," p. 189.
(24) Ibid., p. 192, et seq.
(25) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain."
(26) For fuller information on this topic see James Geikie's
"The Great Ice Age;" also, by the same author, "Prehistoric
Europe." In Appendix "B" of this latter work the author gives a
map of Europe at the climax of the Glacial Age, showing the
great extension of the glaciers. This map embodies the results
of the labors of a great many eminent scholars. See also Croll's
"Climate and Time;" also Wallace's "Island Life," pp. 102-202.
We are not aware that the statements as set forth above are
seriously questioned by any geologist of note. Some consider it
quite possible that the bowlder clays of Southern England and
Central Germany were deposited during a period of submergence
from melting icebergs. (Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p.
116.) But even this demands vast glaciers to the north of this
supposed submergence to produce the icebergs. The weight of
authority, however, is in favor of the glaciers. (Geikie's
"Prehistoric Europe," p. 175.)
(27) Haywood's Heer's "Primeval World of Switzerland," p. 200.
(28) "Prehistoric Europe," p. 261. It is no longer a question
that there was at least one mild period separating two periods
of cold in Europe. See Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times," p. 316;
Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," pp. 115-120; Lyell's
"Antiquity of Man," pp. 282-285., Dana's "Manual of Geology,"
first edition, p. 561; Haywood's Heer's "Primeval World of
Switzerland," Vol. II, p. 203; Wallace's "Island Life," p. 114;
Croll's "Climate and Time." Mr. Geikie, in his works, "The Great
Ice Age" and "Prehistoric Europe," maintains there were several
warm interglacial epochs.
(29) Wright.
(30) Morgan's "Ancient Society," p. 29.
(31) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe," p. 365. Morgan's "Ancient
Society," p. 39.
(32) Rau's "Early Man in Europe," p. 14.
(33) "Primitive Industry," p. 485.
(34) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times," 384.
(35) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe," chap. ix. Most geologists
suppose there was a general depression of the region below the
sea level, or so as to form inland lakes, and that the loess was
thus deposited, as perhaps it is depositing at the present time
in the lakes of Switzerland. (Wright.)
(36) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times," p. 423.
(37) Evans's "Ancient Stone Implements," p. 621.
(38) Pop. Science Monthly, Oct., 1883.
(39) Dawkins's "Ear. Man in Brit.," p. 163.
(40) Wright's 'Studies in Science and Religion," p. 278. See
also British Association Report, 1882, p. 602.
(41) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times," p. 356.
(42) Abbott's "Primitive Industry."
(43) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 172.
(44) Wright.
(45) Quatrefages's "Human Species," p. 307.
(46) "Human Species," p. 305.
(47) Ibid., p. 307.
(48) Quatrefage's "Human Species," p. 306.
(49) "Early Man in Britain," p. 173.
(50) Ibid., p. 233.
(51) We do not give any estimate in years as to this antiquity
in this chapter.
(52) We must remember that this age is also variously called the
Quaternary, Pleistocene, and Post Tertiary. We do not now refer
to the evidence of man's existence in the Miocene and Pliocene,
treated of in the preceding chapter.
(53) Mr. Dawkins finds that fifty-five out of seventy-seven
species are yet living. "Early Man in Britain," p, 109.
(54) "Early Man in Britain," p. 110.
(55) Those who reject the proofs of the existence of man in
Pliocene times because the evolution of life had not then
reached a stage where we could hope to find man, are here
confronted with a difficulty. If Mr. Dawkins be right (as stated
above) then the various animals in question must have been
living in Asia during the preceding Pliocene Age. There is no
reason to suppose man was not associated with them, since he
belongs to the same stage of evolution (Le Conte's "Elements of
Geology," p. 568), and though, owing to climatic and
geographical causes, the animals themselves might have been
confined to Asia, there is surely no good reason why man may
not, in small bands, and at various times, have wandered
into Europe.
(56) "Prehistoric Europe," "The Great Ice Age."
(57) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 170.
(58) "Prehistoric Europe," p. 268.
(59) Ibid., 360.
(60) British Assoc. Rep., 1878.
(61) "Early Man in Britain," pp. 137, 141, and 169, with note.
(62) British Assoc. Rep., 1879.
(63) Prehistoric Europe, p. 263.
(64) British Assoc. Rep., 1882.
(65) Preface to Kains-Jackson's "Our Ancient Monuments."
(66) "First Annual Report, Bureau of Ethnology," p. 73.
END OF CHAPTER III******************
The Prehistoric World: or, Vanished Races
by E. A. Allen
Processed by D.R. Thompson
drthom@ihug.co.nz
Chapter IV
CAVE-MEN.<1>
Other sources of Information--History of Cave Exploration--The
formation of Caves--Exploration in Kent's Cavern--Evidence of
two different races--The higher culture of the later race--
Evidence of prolonged time--Exploration of Robin Hood
Cave--Explorations in Valley of the River Meuse--M. Dupont's
conclusions--Explorations in the Valley of the Dordogne--The
Station at Schussenreid--Cavemen not found south of the Alps--
Habitations of the Cave-men--Cave-men were Hunters--Methods of
Cooking--Destitute of the Potter's art--Their Weapons--Clothing
--Their skill in Drawing--Evidence of a Government--Of Religious
belief--Race of the Cave-men--Distinct from the men of the
Drift--Probable Connection with the Eskimos.
We have been delving, among the sands of ancient river bottoms
for a proof of man's existence in far remote times. Slight and
unsatisfactory as they may be to some, they are the materials
with which we reconstruct a wondrous story of life and times
removed from us by many a cycle of years.
Men have frequently resorted to the caverns of the earth for
protection. In places we find caves that served this purpose
during the Paleolithic Age. The men of the Drift, however, do
not appear to have used them, save as temporary places of
refuge, perhaps as a protection from bands of savage enemies, or
from unusually inclement weather. But yet most surprising
results have attended the exploration of caves in England,
France, and Belgium. We find in those gloomy places that the men
of the Drift were not the only tribes of men inhabiting Europe
during the Glacial Age. In fact, living at later date than the
Drift tribes, but still belonging to the Paleolithic Age, were
tribes of people who appear to have utilized caverns and
grottoes as places of permanent resort, and, judging from their
remains, they had made considerable advance in the arts of
living as compared with the tribes of the Drift.
But before pointing out the grounds upon which these conclusions
rest, it may be well to give a slight review of the history of
cave research. The dread and awe which kept people away from
caves during the Middle Ages preserved their contents for later
discoverers. In the seventeenth century, some adventurous
spirits began to search in them for what they called Unicorn
horns, which were deemed a most efficacious remedy for various
diseases. This search served the good purpose of bringing to
light various fossil bones of animals, and calling the attention
of scientific men to the same.
The cave of Gailenreuth, in Bavaria, was explored by Dr.
Goldfuss in 1810. He came to the conclusion that the bones of
bears and other extinct animals were proofs of the former
presence of the animals themselves. Dr. Buckland, a celebrated
English writer, visited the cave in 1816, and became much
interested in the work; so much so that when Kirkdale Cavern, in
England, was discovered in 1821, he at once repaired to the spot
and made a careful exploration. The results satisfied him that
hyenas and other extinct animals had once lived in England.
He followed up his explorations in a number of cases, and
published a work on this subject in 1822, which marks the
commencement of a new era in cave research.
In 1825 Kent's Cavern, near Torquay, was discovered, and Rev. J.
McEnry made partial explorations in it. He discovered flint
implements and perceived they might be a proof of the presence
of man with these extinct animals. Dr. Buckland had not found
these relics, or else had passed them by as of no importance,
for he refused to entertain the theory that man and the extinct
animals had been contemporaneous. Explorations made in France in
1827-8 had furnished such strong evidence on this point that it
was deemed established by some scholars, but being opposed to
the prevailing belief, nothing came of it.
Illustration of Gailenreuth.---------
In 1829 Schmerling commenced his investigations in the caves of
the valley of the Meuse. For years he continued his work under
many difficulties. Sir Charles Lyell tells us he was let down
day after day to the opening of the Engis Cave by a rope tied to
a tree. Arriving there he crawled on all fours through a narrow
passage way to the enlarged chamber, where, standing in mud and
water, he superintended the investigations. He examined over
forty of those caves, and published his results in 1833.
He clearly showed that man must have been living along with
various animals now extinct in Belgium. But, as before remarked,
it was deemed sufficient answer to this careful explorer to
point out that his results were opposed to the accepted
chronology, and so they were passed by. When the time at last
came, and their true worth was recognized, Schmerling himself
had passed away.
We have already seen what great results followed the exploration
of DePerthes in the river gravels. When it had been clearly
established that man and extinct animals hid coexisted in
Europe, the results of cave explorations were eagerly recalled,
and governments vied with royal societies and private
individuals in continuing the researches. The results are that a
rich store of facts has been gathered from those gloomy resorts,
illustrative of the later stages of Paleolithic art.
A word as to the formation of caves, grottoes, caverns, and rock
shelters. These vary greatly in size, some being so small as to
furnish protection to but few individuals; others, especially
caves, so large that whole tribes might have found a place of
resort within their chambers. They are found in all limestone
countries. The formation of caves is now recognized as due to
natural causes acting slowly through many years. Limestone rock
is very hard and durable, but chemistry teaches us that water
charged with carbonic acid gas will readily dissolve it.
Rain-water falling from the clouds is sure to come in contact
with masses of decaying vegetable matter, which we know is
constantly giving off quantities of this gas. Laden with this
the water sinks into the ground, and, if it comes in contact
with limestone, readily washes some of it away in solution.
But beds of limestone rock are noted for containing great
fissures through which subterranean waters penetrate far into
the ground. We can readily see how this percolating water would
dissolve and wear away the surface of the rocks along such a
fissure, and in process of time we would have the phenomenon of
a stream of water flowing under ground.
Owing to a great many causes--such, for instance, as the meeting
of another fissure--we would expect that portions of this
underground way would become enlarged to spacious halls.
In some such a way as this it is now understood that all caves
have originated.
Owing to many natural causes the river may, after a while, cease
to flow, leaving enlarged portions of its channel behind as a
succession of chambers in a cave. But water would still come
trickling in from the tops and sides, and be continuously
dripping to the floor, where it speedily evaporates. When such
is the case it leaves behind it the limestone it held in
solution. So, in process of time, if the deposition is
undisturbed, there will be formed over the floor of the cave a
more or less continuous layer of limestone matter known as
stalagmite. The same formations on the top and sides of the cave
are called stalactites. In places where the drip is continuous
the stalactite gradually assumes the shape of an immense icicle;
while the stalagmite on the floor of the cave, underneath the
drip, rises in a columnar mass to meet the descending
stalactite. A union of these is not uncommon, and, we have
pillars and columns presenting the strange, fantastic appearance
on which tourists delight to dwell in their notes of travel.
While these accumulations are in all cases very slow, still we
can not measure the time since it commenced by the rate of
present growth, because this rate varies greatly at different
times and places even in the same cave. And we must also remark
that this complete series of changes only occur in a few
localities, the majority of caves being insignificant
in size.<2>
From what has been said as to the formation of caves, we would
expect them to occur in river valleys, and this is the case,
though in some instances there have been such immense changes in
the surface level of the country that we can now find no trace
of rivers near them. This is exactly similar to some gravel
deposits, which, as we have seen, are occasionally found where
is now no running water. The most noted caverns, however, are
found high up on the banks of existing rivers. We can not doubt
that the rivers were the cause of the caves. But having
excavated their beds below the level of the then existing caves,
they ceased to flow in them, and left them to be occupied by
savage animals and the scarcely less savage men. But at times,
swollen by floods, the river would again assert its supremacy
and roll its waters through its old channels.
These floods would not only tear up and rearrange whatever
debris had already accumulated, but would introduce
quantities of sediment and animal remains. In some such a manner
as is here pointed out (though exactly how geologists are not
agreed) caves were invaded, after being long occupied by men or
animals, by floods of water. In many cases the evidence would
seem to indicate that after such a visitation by water the cave
and its water-rolled and water-arranged contents were left to
silence, visited by neither man nor beast. In such instances
stalagmitic coverings would gradually form over the confused
debris, and in some places acquire a thickness of several
feet. In some instances several such floors are found one above
the other, pointing to a prolonged period of usage, and then a
quiet stage, in which the drip of falling water alone broke the
silence, and nature sealed up another chapter of cave biography
beneath the layer of stalagmite.
One of the most important caves of England is Kent's Cavern,
before mentioned. This cave was carefully explored under the
direction of a committee appointed by the British Association,
and to show the care and thoroughness of the work we need only
state that this work occupied the greater portion of sixteen
years, and hence the results obtained may be regarded as, in a
general way, illustrative of the life of the cave dwellers.
"This cave is about a mile east of Torquay harbor, and is of a
sinuous character, running deeply into a hill of Devonian
limestone, about half a mile distant from the sea. In places it
expands into large chambers, to which various distinctive names
have been given."<3>
Let us see what general results have been reached by this
committee. The investigation disclosed several different beds of
stalagmite, cave earth, and breccia. The lowest layer is a
breccia.<4> The matrix is sand of a reddish color, containing
many pieces of rock known as red-grit and some pieces of quartz.
This implies the presence of running water, which at times
washed in pieces of red-grit. The surface features must have
been quite different from the present, since now this rock does
not form any part of the hill into which this cave opens.<5>
And this change in drainage took place before this lowest layer
was completed, since not only bears, but men, commenced to visit
the cave. The presence of bears is shown by numerous bones, and
that of man by his implements.
Illustration of Spear-head--Lower Breccia, Kent's Cavern.---
We must notice that all the implements found in the breccia are
similar to those of the Drift, being rudely formed and massive.
No doubt these are the remains of Drift men, who, for some cause
or other, temporarily visited the cave, perhaps contending with
the cave bear for its possession. But a time at length arrived
when for some reason neither animals nor man visited the cave.
The slow accumulation of stalagmite went forward until in some
places it had obtained a thickness of twelve feet. Freely
admitting that we can not determine the length of time demanded
for this deposition, yet none can doubt that it requires a very
long time indeed. Says Mr. Geikie: "How many centuries rolled
past while that old pavement was slowly accreting, no one can
say; but that it represents a lapse of ages compared to which
the time embraced by all tradition and written history is but as
a few months, who that is competent to form an opinion can
doubt?" But after this long period of quiet, from some source
great torrents of water came rolling through the cave. We know
this to be so, because in places it broke up this layer of
stalagmite and washed it away, as well as large portions of the
breccia below, and after the floods had ceased, occasionally
inundations still threw down layers of mud and silt.
This accumulation is known as cave earth, and is the layer
containing the numerous remains of the Cave-men. Here the
explorers were not only struck with the large number of
implements, but at once noticed that they were of a higher form
and better made. Instead of the rude and massive implements of
the Drift tribes, we have more delicate forms chipped all
around. And we also meet with those that from their form may
have been used as the heads of spears or arrows. Flakes were
also utilized for various purposes. We also find
implements, weapons, and ornaments of bone--a step in advance of
Drift culture. They had "harpoons for spearing fish, eyed
needles or bodkins for stitching skins together, awls perhaps to
facilitate the passage of the slender needle through the tough,
thick hides; pins for fastening the skins they wore, and
perforated badgers' teeth for necklaces or bracelets."<6>
Nothing of this kind has yet been shown as belonging to the men
of the Drift.
Illustrations of Spear-head and Flake-----------
The bones of a large number of animals are also found in the
cave earth. The most abundant is the hyena, and no doubt they
dragged in a great many others; but the agency of man is equally
apparent, as the bones have often been split for the extraction
of marrow. Besides bones of the hyena, we have also those of the
lion, tiger, bear, and reindeer.<7>
Illustration of Harpoons, Pin, Awl, and Needle--Kent's Cavern.
With these animals man, from time to time, disputed possession
of the cave. At one place on the surface of the cave earth is
found what is known as the "black band." This is nothing more or
less than the fire-place of these old tribes. Here we find
fragments of partially consumed wood, bones showing the action
of fire--in short, every thing indicating a prolonged occupancy
by man.
No one can doubt but that this deposit of cave earth itself
requires a prolonged time for its accumulation.<8> But this
period, however prolonged, at length comes to an end. From some
cause, both animals and man again abandoned the cave.
Another vast cycle of years rolls away--a time expressed in
thousands of years--during which nature again spread over
the entombed remains a layer of stalagmite, in some places equal
in thickness to the first formation. Above this layer we come to
a bed of mold containing remains of the later Stone Age, of the
Bronze, and even of the Iron Age. Below the first layer of
stalagmite--the completed biography of Paleolithic times; above,
the unfinished book of the present. Such are the eloquent
results obtained by the thorough exploration of one cave.
The results of all the other explorations, in a general way,
confirm these. Mr. Dawkins explored a group of caverns in
Derbyshire, England. These caverns and fissures are situated in
what is known as Cresswell Crags, the precipitous sides of a
ravine through which flows a stream of water dividing the
counties of Derby and Nottingham.
This cut represents the different strata in Robin Hood cave.
It will be seen that, at one place, the stalactite has united
with the stalagmite below. It is not necessary to go into the
details of this exploration. All the relics of man found in
d, c, and the lower portions of b, are the rude
and massive forms peculiar to the River Drift tribes. But the
relics found in the breccia a, and the upper portion of
the cave earth b, denote a sudden advance in culture.
The rude tools of the lower strata are replaced by more highly
finished ones of flint.
Illustration of Robin Hood Cave.-----------
The most important discovery was that of a small fragment of
rib, with its polished surface ornamented with the incised
figure of a horse. The peculiar value of this discovery is, that
it serves to connect the Cave-men of England with those of the
continent who, as we shall afterward see, excelled in artistic
work of this kind.
In another cave of this series, in association with similar
flints, were found the following bone implements. We can only
conjecture the use of the notched bone. The pieces of reindeer
horn, terminating in a scoop, may have served as a spoon to
extract marrow.
Illustration of Horse Incised on Piece of Rib.------
We must not fail to notice that the more highly finished relics
of the Cave-men are found in strata overlying those of the River
Drift; and, in the case of Kent's Cavern, these two sets of
implements are separated by a layer of stalagmite requiring a
very prolonged time for its formation. This would imply that the
Cave-men came into England long after the tribes of the River
Drift; and, judging from the relics themselves, they must have
been a distinct people. We must recall how completely the
climate and animals in England varied during the Glacial Age.
We have also seen how closely connected the River Drift tribes
were with the animals of the warm temperate regions. Coming at a
later date, totally distinct from them in culture are those
Cave-men--perhaps they may prove to be associated with the
Arctic animals. But, before speculating on this point, we must
learn the results attending the exploration of the caves of
Belgium, France, and other countries on the continent of Europe.
Illustration of Bone Implements--Cresswell Crags.-----------
In the valley of the river Meuse (Belgium), and its tributaries,
have been found a number of caves and rock-shelters. It was in
the caves of the Meuse that Schmerling made his explorations.
When the real value of his work was recognized, the Belgian
government had a thorough exploration made by M. Dupont,
director of the Royal Museum in Brussels. This gentleman
scientifically examined forty-three of these resorts.
His opinions, therefore, are deserving of great weight; but,
unfortunately, they are not accepted by all. These caves vary
greatly in size--many being mere rock-shelters. From their
position, we are at once struck with the prolonged period of
time necessary to explain their formation. They are found at
very different heights along the river's bank. In one case two
caves are so situated that the river must have sunk its bed
nearly two hundred feet between the time of their formation.<9>
M. Dupont thinks the evidence very clearly points to the
presence of two distinct stages in cave life--one of which he
calls the Mammoth period, and the other, which is more recent,
the Reindeer. It is, however, known that the mammoth lived all
through the Reindeer epoch, if not to later times; so the names
bestowed on these periods do not seem very appropriate. We can
readily see, however, that, while the names might be wrong, the
two periods might be reality. In many cases, the same cave
contained remains of both stages, separated by layers of cave
earth, and it is noticed that, in such cases, those of the
Reindeer stage are invariably of a later date. In general terms,
M. Dupont finds that the implements of the Mammoth period are of
a rude make, consisting of a poor kind of flint, and poorly
finished. But, in beds of the Reindeer epoch, the flint
implements consist, principally, of well-shaped blades and
flakes--with numerous bodkins, or awls--javelins, or arrow-heads
--besides articles of bone and horn such as harpoons, and teeth
of various animals drilled as if suspended for ornaments.
Their workmanship indicates decidedly more skill than that of
the implements obtained from the lower levels. But the most
remarkable finds of the Reindeer epoch consist of portions of
reindeer horn, showing etchings or engravings which have been
traced by some sharp point, no doubt by a flint implement.
One small bit of horn has been cut or scraped so as to present
the rude outline of a human figure.
So far the evidence seems to bear out the same conclusions as do
those of the British caves, though it also shows that the men of
the Drift inhabited caves quite extensively. We must remember,
however, that the greatest wealth of cave relics belongs to the
so-called Cave-men, but that savage tribes have always resorted
to caves as a place for occasional habitation.<10>
It is in France that we find the greatest wealth of relics of
Cave-men. Sir John Lubbock has left us a description of the
valley of the Vezere, where these caverns occur. The Vezere is a
small tributary of the Dordogne. "The rivers of the Dordogne run
in deep valleys cut through calcareous strata: and while the
sides of the valley in chalk districts are generally sloping, in
this case, owing probably to the hardness of the rock, they are
frequently vertical. Small caves and grottoes frequently occur:
besides which, as the different strata possess unequal power of
resistance against atmospheric influence, the face of the rock
is, as it were, scooped out in many places, and thus 'rock-
shelters' are produced. In very ancient times these caves and
rock-shelters were inhabited by men, who have left behind them
abundant evidence of their presence.
"But as civilization advanced, man, no longer content with the
natural but inconvenient abode thus offered to him, excavated
chambers for himself, and in places the whole face of the rock
is honey-combed with doors and windows, leading into suits of
rooms, often in tiers one over the other, so as to suggest the
idea of a French Petra. Down to a comparatively recent period,
as, for instance, in the troublous times of the Middle Ages,
many of these, no doubt, served as very efficient
fortifications, and even now some of them are in use as store-
houses, and for other purposes, as, for instance, at Brantome,
where there is an old chapel cut in solid rock.
"Apart from the scientific interest, it was impossible not to
enjoy the beauty of the scene which passed before our eyes, as
we dropped down the Vezere. As the river visited sometimes one
side of the valley, sometimes the other, so we had at one moment
rich meadow lands on each side, or found ourselves close to the
perpendicular and almost overhanging cliff. Here and there we
came upon some picturesque old castle, and though the trees were
not in full leaf, the rocks were, in many places, green with box
and ivy and evergreen oak, which harmonized well with the rich
yellow brown of the stone itself."<11>
Thus it will be seen this valley has been a favorite resort for
people at widely different times, and amongst others, the cave
dwellers of the Paleolithic Age. As in the caves of Belgium,
some of them are at a considerable height above the stream,
while others are but little above the present flood line.
Mr. Dawkins refers us to the results of the exploration of a
French scientist in one of the grottoes of this section, which
seem to be exactly similar to the results obtained from the
caves of Cresswell Crags and Kent's Cavern. The implements
obtained from the two lower strata are rough choppers and rude
flakes of jasper and other simple forms. Above these beds was a
stratum of black earth, underneath a sheet of stalagmite.
Here were found implements of a far higher type: those of
flints, consisting of flakes, saws, and scrapers, with finely
chipped heads and arrow-heads, and awls and arrow-heads of bone
and antler.<12> Now these results can only be interpreted as
were those in the English caverns. The lower and ruder
implements belong to the men of the Drift; the later and more
polished ones to the Cave-men.
Illustration of Bone Implements, Dordogne Caves.-------------
Most of the relics obtained from these caverns belong to the
Cave-men proper. However, the implements from one of them, known
as Le Moustier, are of a rude type, and may belong to those of
the Drift. But most of them are of superior make and finish.
These specimens are all from caves in this vicinity.<13>
We have seen that the men of the Drift were very widely
scattered over the earth. We find, however, that the Cave-men
had a much more limited range. Dr. Fraas has shown their
presence in Germany. At Schussenreid, in Bavaria, was found an
open air station of these people. It was evidently a camping-
ground, one of the few places where proofs of their presence
have been discovered outside of caves. Here we found the usual
debris, consisting of broken bones, charcoal, blackened
hearth-stone, and implements of flint and horn. We must stop a
minute to notice a bit of unexpected proof as to the severity of
climate then prevailing in Europe. This deposit was covered up
with sand, and on this sand were the remains of moss,
sufficiently perfect to determine the kind. We are assured that
it is composed of species now found only in Alpine regions, near
or above the snow-line, and in such northern countries as
Greenland and Spitzbergen.<14> Dr. Fraas also proved their
presence in several caves in Suabia. One known as the Hohlefels
Cave was very rich in these relics. They have been found in
Switzerland, as at Thayengen; but are not found south of the
Alps or the Pyrenees. Men, indeed, inhabited caves in Italy, but
they did not use the implements characteristic of the
Cave-men.<15> Mr. Dawkins points out that this range corresponds
very nearly to that of the northern group of animals, thus
differing widely from the men of the River Drift. In this
connection we must notice that the reindeer is the animal whose
remains are most commonly met with in the debris they
have left in the caves. This animal surely testifies to a cold
climate. We are thus justified in concluding that the Cave-men
are associated with the Arctic group of animals.<16>
We must now turn our attention to the culture of the Cave-men.
We must reflect that long ages, with great changes of climate
and life, both animal and vegetable, have rolled away since the
remains of these early races were sealed by the stalagmite
formation in caves. The relics at their best are but scanty
memorials of a people long since passed, and we can not expect,
can not hope, to recover more than a general outline. But this
will be found full of interest, for it is a picture of
Paleolithic life and times existing in Europe long ages before
the pyramids of Egypt were uplifted.
With respect to habitations, we have already seen that he took
up his abode in caves, at least where they were suitable.
According to their depth and the light penetrating them, he
either occupied the whole extent of them, or established himself
in the outlet only. About the center of the cave some slabs of
stone, selected from the hardest rock such as sandstone or
slate, were bedded down in the ground, and formed the hearth for
cooking his food. But in no country are such resorts
sufficiently numerous to shelter a large population; besides,
they, are generally at some distance from the fertile plains,
where game would be most abundant. In such cases they doubtless
constructed rude huts of boughs, skins, or other materials.
Such an out-door settlement was the station at Solutre, France,
where has been found an immense number of bones of horses,
reindeers, also, though in less abundance, those of elephants,
aurochs, and great lions.<17>
Where no cave presented itself, these people made for
themselves convenient sheltering places under the cover of some
great overhanging rock. In various places in France such resorts
have been discovered. The name of "rock shelters" has been given
to such resorts. In such places, where we may suppose they built
rude huts, are found rich deposits of the bones of mammals,
birds, and fishes, as well implements of bone and horn.
We have frequently referred to the presence of hearths, showing
that they used fire. Like other rude races, it is probable that
they obtained fire by the friction of one piece of wood upon
another. M. Dupont found in one of the Belgium caves a piece of
iron pyrites, from which, with a flint, sparks could be struck.
Speculations have been indulged as to the probable condition of
man before he obtained a knowledge of fire. If the acquisition
of fire be regarded as one of the results of human endeavor, it
must surely be classed as one of the most valuable discoveries
which mankind has made. We do not believe, however, that we
shall ever discover relics of races or tribes of men so low in
the scale as to be ignorant of the use of fire. Even some of the
flints which M. Bourgeois would refer to the Miocene Age show
evidence of its action.<18>
Full-page picture of Rock Shelter at Bruniquel.-----------
The men of the Caves supported life by hunting. But a very small
part of their food supplies could have been drawn from the
vegetable kingdom. When the climate was so severe that Alpine
mosses grew at Schussenreid, acorns and like nuts would be about
all they could procure from that source. The animals hunted by
the Cave-men were principally reindeer, horses, bisons, and,
occasionally mammoths and woolly rhinoceros. But they were not
very choice in this matter, as they readily accepted as food any
animal they could obtain by force or cunning. Wolves and foxes
were not rejected, and in one cave large numbers of the bones of
the common water rat were obtained. We know what animals were
used as food, because we find their bones split for the purpose
of procuring the marrow they contained. This was evidently to
them a nutritious article of diet, since they were careful to
open all the bones containing it, and bones so split are
frequently the only means of detecting the former presence of
man in some bone caves.
We must not forget that at that time the shore of the Atlantic
Ocean, during a large part of the Paleolithic Age, was situated
much farther west than it is now, and so in all probability many
refuse heaps are now underneath the waves. From certain drawings
that are found in some French caves, we know they were used for
hunting both seals and whales.
We can not doubt that the capture of a whale afforded as much
enjoyment to them as it does to a tribe of Eskimos now. Bones of
birds and fishes are found in many instances. The salmon appears
to have been a favorite among fishes. Among the birds are found
some species now only living in cold countries, such as the
snowy owl, willow grouse, and flamingo. This is but another
proof that the climate of Europe was then very cold.
Illustration of Whale and Seal, Incised on Bone.------------
The Cave-men were not afraid to attack animals greatly superior
to them in strength. In the Hohlefels Cave in Germany were found
great quantities of the broken and split bones of cave bears, an
animal very similar to the grizzly, and probably its equal in
strength. The reindeer was the main reliance of these tribes.
Its bones are found in great abundance, and it doubtless was to
them all it is to the Lapps of Europe to-day, except, of course,
that it was not domesticated.
Though fire would naturally suggest some rude method of cooking,
we can scarcely find a trace of such operations, and it has been
a matter of conjecture how they proceeded. Sir John Lubbock
thinks they boiled their food, and in the absence of pottery
used wooden or skin vessels, bringing the water to a boiling
point by means of stones heated red hot and thrown into the
water. He points out the presence of peculiarly shaped stones
found in some caves, which he thinks were used for this
purpose.<19> It is not supposed they had any articles of pottery
during this epoch. This is quite an important point, because a
knowledge of pottery marks an important epoch in the culture of
a people.
Illustration of Cave Bear, Incised on Slate.-----------------
A people possessed of this knowledge have passed from Savagism
into the lower status of Barbarism.<20> A piece of pottery is as
little liable to destruction as a piece of bone, and so, had
those people possessed pottery, there is no reason why pieces of
it should not be found in every refuse heap, and amongst the
debris of all caves. But such is not the case;
no fragments of pottery have yet been found which can be
referred with confidence to the epoch of the Cave-men.<21>
Some speculations have been indulged in as to whether the men of
this age were cannibals or not. It need occasion no surprise if
they were, since ancient writers assert that even during
historical times this practice prevailed in Europe.<22>
Though not definitely proven there are many facts difficult of
explanation, except on this supposition. However, it may well be
that this, after all, only amounted to the custom of eating
parts of an enemy killed in battle, as certain modern savages do
that we would not call cannibals.<23>
It is not necessary to speak at much length of the methods of
hunting. They had bows and arrows, daggers of reindeer horn,
spears tipped with flint or bone, and harpoons. Besides, they
made a formidable club of the lower jaw-bone of the cave-bear
with its canine tooth still left in its place. Fishing with nets
is not supposed to have been known, Harpooning was probably
their favorite way. M. G. DeMortillet thinks they fished as
follows: They fastened a cord to the middle of a small splinter
of bone. This was then baited, and when swallowed by the fish,
was very certain to get caught in the body.<24>
We know that rude tribes of to-day have many means of snaring
animals. Doubtless similar scenes were enacted on their primeval
hunting-grounds. French books contain illustrations of the men
of this period driving game over precipitous sides. They had no
dogs to assist them in the hunt, and though reindeer were around
them in great abundance, it is not supposed that they thought of
domesticating them.
Man is the only animal which seeks to protect his body from the
Summer's heat or the cold of Winter by the use of clothing.
We are, unfortunately, not able to present many details of the
dress of man during the early Stone Age. We are, however, quite
certain that when the climate was severe enough to permit such
animals as the musk-sheep and the reindeer to inhabit South-
western Europe, man must have been provided with an abundance of
warm clothing, though doubtless rudely made and fashioned.
Many reindeer horns found in France are cut and hacked at the
base in such a way as to indicate that it was done when removing
the skins. We also know that the rudest of savage tribes are
never at a loss for some process of tanning hides and rendering
them fit for use. From the immense number and variety of
scrapers found among the cave debris. we are sure the
preparation of clothing occupied no inconsiderable portion of
their time. We also find numerous awls and splinters of flint
and bone, which they doubtless used in exactly the same manner
as similar tools are used by the Lapps to-day in Europe, that
is, to pierce holes in the hides, through which to pass their
rude needle and thread. The needles are made of reindeer horn,
and they were not only smoothly polished, but the eyes are of
such a minute size, and withal so regularly made, that many at
first could not believe they were drilled by the use of flint
alone. This, however, has been shown to be the case by actual
experiments. The thread employed was reindeer tendons, for bones
of these animals are found cut just where they would he cut in
removing these tendons. This cut shows that they protected their
hands by means of long gloves of three or four fingers.<25>
Illustration of Glove, Incised on Bear's Tooth.-----------
We have thus far been considering those arts which pertain more
directly to living. We have presented some sketches found
engraved on pieces of bone. We first noticed this among the
relics found in one of the Creswell caves in England. It was
also noticed in Belgium. It was among the Cave-men of Southern
France that this artistic trait became highly developed.
Among the reindeer hunters of the Dordogne were artists of no
mean ability. We must pause a minute and mark the bearing of
this taste for art. We have seen many reasons for supposing the
men of the caves much farther advanced in the scale of culture
than those of the Drift, but we have also seen that we can not
rank them higher than the highest grade of savages.
Sir John Lubbock thus speaks of them: "In considering the
probable condition of these ancient Cave-men, we must give them
full credit for their love of art, such as it was; while, on the
other hand, the want of metal, of polished flint implements, and
even of pottery, the ignorance of agriculture, and the apparent
absence of all domestic animals, including even the dog,
certainly imply a very low state of civilization."<26>
They were certainly not as far advanced in civilization as the
next race we will describe, yet the Neolithic people had no such
skill as was possessed by the cave-men. This need not surprise
us, because "an artistic feeling is not always the offspring of
civilization, it is rather a gift of nature. It may manifest its
existence in the most barbarous ages, and may make its influence
more deeply felt in nations which are behind in respect to
general progress than in others which are more deeply advanced
in civilization."<27>
Illustration of Reindeer Grazing.-------------
In regard to the objects themselves, a glance at the
illustrations show us that they are quite faithful sketches of
the animals at that time common. As might be expected, sketches
of the reindeer are numerous. This cut is regarded as the
highest example of Paleolithic art, sketched on a piece of horn
and found in Switzerland. The animal is grazing, and the grass
on which it feeds is seen below. We have on a piece of slate the
outlines of a group of reindeer, generally considered as
representing a fight, though it may mean a hunt, and that the
hunter has succeeded in killing a portion of the herd. Some, as
we see, are on the ground.
Illustration of a Group of Reindeers.---------
Illustration of Man and Other Animals.--------
It would be exceedingly interesting could we but find well
executed sketches of the men of this period, but, unfortunately,
with one or two exceptions, no representations, however rude,
have yet been discovered of the human form. Perhaps an
explanation of this fact may be found in the well-known
reluctance of savage tribes to have any engravings taken of
themselves, and we can well imagine that if any one was known to
make drawings of human beings he would be regarded with
suspicious distrust, and it would hardly be a safe
accomplishment to possess. One very curious group represents a
man, long and lean, standing between two horses' heads, and by
the side of a long serpent or fish, having the appearance of an
eel. On the reverse side of this piece of horn were represented
the heads of two aurochs or bisons. Mr. Dawkins thinks this also
represents a hunting sketch, and that the man is in the act of
striking one of the horses with a spear.
Illustration of Fish, Incised on Bear's Tooth.------------
Illustration of Ibex.------------------
On, a fragment of spear-head found in France several human hands
were engraved, but having only four fingers each. On this point
Mr. Lartet assures us that some savage tribes still depict the
hand without the thumb.<28> Representations of birds and
reptiles are very rare; fishes are more common. On a piece of
reindeer's horn was found this representation of the head and
chest of an ibex. Of special interest to us is a representation
of a mammoth found engraved on a piece of mammoth tusk in one of
the Dordogne caves. We have no doubt that the artist who
engraved it was perfectly familiar with the animal itself.
Illustration of Mammoth--La Madeline Cave, France.----------
Their artistic skill was not confined to the execution of
drawings. They frequently carved pieces of reindeer horn into
various animal forms. Our next cut shows us a dagger, the handle
of which is carved to imitate a reindeer. It will be seen how
the artist has adapted the position of the animal to the
necessities of the case. Flowers are very seldom represented;
but one implement from France has a very nice representation of
some flowering plant engraved on it.
Take it all in all, the possession of this artistic instinct is
certainly remarkable--the more so when we remember the rudeness
of his surroundings, and the few and simple means at his command
for work. "A splinter of flint was his sole graving tool; a
piece of reindeer horn, or a flake of slate or ivory, was the
only plate on which primitive man could stamp his reproduction
of animated nature."<29>
Illustration of Reindeer Carved on Dagger Handle.-------
Some speculations have been indulged in as to whether we have
any traces of a government amongst the Paleolithic people.
That they had some chief or leader is more than probable. In the
caves of France we find a number of fragments of reindeer horn.
Generally speaking, they show evidence of a good deal of care in
making them. They are carved and ornamented with sketches of
various animals, and invariably have one or more holes bored in
the base. The idea has been quite freely advanced, that these
are emblems of authority.<30> And some have pointed out, that,
though they are too light for use as weapons, yet, their
"frequent occurrence, and uniformity of type, show that they
possess a conventional significance."<31> Mr. Geikie says that
these conjectures "are mere guess-work."<32> And Mr. Dawkins
points out that they are very similar in design and ornament
with an implement of the Eskimos known as an
"arrow-straightener."<33>
Whatever may be our conclusions in regard to these ornamented
pieces of reindeer horn, we can not doubt but that their social
instincts found expression in some sort of alliance for the
common good. This is shown by several facts: such, for instance,
as the evidence of trade or barter between localities
considerable distances apart. The inhabitants of Belgium must
have gone to what is now Southern France to procure the flint
they used. They also procured, from the same source, fossil sea-
shells, which they valued highly.<34> We also notice the fact,
that certain localities appear to have been used as the place of
manufacture for certain articles, to the exclusion of others.
In other words, the primitive people appear to have learned the
great utility of a division of labor. One of the caves in
Belgium appears to have been used as a place to make flint
implements. Over twenty thousand articles of flint were found in
this cave.<35> In France, while in one cave the implements were
all of the spear-head type, in a neighboring cave horn was
almost the only article used in the manufacture of implements.
We must not, however, form an exalted idea of their
trade--it was simply barter in a rude state of society.<36>
Illustration of Flowers on Reindeer's Horn.--------
Various opinions have been held as to whether we have any trace
of a religious belief. Theoretically speaking, they had some
sort of a religion, though doubtless very vague and indistinct;
for we know of no nation as far advanced as they were destitute
of it.<37> It has been pointed out, that the bones of some
animals, as the horse, were very rare, and their absence
explained as the result of superstitious reasons. It has also
been conjectured that some of the perforated bones and teeth of
animals found in various deposits were amulets worn for
religious purposes; and some have gone so far as to infer, that
the ornamentations on some of these so-called amulets represent
the sun, and that, consequently, sun-worship prevailed among the
Cave-men. While these various conjectures are, of course,
possible, it is equally certain they are all "mere guess-work."
Illustration of Ornamented Reindeer Horn---------------
Early explorers describe with considerable degree of confidence
the manner of burial among the Cave-men, and inferred from the
remains found buried with the bodies that they had some notion
of a life beyond the grave--and, accordingly, placed near the
body food and drink to support him on his journey, weapons
wherewith to defend himself, and his favorite implements, so
that, arrived at the land of spirits, he would be well provided
for. These result are not borne out by later investigations. The
instance mentioned most prominently, that of the burial cave at
Aurignac, France, has been shown to have no bearing on the
question, as every thing indicates that the burials were of a
much later date.
We have yet a most important question before us--one that is
still engaging the attention of scientific men in Europe.
That is the question of race. Who were these early tribes?
Are they in any way connected with the men of the Drift? Have we
any representations of them now living upon the earth? On these
questions there is quite a diversity of opinion. In various
caves in France and Belgium, skulls and other bones of the human
skeleton have been found. These have been studied with care by
the best scholars in Europe; and B. Carfares has set forth
the results in his various works, in which he connects them, not
only with the men of the River Drift, but with the race of men
that inhabited Europe during the succeeding Neolithic Age, and,
indeed, with men now living in France and Belgium.
There is no question as to the correctness of these inferences
--the only one is, whether the skulls and fragmentary skeletons
are really remains of the Cave-men. This must be made perfectly
clear and unquestioned before we are to accept them. Mr. Darkens
reviews the various cases where skeletons have been found in
caves.<38> He points out that, in every instance, very serious
doubts can be raised as to whether they are really remains of
the Cave-men or not.
Until these objections are met, we do not see how the opinion of
B. Carfares (above) can be accepted. But if these instances
are not accepted, then, in all other instances where there is no
doubt, the remains are in such a fragmentary condition that no
conclusion can be made from them. So as far as remains of the
human skeleton are concerned, we can form no conclusions as to
the race to which the Cave-men belonged.
We have already noted, that the Cave-men came into Europe much
later than the men of the Drift, and that their range was very
limited, corresponding, in fact, with that of the northern group
of animals. When the cold of the Glacial Age passed away, the
musk-sheep, reindeer, and other animals, were driven out of
Europe. They are found now only in high northern latitudes, such
as Greenland. Mr. Darkens thinks that there, also, are to be
found the Cave-men of the Paleolithic Age, now known as the
Eskimos. Though not accepted by all authorities, yet some of our
best scholars find much to commend in this theory.
We have undoubted proofs that, in America, the Eskimos formerly
lived much farther south.<39> And Dr. Abbot thinks the
Paleolithic implements discovered in New Jersey, bearing such
striking resemblance to those of Europe, are undoubtedly their
work.<40> Therefore, there is no absurdity in asserting that
they once lived in Western Europe; the more so, when we reflect
that the climate, the animals--in fact, all their surroundings--
must have been similar to those of their present habitats.
When we come to examine the customs and habits of these Eskimos,
we are at once struck with their resemblance to what we have
seen was the probable state of life among the Cave-men.
At Solute, for instance, we have vast refuse heaps of bones of
animals. We find similar heaps around the rude huts of the
Eskimos to-day. Captain Parry describes one as follows:
"In every direction round the huts were lying innumerable bones
of walruses and seals, together with skulls of dogs, bears,
and foxes."<41>
Other points of comparison strike us when reading Sir John
Lubbock's account of their habits and customs. For instance:
"Their food, if cooked at all, is broiled or boiled; their
vessels, being of stone or wood, can not, indeed, be put on the
fires, but heated stones are thrown in until the water becomes
hot enough and the food is cooked." "Their food consists
principally of reindeer, musk-ox, walrus, seals, birds, and
salmon. They will, however, eat any kind of animal food. They
are very fond of fat and marrow, to get at which they pound the
bones with a stone." "The clothes of the Eskimos are made from
the skins of the reindeer, seals, and birds, sewn together with
sinews. For needles they use the bones of either birds or
fishes." "The Eskimos have also a great natural ability for
drawing. In many cases they have made rude maps for our
officers, which have turned out to be substantially correct.
Many of their bone implements are covered with sketches."
Illustration of Eskimo Art.-----------
In this cut we have a bone drill on which are sketched reindeer,
geese, a braider or flat-bottomed boat, a tent around which
various articles of clothing are hung up to dry, a woman
apparently engaged in the preparation of food, and a
hunting scene.
Now, we know that savage tribes, widely separated by time and
space, will, after all, under the pressure of common
necessities, invent much the same implements and live much the
same life. But still, where every thing seems to coincide, the
climate, the animals, the mode of life proved the same, and
especially when both are seen possessed of a common artistic
skill, together with the known fact that in the Western
Continent the Eskimos did formerly live much farther south;
there is surely a strong case made out, and therefore the
probabilities are that the Eskimos are the representatives of
the Cave-men of Europe.<42> And yet we must be cautious on this
point; or rather we remember that the phrase, "predecessors of
the Eskimos," does not imply that they were in all respects like
them. An examination of the rude sketches of the Cave-men left
by themselves seems to indicate that the whole body was covered
with hair. "The hunter in the Antler from Duluth Cave has a
long, pointed beard, and a high crest of hair on the poll
utterly unlike the Eskimo type. The figures are also those of a
slim and long-jointed man."<43>
This completes our review of the Paleolithic people, and it only
remains to present some general conclusions. The Glacial or
Pleistocene Age is seen to have been of immense duration, and
characterized by great changes in climate. We have found that
two races of men occupied Europe during this time. The men of
the River Drift are the most ancient.
We have seen that they can be traced over wide-extended areas.
They seem to have invaded Europe, along with the great invasion
of animals from Asia, constituting the temperate group of
animals; and with those animals they probably shifted back and
forth, as the cold of the Glacial Age increased or waned.
These people seem to have completely vanished. At a later date,
when the cold of the Glacial Age was once more severe,
associated with animals now living only in high northern
latitudes, came the Cave-men, whose discussion has formed the
subject of this chapter.
It will be seen how much we owe to patient investigators.
The results are, indeed, bewildering. They make us acquainted
with a people the very existence of whom was not known a few
years back. Though the whole life of those ancient races seemed
hopelessly lost in the night of time, the gloom is irradiated by
the light of modern science, which lays before our astonished
vision the remains of arts and industries of the primitive
tribes that occupied Europe during the morning-time of
human life.
REFERENCES
(1) The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to Prof. B. B.
Wright, of Overlain, for criticism.
(2) On the formation of caves consult Geikie's "Prehistoric
Europe," p. 71; also Evans's "Ancient Stone Implements," p. 429.
(3) Evans's "Ancient Stone Implements," b. 445.
(4) Pronounced Bret'-cha, a rock composed of fragments of older
rock, united by a cement.
(5) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe," p. 92.
(6) Pengelly, quoted by Geikie, "Prehistoric Europe," p. 93.
(7) Evans's "Ancient Stone Implements," p. 462.
(8) Evans's "Ancient Stone Implements," p. 463.
(9) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe," p. 102.
(10) Mr. Dawkins ("Early Man in Britain," p. 203) does not
consider M. Dupont justified in dividing the remains found in
the caverns of Belgium into two epochs. He considers them to
be the remains of the same people, some tribes being, perhaps,
farther advanced than others. Mr. Dawkins is, of course, high
authority, but we think his argument could also be applied to
prove there was no real difference between the men of the River
Drift and the so-called Cave-men. This, in fact, is the opinion
of many, including Mr. Evans, who is exceptionally well
qualified to judge of these remains. We think, however, in view
of the evidence adduced by Mr. Pengelly, Mr. Geikie, Mr.
Dawkins, and others, few will venture to doubt that there is a
wide difference between the men of the River Drift and those of
the Caves.
(11) "Prehistoric Times," p. 330.
(12) "Early Man in Britain," p. 198.
(13) French writers make four divisions of these caves,
according to the degree of finish, which the specimens show.
Mr. Dawkins does not think the difference in the implements
sufficient to justify this view. With the possible exception of
Le Moustier, as stated above, we think his view correct, which
is also the opinion of Mr. Evans. ("Ancient Stone Implements,"
p. 439.)
(14) Rau's "Early Man in Europe," p. 88.
(15) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 205.
(16) Ibid., p.
(17) It is, however, thought that the station was used as a
camping-ground by very different people, at widely different
times.
(18) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times," p. 434.
(19) "Prehistoric Times," p. 335.
(20) Morgan's "Ancient Society," p. 12.
(21) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times," p. 338. J. C. Southall, in
his valuable work, "Recent Origin of Man," p. 195, et
seq., argues that pottery was known at this time, and cites
instances where it is stated to have been found. This is the
opinion of Figuier also. ("Primitive Man," p. 54.) But Mr.
Dawkins points out that these pieces of pottery are clearly of a
Neolithic style, and does not think it proven that they are of
Paleolithic age. Mr. Geikie also denies that there is any proof
that they were acquainted with the potter's art. ("Prehistoric
Europe," p. 18.) So the highest place in the scale of
civilization we can assign these people to is that of
Upper Savageism.
(22) Rau's "Early Man in Europe," p. 79;
(23) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe," p. 22.
(24) Figuier's "Primitive Man," p. 90.
(25) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 210.
(26) "Prehistoric Times," p. 341.
(27) Figuier's "Primitive Man," p. 105.
(28) Figuier's "Primitive Man," p. 111.
(29) Figuier's "Primitive Man," p. 105.
(30) Figuier's "Primitive Man," p. 102.
(31) Rau's "Early Man in Europe," p. 73.
(32) "Prehistoric Europe," p. 18.
(33) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 237.
(34) Figuier's "Primitive Man," p. 117.
(35) Ibid., p. 118.
(36) Ibid., pp. 94 and 95.
(37) This, as Sir John Lubbock points out, depends on our
meaning of the word "religion." ("Prehistoric Times," p. 589.)
(38) "The principal instance are Cro-Magnon, Frontal, and
Furforz, in Belgium; Aurignac, Bruniquel, and Mentone, in
France." "Cave-Hunting," chap. vii.
(39) "Contributions to N. A. Ethnology," vol. i, p. 102;
"U.S. Geographical Survey West of the 100th Meridian," vol. vii,
p. 12; Abbott's "Primitive Industry," p. 517.
(40) "Primitive Industry," 518.
(41) Quoted by Lubbock,"Prehistoric Times," p. 507.
(42) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 242.
(43) Prof. Grant Allen, Popular Science Monthly,
November, 1882, p. 99.
END OF CHAPTER IV*********************
The Prehistoric World: or, Vanished Races
by E. A. Allen
Processed by D.R. Thompson
drthom@ihug.co.nz
Chapter V
ANTIQUITY OF THE PALEOLITHIC AGE.<1>
Interest in the Antiquity of man--Connected with the Glacial
Age--The Subject Difficult--Proofs of a Glacial Age--State of
Greenland to-day--The Terminal Moraine--Appearance of the North
Atlantic--Interglacial Age--Causes of the Glacial Age--Croll's
Theory--Geographical causes--The two theories not Antagonistic--
The date of the Glacial Age--Probable length of the Paleolithic
Age--Time since the close of the Glacial Age--Summary of
results.
As we have already remarked, geological periods give us no
insight as to the actual passage of years. To say that man lived
in the Glacial Age, and that we have some faint traces of his
presence in still earlier periods, after all conveys to our
minds only vague ideas of a far-away time. The more a geologist
studies the structure of the earth, the more impressed is he
with the magnitude of the time that must have passed since
"The Beginning." At present, however, there are no means known
of accurately measuring the time that has passed. It is just as
well that it is so, since, were it known, the human mind would
be utterly incapable of comprehending it. But as to the
antiquity of man, it is but natural that we should seek more
particularly to solve the problem and express our answer in some
term of years.
Now, we have seen that the question of the antiquity of man is
intimately connected with that of the Glacial Age. That is to
say, the relics of man as far as we know them in Europe, are
found under such circumstances that we feel confident they are
not far removed from the period of cold. For it will be found
that those conservative scholars who do not think that man
preceded the Glacial Age, or inhabited Europe during the long
course of years included in that period, do think he came into
Europe as soon as it passed away. So, in any case, if we can
determine the date of the Glacial Age, we shall have made a most
important step in advance in solving the problem of the
antiquity of man himself. So it seems to us best to go over the
subject of the Glacial Age again, and see what conclusions some
of our best thinkers have come to as to its cause, when it
occurred, and other matters in relation to it.
It is best to state frankly at the outset that this topic is one
of the great battle-grounds of science to-day, and that there
are as yet but few points well settled in regard to it.
One needs but attempt to read the literature on this subject to
become quickly impressed with the necessity of making haste
slowly in forming any conclusions. He must invoke the aid of the
astronomer, geologist, physical-geographer, and physicist.
Yet we must not suppose that questions relating to the Glacial
Age are so abstruse that they are of interest only to the
scholar. On the contrary, all ought to be interested in them.
They open up one of the most wonderful chapters in the history
of the world. They recall from the past a picture of ice-bound
coasts and countries groaning under icy loads, where now are
harbors enlivened by the commerce of the world, or ripening
fields attesting the vivifying influence of a genial sun.
Let us, therefore, follow after the leaders in thought. When we
come to where they can not agree we can at least see what both
sides have to say.
Somewhat at the risk of repetition, we will try and impress on
our readers a sense of the reality and severity of the Glacial
Age. There is danger in regarding this as simply a convenient
theory that geologists have originated to explain some puzzling
facts, that it is not very well founded, and is liable to give
way any day to some more ingenious explanation. On the contrary,
this whole matter has been worked out by very careful scholars.
"There is, perhaps, no great conclusion in any science which
rests upon a surer foundation than this, and if we are to be
guided by our reason at all in deducting the unknown from the
known, the past from the present, we can not refuse our assent
to the reality of the Glacial Age of the Northern Hemisphere in
all its more important features.<2> At the present day glaciers
do exist in several places on the earth. They are found in the
Alps and the mountains of Norway, and the Caucasus, in Europe.
The Himalaya mountains support immense glaciers in Asia; and in
America a few still linger in the more inaccessible heights of
the Sierra Nevada. It is from a study of these glaciers, mainly
however, those of the Alps, that geologists have been enabled to
explain the true meaning of certain formations they find in both
Europe and America, that go by the name of drift.
When in an Alpine valley we come upon a glacier, filling it from
side to side, there will be noticed upon both sides a long train
of rock, drift, and other debris that have fallen down
upon its surface from the mountain sides. If two of these
ice-rivers unite to form one glacier, two of these trains will
then be borne along in the middle of the resulting glacier.
As this glacier continues down the valley, it at length reaches
a point where a further advance is rendered impossible by the
increased temperature melting the ice as fast as it advances.
At this point the train of rocks and dirt are dumped, and of
course form great mounds, called moraines. The glacier at
times shrinks back on its rocky bed and allows explorers to
examine it.
In such cases they find the rocks smoothed and polished, but
here and there marked with long grooves and striae. These points
are learned from an examination of existing glaciers.
Further down the valley, where now the glaciers never extend,
are seen very distinctly the same signs. There are the same
moraines, striated rocks, and bowlders that have evidently
traveled from their home up the valley. The only explanation
possible in this case is that once the glaciers extended to that
point in the valley.
It required a person who was perfectly familiar with the
behavior of Alpine glaciers, and knew exactly what marks they
left behind in their passage, to point out the proofs of their
former presence in Northern Europe and America, where it seems
almost impossible to believe they existed. Such a man was Louis
Agassiz, the eminent naturalist. Born and educated in
Switzerland, he spent nine years in researches among the
glaciers of the mountains of his native country. He proved the
former wide extension of the glaciers of Switzerland. With these
results before them, geologists were not long in showing that
there had once been glacial ice over a large part of Europe and
North America.
The proofs in this case are almost exactly the same as those
used to show that the ancient glaciers of Switzerland were once
larger than now. But as the great glaciers of the glacial age
were many times larger than any thing we know of at the present
day, there were of course different results produced.
For instance, the water circulating under Alpine glaciers is
enabled to wash out and carry away the mass of pulverized rock
and dirt ground along underneath the ice. But when the glaciers
covered such an enormous extent of country as they did in the
Glacial Age, the water could not sweep away this detritus, and
so great beds of gravel, sand, and clay would be formed over a
large extent of country. But to go over the entire ground would
require volumes; it is sufficient to give the results.
The interior of Greenland to-day is covered by one vast sea of
ice. Explorers have traversed its surface for many miles; not a
plant, or stone, or patch of earth is to be seen. In the Winter
it is a snow-swept waste. In the Summer streams of ice-cold
water flow over its surface, penetrating here and there by
crevasses to unknown depths. This great glacier is some twelve
hundred miles long, by four hundred in width.<3> Vast as it is,
it is utterly insignificant as compared with the great
continental glacier that geologists assure us once held in its
grasp the larger portion of North America.
The conclusions of some of our best scholars on this subject are
so opposed to all that we would think possible, according to the
present climate and surroundings, that they seem at first
incredible, and yet they have been worked out with such care
that there is no doubt of the substantial truth of the results.
The terminal moraine of the great glacier has been carefully
traced through several States. We now know that one vast sea of
ice covered the eastern part of North America, down to about the
thirty-ninth parallel of latitude. We have every reason to think
that the great glacier, extending many miles out in the
Atlantic, terminated in a great sea of ice, rising several
hundred feet perpendicularly above the surface of the water.
Long Island marks the southern extension of this glacier. From
there its temporal moraine has been traced west, across New
Jersey and Pennsylvania, diagonally across Ohio, crossing the
river near Cincinnati, and thence west across Indiana and
Illinois. West of the Mississippi it bears off to the north-
west, and finally passes into British America.<4>
All of North America, to the north and northeast of this line,
must have been covered by one vast sea of ice.<5> Doubtless, as
in Greenland to-day, there was no hill or patch of earth to be
seen, simply one great field of ice. The ice was thick enough to
cover from sight Mt. Washington, in New Hampshire, and must have
been at least a mile thick over a large portion of this area,<6>
and even at its southern border it must in places have been from
two hundred to two thousand feet thick.<7> This, as we have
seen, is a picture very similar to what must have been presented
by Europe at this time.<8>
Illustration of Antarctic Ice Sheet.-----------------
The Northern Atlantic Ocean must have presented a dreary aspect.
Its shores were walls of ice, from which ever and anon great
masses sailed away as icebergs. These are startling conclusions.
Yet, in the Southern Hemisphere to-day is to be seen nearly the
same state of things. It is well-known that all the lands around
the South Pole are covered by a layer of ice of enormous
thickness. Sir J. A. Ross, in attempting to reach high southern
latitudes, while yet one thousand four hundred miles from the
pole, found his further progress impeded by a perpendicular wall
of ice one hundred and eighty feet thick. He sailed along that
barrier four hundred and fifty miles, and then gave up the
attempt. Only at one point in all that distance did the ice
wall sink low enough to allow of its upper surface being seen
from the mast-head. He describes the upper surface as an immense
plain shining like frosted silver, and stretching away as far as
eye could reach into the illimitable distance.<9>
The foregoing makes plain to us one phase of the Glacial Age.
Though it may not be quite clear what this has to do with the
antiquity of man, yet we will see, in the sequel, that it has
considerable. As to the periods of mild climate that are thought
by some to have broken up the reign of cold, we do not feel that
we can say any thing in addition to what has been said in a
former chapter.<10>
We might, however, say, that the sequences of mild and cold
climate are not as well made out in America as they seem to be
in Europe; or at least our geologists are more cautious as to
accepting the evidence as sufficient. And yet such evidences are
not wanting: as in Europe, at various places, are found layers
of land surfaces with remains of animals and plants, but both
above and below such surface soil are found beds of bowlder
clay. These offer undeniable evidence that animals and plants
occupied the land during temperate inter-glacial epochs,
preceded and followed by an Arctic climate, and ice-sheets like
those now covering the interior of Greenland, and the
Antarctic Continent.<11>
We have thus, though somewhat at length, gone over the evidence
as to the reality and severity of the Glacial Age. It was during
the continuance of such climate that Paleolithic man arrived in
Europe, though it was not perhaps until its close. We must not
lose sight of the fact that our principal object at present is
to determine, if we can, a date for either the beginning or
ending of this extraordinary season of cold, and thereby achieve
an important step in determining the antiquity of man.
A moment's consideration will show us that a period of cold
sufficient to produce over a large portion of the Northern
Hemisphere the results we have just set forth must have a cause
that is strange and far-reaching. It can not be some local
cause, affecting but one continent, since the effect produced is
observed as well in Europe as in America.
Every year we pass through considerable changes in climate.
The four seasons of the year seem to be but an annual
repetition, on a very small scale of course, of the great
changes in the climate of the earth that culminated in the
Glacial Age; though we do not mean to say, that periods of
glacial cold come and go with the regularity of our Winter.
The changes in the seasons of the year are caused by the earth's
position in its orbit, and its annual revolution around the sun.
It may be that the cause of the Glacial Age itself is of a
similar nature; in which case it is an astronomical problem, and
we ought, by calculation, to determine, with considerable
accuracy, dates for the beginning and ending of this epoch.
Nothing is clearer than that great fluctuations of climate have
occurred in the past. Many theories have been put forth in
explanation. It has been suggested that it was caused by loss of
heat from the earth itself. That the earth was once a ball of
incandescent matter, like the sun, and has since cooled down, is
of course admitted. More than that, this process still
continues; and the time must come when the earth, having yielded
up its internal heat, will cease to be an inhabitable globe.
But the climate of the surface of the earth is not dependent
upon the heat of the interior. This now depends "according to
the proportion of heat received either directly or indirectly
from the sun; and so it must have been during all the ages of
which any records have come down to us."<12> Some have supposed
that the sun, traveling as it does through space, carrying the
earth and the other planets with him, might, in the course of
ages, pass through portions of space either warmer or colder
than that in which it now moves. When we come to a warm region
of space, a genial climate would prevail over the earth; but,
when we struck a cold belt, eternal Winter would mantle a large
part of the globe with snow and ice. This, of course, is simply
guess-work. No less than seven distinct causes have been urged;
most of them either purely conjectural, like the last, or
manifestly incompetent to produce the great results which we
have seen must be accounted for. But, amongst these, two causes
have been advanced--the one astronomical, the other
geographical; and, to the one or the other, the majority of
scholars have given their consent.
It will be no harm to see what can be said in favor of both
theories. So, we will ask the reader's attention, as it is our
earnest desire to make as plain as possible a question that has
so much to do with our present inquiry. In the course of our
investigations, we can not fail to catch glimpses of wonderful
changes in far away times; and can not help seeing what labor is
involved in the solution of all questions relating to
the same.<13>
The earth revolves around the sun in an orbit called an ellipse.
This is not a fixed form, but slowly varies from year to year.
It is now gradually becoming circular. It will, however, not
become an exact circle. Astronomers assure us that, after a long
lapse of time, it will commence to elongate as an ellipse again.
Thus, it will continually change from an ellipse to an
approximate circle, and back again. In scientific language, the
eccentricity of, the earth's orbit is said to increase
and decrease.
Illustration of Earth's Orbit.--------------------
In common language we would state that the shape of the path of
the earth around the sun was sometimes much more elongated and
elliptical than at others. The line drawn through the longest
part of an ellipse is called the major axis. Now the sun does
not occupy the center of this line, but is placed to one side of
it; or, in other words, occupies one focus of the ellipse.
It will thus be seen that the earth, at one time during its
yearly journey, is considerably nearer to the sun than at
others. The point where it approaches nearest the sun is called
Perihelion, and the point where it reaches the greatest
distance from the sun is called its Aphelion. It will be
readily seen that the more elliptical its orbit becomes the
greater will be the difference between the perihelion and
aphelion distance of the sun. At present the earth is about
three millions of miles nearer the sun in perihelion than in
aphelion. But we must remember the orbit of the earth is now
nearly circular. There have been times in the past when the
difference was about thirteen millions of miles. We must not
forget to add, that the change in the shape of the earth's orbit
is not a regular increase and decrease between well-known
extremes. It is caused by the attraction of the other planets.
It has been calculated at intervals of ten thousand years for
the last million years. In this way it has been found that "the
intervals between connective turning points are very unequal in
length, and the actual maximum and minimum values of the
eccentricity are themselves variable. In this way it comes about
that some periods of high eccentricity have lasted much longer
than others, and that the orbit has been more elliptical at some
epochs of high eccentricity than at others."<14> We have just
seen that the earth is nearer the sun at one time of the year
than at another. At present the earth passes its perihelion
point in the Winter of the Northern Hemisphere, and its aphelion
point in the Summer. We will for the present suppose that it
always reaches the points at the same season of the year. Let us
see if the diminished distance from the sun in Winter has any
thing to do with the climate.
If so, this effect will be greatly magnified during a period of
high eccentricity, such as the earth has certainly passed
through in the past. We will state first, that the more
elliptical the orbit becomes, the longer Summer we have, and the
shorter Winter. Astronomically, Spring begins the 20th of March,
and Fall the 22d of September. By counting the days between the
epochs it will be found that the Spring and Summer part of the
year is seven days longer than the Fall and Winter part. But if
the earth's orbit becomes as highly eccentrical as in the past,
this difference would be thirty-six days.<15>
This would give us a long Spring and Summer, but a short Fall
and Winter. This in itself would make a great difference.
We must beer in mind, however, that at such a time as we are
here considering, the earth would be ten millions of miles
nearer the sun in Winter than at present. It would certainly
then receive more heat in a given time during Winter than at
present.<16> Mr. Croll estimates that whereas the difference in
heat received during a given time is now one-fifteenth,<17> at
the time we are considering it would be one-fifth. Hence we see
that at such a time the Winter would not only be much shorter
than now, but at the same time would be much milder.
These are not all the results that would follow an increase of
eccentricity. The climate of Europe and North America is largely
modified by those great ocean currents--the Gulf Stream and the
Japan current. Owing to causes we will not here consider, these
currents would be greatly increased at such a time. As a result
of these combined causes, Mr. Croll estimates that during a
period of high eccentricity the difference between Winter and
Summer in the Northern Hemisphere would be practically
obliterate. The Winter would not only be short, but very mild,
and but little snow would form, while the sun of the long
Summers, though not shining as intense as at present, would not
have to melt off a great layer of snow and ice, but the ground
became quickly heated, and so warmed the air. Hence, if Mr.
Croll be correct, a period of high eccentricity would certainly
produce a climate in the Northern Hemisphere such as
characterized many of the mild interglacial epochs as long as
the earth passed its perihelion point in Winter.
We have so far only considered the Northern Hemisphere. As every
one knows, while we have Winter, the Southern Hemisphere has
Summer. So at the very time we would enjoy the mild short
Winters, the Southern Hemisphere would be doomed to experience
Winters of greatly increased length and severity. As a
consequence, immense fields of snow would be formed, which, by
pressure, would be changed to ice, and creep away as a
desolating glacier. It is quite true that the short Summer sun
would shine with increased warmth, but owing to many causes it
would not avail to free the land from snow and ice.
As Mr. Geikie points out, "An increased amount of evaporation
would certainly take place, but the moisture-laden air would be
chilled by coming into contact with the vast sheets of snow, and
hence the vapor would condense into thick fogs and cloud the
sky. In this way the sun's rays would be, to a large extent, cut
off, and unable to reach the earth, and consequently the
Winter's snow would not be all melted away." Hence it follows
that at the very time the Northern Hemisphere would enjoy a mild
interglacial climate, universal Spring, so to speak, the
Southern Hemisphere would be encased in the ice and snow of an
eternal Winter.
But the earth has not always reached its perihelion point during
the Winter season of the Northern Hemisphere. Owing to causes
that we need not here consider, the earth reaches its perihelion
point about twenty minutes earlier each year, so if it now
passes its perihelion in Winter of the Northern Hemisphere, in
about ten thousand years from now it will reach it in Summer,
and in twenty-one thousand, years it will again be at perihelion
in Winter. But see what important consequences follow from this.
If during a period of high eccentricity we are in the enjoyment
of short mild Winters and long pleasant Summers, in ten thousand
years this would certainly be changed. Our Summer season would
become short and heated; our Winters long and intensely cold.
Year by year it would be later in the season before the sun
could free the land from snow, and at length in deep ravines and
on hill-tops the snow would linger through the brief Summer, and
the mild interglacial age will have passed away, and again the
Northern Hemisphere will be visited by snow and ice of a truly.
Glacial Age. If, therefore, a period of high eccentricity
lasts through the many thousand years, we must expect more
than one return of glacial cold interspersed by mild
interglacial climates.
We have tried in these last few pages to give a clear statement
of what is known as Croll's theory of the Glacial Age. There is
no question but what the earth does thus vary in its position
with regard to the sun, and beyond a doubt this must produce
some effect on the climate, and we can truthfully state that the
more the complicated question of the climate of the earth is
studied, the more grounds do scholars find for affirming that
indirectly this effect must have been very great. And yet we can
not say that this theory is accepted as a satisfactory one even
by the majority of scholars. Many of those who do not reject it
think it not proven. Therefore, before interrogating the
astronomer as to the data of the Glacial Age, according to the
terms of this theory, let us see what other causes are, adduced;
then we can more readily accept or reject the conclusions as to
the antiquity of man which this theory would necessitate us
to adopt.
The only other cause to which we can assign the glacial cold,
that is considered with any favor by geologists, is
geographical; that is to say, depending on the distribution of
land and water. Glaciers depend on the amount of snow-fall.
In any country where the amount of snow-fall is so great that it
is not all evaporated or melted by the Summer's sun, and
consequently increases from year to year, glaciers must soon
appear, and these icy rivers would ere-long, flow away to lower
levels. If we suppose, with Sir Charles Lyell, that the lands of
the globe were all to be gathered around the equator, and the
waters were gathered around the poles, it is manifest that there
would be no such a thing as extremes of temperature, and it is,
perhaps, doubtful whether ice would form, even in polar
areas.<18> At any rate, no glaciers could be formed, as there
would be no land on which snow could gather in great quantities.
If, however, we reverse this picture, and conceive of the land
gathered in a compact mass around the poles, shutting out the
water, but consider the equatorial region of the earth to be
occupied by the waters of the ocean, we would manifestly have a
very different scene. From the ocean moisture-laden winds would
flow over the polar lands. The snowfall would necessarily be
great. In short, we can not doubt but what all the land of the
earth would be covered with glaciers.<19>
Although these last conceptions are purely hypothetical, they
will serve the good purpose of showing the great influence that
the geographical distribution of land and water have on the
climate of a country. Of one thing, however, geologists have
become more and more impressed of late years. That is, that
continents and oceans have always had the same relative position
as now; that is to say, the continents have followed a definite
plan in their development. The very first part of North America
to appear above the waters of the primal sea clearly outlined
the shape of the future continent. Mr. Dana assures us that our
continent developed with almost the regularity of a flower.
Prof. Hitchcock also points out that the surface area of the
very first period outlined the shape of the continent. "The work
of later geological periods seems to have been the filling up of
the bays and sounds between the great islands, elevating the
consolidated mass into a continental area."<20> So it is not at
all probable that the lands of the globe were ever grouped, as
we have here supposed them.
This last statement is liable, however, to leave us under a
wrong impression; for although, as a whole, continental areas
have been permanent, yet in detail they have been subject to
wonderful and repeated changes. "Every square mile of their
surface has been again and again under water, sometimes a few
hundred feet deep--sometimes, perhaps, several thousand.
Lakes and inland seas have been formed and been filled up with
sediment, and been subsequently raised into hills, or even
mountains. Arms of the sea have existed, crossing the continent
in various directions, and thus completely isolating the divided
portions for varying intervals. Seas have become changed into
deserts and deserts into seas."<21>
It has been shown beyond all question that North-western Europe
owes its present mild climate to the influence of the Gulf
Stream.<22> Ocean currents, then, are a most important element
in determining the climate of a country. If we would take the
case of our hypothetical polar continent again, and, instead of
presenting a continuous coast line, imagine it penetrated by
long straits and fiords, possessing numerous bays, large inland
seas, and in general allowing a free communication with the
ocean, we are very sure the effect would be widely different.
Under these circumstances, says Mr. Geikie, the "much wider
extent of sea being exposed to the blaze of the tropical sun,
the temperature of the ocean in equatorial regions would rise
above what it is at present. This warm water, sweeping in broad
currents, would enter the polar fiords and seas, and everywhere,
beating the air, would cause warm, moist winds to blow athwart
the land to a much greater extent than they do at present;
and these winds thus distributing warmth and moisture, might
render even the high latitude of North Greenland habitable by
civilized man." So we see that it is necessary to look for such
geographical changes as will interfere with the movements of
marine currents.
Now, it is easy to see that comparatively small geographical
changes would not only greatly interfere with these currents,
but might even cause them to entirely change their course.
An elevation of the northern part of North America, no greater
in amount than is supposed to have taken place at the
commencement of the Glacial Age, would bring the wide area of
the banks of Newfoundland far above the water, causing the
American coast to stretch out in an immense curve to a point
more than six hundred miles east of Halifax, and this would
divert much of the Gulf Stream straight across to the coast
of Spain.<23>
Such an elevation certainly took place, and if continued
westward, Behring's Strait would also have been closed. It is to
such northern elevations, shutting out the warm ocean currents,
that a great many geologists look for a sufficient explanation
of the glacial cold.
Prof. Dana says: "Increase in the extent and height of high
latitude lands may well stand as one cause of the Glacial Age."
Then he points out how the rising of the land of Northern Canada
and adjacent territory, which almost certainly took place, "all
a sequel to the majestic uplift of the Tertiary, would have made
a glacial period for North America, whatever the position of the
ecliptic, or whatever the eccentricity of the earth's orbit,
though more readily, of course, if other circumstances
favored it."<24>
It may occur to some that if high northern lands be all that is
necessary for a period of cold, we ought to have had it in the
Miocene Age, when there was a continuous land connection between
the lands of high polar areas and both Europe and America, since
we know that an abundant vegetation spread from there, as a
center, to both these countries. But at that epoch circumstances
were different. The great North Temperate lands were in a
"comparatively fragmentary and insular condition."<25> There
were great inland seas in both Europe and Asia, through which
powerful currents would have flowed from the Indian Ocean to
Arctic regions.
Somewhat similar conditions prevailed in North America.
The western part was in an insular condition. A great sea
extended over this part of the country, joining the Arctic
probably on the north, through which heated water would pour
into the polar sea. And so, instead of a Glacial Age, we
find evidence of a mild and genial climate, with an
abundant vegetation.
We thus see that there are two theories as to the cause of the
Glacial Age presented for our consideration. Both of them have
received the sanction of scholars eminent for their scientific
attainments. On inspection we see they are not antagonistic
theories. They may both be true for that matter, and all would
admit that whatever effect they would produce singly would be
greatly enhanced if acting together. Indeed, there are very good
reasons for supposing both must have acted in unison.
There seem to be very good reasons for not believing that the
eccentricity of the earth's orbit, acting alone, produced the
glacial cold. If that were the case, then whenever the
eccentricity was great we should have a Glacial Age. Now, at
some period of time during the long-extended Tertiary Age we are
certain the eccentricity of the earth's orbit became very great,
much more so, in fact, than that which is supposed to have
produced the cold of the Quaternary Age. But we are equally
certain there was no glacial epoch during this age.<26>
What other explanation can we give for its non-appearance except
that geographical conditions were not favorable?
But, on the other hand, there are certain features connected
with the phenomena of the Glacial Age that seem very difficult
of explanation, if we suppose that geographical changes alone
produced them. We must remember that evidences of the former
presence of glaciers are found widely scattered over the earth.
We shall, therefore, have to assume an elevation not only for
America and Europe, but extend it over into Asia, and take in
the Lebanon Mountains, for they also show distinct traces of
glaciers. And this movement of elevation must also have affected
the Southern Hemisphere, the evidence being equally plain that
at the same comparatively late date glaciers crushed over
Southern Africa and South America.<27> This is seen to prove too
much. Again, how can we explain the fact that some time during
the Glacial Age we had a submergence, the land standing several
hundred feet lower than now, but still remained covered with
ice, and over the submerged part there sailed icebergs and
ice-rafts, freighted with their usual debris? That such
was the state of things in Europe we are assured by some very
good authorities.<28>
Neither do geographical causes afford an adequate explanation of
those changes of temperature that surely took place during the
Glacial Age. These last considerations show us how difficult it
is to believe that geographical causes could have produced the
Glacial Age.
We are assured that all through the geological ages the
continents had been increasing in size and compactness, and that
just at the close of the Tertiary Age they received a
considerable addition of land to the north. The astronomer also
informs us that at a comparatively recent epoch the eccentricity
of the earth's orbit became very great. The conditions being
favorable, it is not strange that a Glacial Age supervened.
We have been to considerable length in thus explaining the
position of the scientific world in regard to the cause of the
Glacial Age. Our reason for so doing is that this age is, we
think, so connected with the Paleolithic Age of man, that it
seems advisable to have a clear understanding in regard to it.
What we have to say is neither new nor original. It is simply an
earnest endeavor to represent clearly the conclusions of some of
our best scholars on this subject, and we have tried to give to
each theory its due weight. Our conclusions may be wrong, but,
if so, we have the consolation of erring in very good company.
We have now gone over the ground and are ready to see what dates
can be given. Though the numbers we use seem to be very large
indeed, they are so only in comparison with our brief span of
life. They are insignificant as compared with the extent of time
that has surely rolled by since life appeared on the globe.
Let us, therefore, not be dismayed at the figures the astronomer
sets before us.<29>
About two hundred and fifty thousand years ago the earth's path
around the sun was much the same as that of the present.
No great changes in climate were liable to take place at that
time. During the next fifty thousand years the eccentricity
steadily increased. Towards the end of that time all that was
necessary to produce a glacial epoch in the Northern Hemisphere
was favorable geographical causes, and that our earth should
reach its point nearest the sun in Summer. This it must have
done when about half that time had elapsed.
We can in imagination see what a slow deterioration of climate
took place. Thousands of years would come and go before the
change would be decisive. But a time must have at length arrived
when the vegetation covering the ground was such as was suited
only for high northern latitudes. The animals suited for warm
and temperate regions must have wandered farther south;
others from the north had arrived to take their place. We can
see how well this agrees with the changes of climate at the
close of the Pliocene Age. The snows of the commencing Glacial
Age would soon begin to fall, finally the sun would not melt
them off of the high lands, and mountain peaks, and so a Glacial
Age would be ushered in.
We have referred to the fact that the earth reaches its
perihelion point a little earlier each year, and, as a
consequence, we would have periods of mild climate alternating
the cold. This extended period of time, equal to twenty-one
thousand of our ordinary years, has been named the Great Year of
our globe. Mr. Wallace has pointed out some very good reasons
for thinking Mr. Croll's theory must be modified on this point.
He thinks that when once a Glacial Age was fairly fastened on a
hemisphere, it would retain its grasp as long as the
eccentricity remained high, but whenever the Summer of the Great
Year came to that hemisphere, it would melt back the glacial ice
for some distance, but this area would be recovered by the ice
when the Winter of the Great Year supervened. These effects
would be different when the eccentricity itself became low.
Then we would expect the glacial conditions to vanish entirely
when the Summer of a Great Year comes on.<30>
As we have made the theoretical part of this chapter already too
long, we must hurry on. We can only say that this view is
founded on the fact that when a country was covered with snow
and ice, it had so to speak, a great amount of cold stored up in
it, so much, in fact, that it would not be removed by the sun of
a new geological Summer. This ought to be acceptable to such
geologists as are willing to admit the advance and retreat of
the great glacier, but yet doubt the fact of the interglacial
mild climate.
But now to return to the question of time about two hundred and
twenty thousand years ago. Then the Northern Hemisphere,
according to this theory, was in the grasp of a Glacial Age.
According to Mr. Wallace, as long as the eccentricity remained
high, there could be no great amelioration of climate, except
along the southern border of the ice sheet, which might, for
causes named, vary some distance during the Great Year.
Two hundred thousand years ago the eccentricity, then very high,
reached a turning point. It then steadily, though gradually,
diminished for fifty thousand years; at that time the
eccentricity was so small, though considerably larger than at
present, that it is doubtful if it was of any service in
producing a change of climate.<31> At that time, also, the
Northern Hemisphere was passing through the Summer season of the
Great Year. We ought, therefore, to have had a mild interglacial
season. Except in high northern latitudes the ice should have
disappeared. This change we would expect to find more marked in
Europe than in America.
We need only recall how strong are the evidences on this point.
Nearly all European writers admit at least one such mild
interval, and though not wanting evidence of such a period in
America, our geologists are much less confident of
its occurrence.
But from that point the eccentricity again increased. So when
the long flight of years again brought secular Winter to the
Northern Hemisphere, the glaciers would speedily appear, and as
eccentricity was again high, they would again hold the country
in their grasp. Fifty thousand years later, or one hundred
thousand years ago, it passed its turning point again;
eighty thousand years ago, it became so small that it probably
ceased to effect the climate. Since then it has not been very
large. Twenty-five thousand years ago it was less than it is
now, but it is again growing smaller. According to this theory,
then, the Glacial Age commenced about two hundred and twenty
thousand years ago. It continued, with one interruption of mild
climate, for one hundred and forty thousand years, and finally
passed away eighty thousand years ago.
What shall we say to these results? If true, what a wonderful
antiquity is here unfolded for the human race, and what a
wonderful lapse of time is included in what is known as the
Paleolithic Age! How strikingly does it impress upon our minds
the slow development of man! Is such an antiquity for man in
itself absurd? We know no reason for such a conclusion. Our most
eminent scholars nowhere set a limit to the time of man's first
appearance. It is true, many of them do not think the evidence
strong enough to affirm such an antiquity, but there are no
bounds given beyond which we may not pass.
Without investigation some might reject the idea that man could
have lived on the earth one hundred thousand years in a state of
Savagism. If endowed with the attributes of humanity, it may
seem to them that he would long before that time have achieved
civilization. Such persons do not consider the lowliness of his
first condition and the extreme slowness with which progress
must have gone forward. On this point the geologists and the
sociologists agree. Says Mr. Geikie: "The time which has elapsed
from the close of the Paleolithic Age, even up to the present
day, can not for a moment compare with the aeons during which
the men of the old stone period occupied Europe." And on this
subject Mr. Morgan says: "It is a conclusion of deep importance
in ethnology that the experience of mankind in Savagery was
longer in duration than all their subsequent experience, and
that the period of Civilization covers but a fragment of the
life of the race."<32> The time itself, which seems to us so
long, is but a brief space as compared with the ages nature has
manifestly required to work out some of the results we see
before us every day. We are sure, but few of our scholars think
this too liberal an estimate. All endeavor to impress on our
minds that the Glacial Age is an expression covering a very long
period of time.
As to the time that has elapsed since the close of the Glacial
Age there is some dispute, and it may be that we will be forced
to the conclusion that the close of the Glacial Age was but a
few thousand years ago. Mr. Wallace assures us, however, that
the time mentioned agrees well "with physical evidence of the
time that has elapsed since the cold has passed away."<33>
Difficulties are, however, urged by other writers. We can see at
once that as quick as the glaciers are removed the denuding
forces of nature, which are constantly at work, would begin to
rearrange the debris left behind on the surface, and in
the course of a few thousand years must effect great changes.
Now, in some cases the amount of such change is so small that
geologists are reluctant to believe a vast lapse of time has
occurred since the glaciers withdrew. Mr. Geikie tells us of
some moraines in Scotland that they are so fresh and beautiful
"that it is difficult to believe they can date back to a period
so vastly removed as the Ice Age is believed to be."<34> In our
own country this same sort of evidence is brought forward, and
we are given some special calculations going to show that
the disappearance of the glaciers was a comparatively
recent thing.<35>
It will be seen that these conclusions are somewhat opposed to
the results previously arrived at. In explanation Mr. Geikie
thinks the cases spoken of in Scotland were not the moraines of
the great glaciers, but of a local glacier of a far later date.
He thinks that the climate, while not severe enough to produce
the enormous glaciers of early times, was severe enough to
produce local glaciers still in Scotland.<36> It is possible
that a similar explanation may be given for the evidence adduced
in the United States. We can only state that, according to the
difference in climate between the eastern and western sides of
the Atlantic Ocean, when the climate was severe enough to
produce local glaciers in Scotland, it would produce the same
effect over a large part of eastern United States down to the
latitude of New York City.<37> And while it is true there would
not be as much difference in climate on the two sides of the
Atlantic in Glacial times as at present, since the Gulf Stream,
on which such difference depends would then have less force,
still it was not entirely lacking, and the difference must have
been considerable.<38>
Prof. Hitchcock has made a suggestion that whereas we know a
period of several months elapses after the sun crosses the
equator before Summer fairly comes on, so it is but reasonable
to suppose that a proportionate length of time would go by after
the eccentricity of the earth's orbit became small, before the
Glacial Age would really pass away. He accordingly suggests it
may have been only about forty thousand years since the
glaciers disappeared.<39>
At the close of the Glacial Age Paleolithic man vanished from
Europe. This, therefore, brings us to the conclusion of our
researches into what is probably the most mysterious chapter of
man's existence on the earth.
It may not come amiss to briefly notice the main points thus far
made in our investigation of the past. As to the epoch of man's
first appearance, we found he could not be expected to appear
until all the animals lower than he had made their appearance.
This is so because the Creator of all has apparently chosen that
method of procedure in the development of life on the globe.
According to our present knowledge, man might have been living
in the Miocene Age, and with a higher degree of probability in
the Pliocene. But we can not say that the evidence adduced in
favor of his existence at these early times is satisfactory to
the majority of our best thinkers. All agree that he was living
in Europe at the close of the Glacial Age, and we think the
evidence sufficient to show that he preceded the glaciers, and
that as a rude savage he lived in Europe throughout the long
extended portion of time known as the Glacial Age.
We also found evidence of either two distinct races of men
inhabiting Europe in the Paleolithic Age, or else tribes of the
same race, widely different in time and in culture. The one
people known as the men of the River Drift apparently invaded
Europe from Asia, along with the species of temperate animals
now living there. This people seem to have been widely scattered
over the earth. The race has probably vanished away, though
certain Australian tribes may be descendants of them. They were
doubtless very low in the scale of humanity, having apparently
never reached a higher state than that of Lower Savagism. The
second race of men inhabiting Europe during the Paleolithic Age
were the Cave-dwellers. They seem to have been allied to the
Eskimos of the North. They were evidently further advanced than
the Drift men, but were still savages.
The Paleolithic Age in Europe seems to have terminated with the
Glacial Age. But we are not to suppose it came to an end all
over the earth at that time. On the contrary, some tribes of men
never passed beyond that stage. When the light of civilization
fell upon them they were still in the culture of the old Stone
Age. We are to notice that in such cases the tribes thus
discovered were very low in the scale. The probable data for the
Paleolithic Age have formed the subject of this chapter.
While claiming in support of them the opinions of some eminent
scholars, we freely admit that it is not a settled question, but
open to very grave objections, especially the date of the close
of the Glacial Age, which seems to have been comparatively
recent, at least in America. We think, however, that these
objections will yet be harmonized with the general results.
Neither is this claimed to be an exhaustive presentation of the
matter. It is an outline only--the better to enable us to
understand the mystery connected with the data of
Paleolithic man.
In these few chapters we have been dealing with people, manners,
arid times, of which the world fifty years ago was ignorant.
Many little discoveries, at first apparently disconnected, are
suddenly brought into new relation, and behold, ages ago, when
the great continents were but just completed, races of men, with
the stamp of humanity upon them, are seen filling the earth.
With them were many great animals long since passed away.
The age of animals was at an end. That of man had just begun.
The child requires the schooling of adversity and trial to make
a complete man of himself, and it is even so with races of men.
Who can doubt that struggling up from dense ignorance,
contending against adverse circumstances, compelled to wage war
against fierce animals, sustaining life in the midst of the low
temperature which had loaded the Northern Hemisphere with snow
and ice, had much to do in developing those qualities which
rendered civilization possible.
As to the antiquity of man disclosed in these chapters, the only
question that need concern us is whether it is true or not.
Evidence tending to prove its substantial accuracy should be as
acceptable as that disproving it. No great principle is here at
stake. The truth of Divine Revelation is in no wise concerned.
There is nothing in its truth or falsity which should in any
way affect man's belief in an overruling Providence, or in an
immortality beyond the grave, or which should render any less
desirable a life of purity and honor. On the contrary, we think
one of the greatest causes of thanksgiving mortals have is the
possession of intellectual powers, which enable us to here and
there catch a glimpse of the greatness of God's universe, which
the astronomer at times unfolds to us; or, to dimly comprehend
the flight of time since "The Beginning," which the geologist
finds necessary to account for the stupendous results wrought by
slow-acting causes.
It seems to us eminently fitting that God should place man here,
granting to him a capacity for improvement, but bestowing on him
no gift or accomplishment, which by exertion and experience he
could acquire; for labor is, and ever has been, the price of
material good. So we see how necessary it is that a very
extended time be given us to account for man's present
advancement. Supposing an angel of light was to come to the aid
of our feeble understanding, and unroll before us the pages of
the past, a past of which, with all our endeavors, we as yet
know but little. Can we doubt that, from such a review, we would
arise with higher ideas of man's worth? Our sense of the depths
from which he has ascended is equated only by our appreciation
of the future opening before him. Individually we shall soon
have passed away. Our nation may disappear. But we believe our
race has yet but fairly started in its line of progress;
time only is wanted. We can but think that that view which
limits man to an existence extending over but a few thousand
years of the past, is a belittling one. Rather let us think of
him as existing from a past separated from us by these many
thousand years; winning his present position by the exercise of
God-given powers.
REFERENCES
(1) The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to Prof. G. F.
Wright, of Oberlin, for criticism.
(2) Wallace's "Island Life," p. 113.
(3) Nordenskiold's "American Journal of Science," vol. 110, p.
58.
(4) Wright's "Studies in Science and Religion," p. 307, where a
map of this moraine is given.
(5) There is, however, a small area in the south-west part of
Wisconsin where, for some reason, the ice passed by.
(6) Dane's "Manual of Geology," p. 538.
(7) Wright's "Studies in Science and Religion," p. 308.
(8) "Men of the Drift," p. 71.
(9) Geikie's "Great Ice Age," p. 93.
(10) "Men of the River Drift."
(11) Abbott's "Primitive Industry," p. 545; Quoted from "Geology
of Minnesota." Report, 1877, p. 37.
(12) Geikie's "Great Ice Age," p. 97.
(13) The astronomical theory, which we will first examine, was
first enunciated by Mr. Croll, following a suggestion of the
astronomer Adhemer. Mr. Croll's views were set forth in many
able papers, and finally gathered into a volume entitled
"Climate and Time in their Geological Relation." The ablest
defense of these views is that by Mr. James Geikie, in his works
"The Great Ice Age," and "Prehistoric Europe."
(14) Geikie's "Great Ice Age," p. 114.
(15) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times," p. 420, Table 4.
(16) Ibid., Table 5.
(17) Geikie's "Great Ice Age," p. 123.
(18) Wallace's "Island Life," p. 143.
(19) Ibid., p. 124.
(20) "Geology of New Hampshire," Vol. II, p. 5.
(21) Wallace's "Island Life," p. 99.
(22) Geikie's "Great Ice Age," p. 103.
(23) Wallace's "Island Life," p. 149. Hitchcock's "Geology of
New Hampshire," Vol. II, p. 7, gives a map showing what immense
areas in that section would be raised to the surface by a raise
of three hundred feet.
(24) American Journal of Science, 1871, p. 329.
(25) Wallace's "Island Life," p. 184.
(26) Wallace's "Island Life," p. 182.
(27) Ibid., p. 157 and note. Prof. Wright thinks this statement
doubtful. He refers to the date of the Glacial Age in the
Southern Hemisphere.
(28) Wallace's "Island Life," p. 200; Dawkins's "Early Man in
Britain," p. 119; Geikie's "Great Ice Age," p. 256;
Quatrefages's "Human Species," p. 288.
(29) For these results, see McFarland's Calculations in
"American Journal of Science," 1880, p. 105.
(30) "Island Life," p. 153.
(31) See chart, p. 124, Wallace's "Island Life."
(32) "Ancient Society," p. 39.
(33) "Island Life," p. 201.
(34) "Prehistoric Europe," p. 312.
(35) On this point consult Wright's "Studies in Science and
Religion," pp. 232~347; also Prof. Lewis in "Primitive
Industry," pp. 547-551.
(36) "Prehistoric Europe," p. 560.
(37) See any isothermal map.
(38) Wallace's "Island Life," p. 154, note.
(39) "Geology of New Hampshire," Vol. III, p. 327, referred to
in Wright's "Studies in Science and Religion," p. 327.
END OF CHAPTER V.**********************
The Prehistoric World: or, Vanished Races
by E. A. Allen
Processed by D.R. Thompson
drthom@ihug.co.nz
Chapter VI
THE NEOLITHIC AGE IN EUROPE.<1>
Close of the first cycle--Neolithic culture connected with the
present--No links between the two ages--Long lapse of time
between the two ages--Swiss lake villages--This form of villages
widely scattered--Irish cranogs--Fortified villages--Implements
and weapons of Neolithic times--Possessed of pottery--Neolithic
agriculture--Possessed of domestic animals--Danish shell-heaps--
Importance of flint--The art of navigation--Neolithic clothing--
Their modes of burial--The question of race--Possible remnants--
Connection with the Turanian race--Arrival of the Celts.
In the preceding chapters we have sought to learn what we could
of the Paleolithic Age. We have seen what strange people and
animals occupied the land, and have caught some glimpses of a
past that has been recovered to us out of the very night of
time. From under the ashes of Vesuvius archaeologists have
brought to light an ancient city. We gaze on it with great
interest, for we there see illustrated the state of society two
thousand years ago. But other cities of that time are still in
existence, and not only by the aid of tradition and song, but
from the pages of history, we can learn of the civilization of
the Roman people at the time of the destruction of Pompei; so
that, in this case, our knowledge of the past is not confined to
one source of information. But no voice of history or
tradition, or of existing institutions, speaks to us of the
Paleolithic Age. Of that remote time, the morning time of human
life, we learn only from the labors of geologists and
archaeologists. We are virtually dealing with a past geological
age. The long term of years thus defined drew to its close
amidst scenes of almost Arctic sterility. In all probability,
glaciers reflected the sun's rays from all the considerable
hills and mountains of Central and Northern Europe, though
forming, perhaps, but a remnant of the great glaciers of the Ice
Age. The neighboring seas must have been whitened by the
glistening sails of numerous icebergs. Such was the closing
scene of Paleolithic life.
The first great cycle of human life, as far as we know it now,
was concluded in Europe. We do not mean to say that it
terminated all over the world. In other regions it survived to
far later times. But, in Europe, Paleolithic animals and men had
worked out their mission, and we have now to record the arrival
and spread of a new race, bringing with them domestic animals, a
knowledge of rude husbandry, and many simple arts and industries
of which their Paleolithic predecessors were ignorant.
We recall, that the men of the Paleolithic Age seemed incapable
of advancement;<2> or their progress was so slow that we
scarcely notice it. But we can trace the lines of advancement
from the Neolithic culture to that of the present. We have,
however, to deal with people and times far removed from the
light of history.
We have before us, then, a new culture and a new people. On the
one hand is Paleolithic man, with his rude stone implements,
merely chipped into shape--surrounded by many animals which have
since vanished from the theater of life--inhabiting a country
which, at its close at least, was more like Greenland of to-day
than England or France. The scene completely changes, when the
misty curtain of the past again rises and allows us to continue
our investigations into primitive times.
We would naturally expect to find everywhere, connecting links
between these two ages--the culture of the one gradually
changing into the culture of the other. This, however, is not
the case. The line of demarkation between the ages is everywhere
plainly drawn; and, furthermore, we are learning that a very
long time elapsed between the departure, or disappearance, of
the Paleolithic tribes, and the arrival of their Neolithic
successors. This is shown in a great many ways, and we will
notice some of them. We learn that Neolithic man occasionally
used caves as a place of habitation. In such cases there is
nearly always a thick layer of stalagmite between the strata
containing the Paleolithic implements and the Neolithic strata
--though this stalagmite is unmistakable evidence of the lapse
of many years, we can not determine how many, as we do not know
the rate of formation.
This lapse of time is shown very plainly when we come to
consider the changes wrought in the surface features of the
country by the action of running water. We know that rain,
running water, and frost, constituting what we call denuding
forces, are constantly at work changing the surface of a
country. We know that, in general, this change is slow.
But great changes have been wrought between these two ages.
In the British Islands, we know that the rivers had time to very
materially change the surface features of the land.
The important rivers of Scotland had carved out channels one
hundred feet deep in places; and along their courses, especially
near their mouths, had plowed out and removed great quantities
of glacial material--forming broad flats which became densely
wooded before Neolithic man made his appearance on the scene.
In some cases the entire surface of the land had been removed,
leaving only knolls and hills of the old land surface.
Examples of this occur on the east coast of England, and in what
is known as the Fen-lands. The final retreat of the glaciers
must have left the country covered with debris.
After this had been largely denuded, the country became densely
wooded. It was not until these changes had taken place, that
Neolithic man wandered into Europe.<3>
But still another ground exists for claiming a long interval
between these two ages, namely, the great changes that took
place in the animal world of Europe during these two epochs.
Many different species of animals characteristic of the
Paleolithic Age vanished as completely from Europe as the rude
tribes that hunted them, before the appearance of Neolithic
tribes. But little change in the fauna of England has taken
place in the last two thousand years. So it is obvious that the
great change above-mentioned demands many centuries for its
accomplishment. Huge animals of the elephant kind, such as the
mammoth, no longer crashed through the underbrush, or wallowed
in the lakes. The roars of lions and tigers, that haunted the
caves of early Europe, were no longer heard.<4> In short, there
had disappeared forever from Europe the distinctly southern
animals that diversified the fauna of Paleolithic times.
Even the Arctic animals were banished to northern latitudes, or
mountain heights.
We have dwelt to some length on the proofs of a long-extended
time between these two ages. The more we reflect on these
instances the more impressed are we with a sense of duration
vast and profound, in which the great forests and grassy plains
of Europe supported herds of wild animals all unvexed by the
presence of man. We will only mention one more point and then
pass on.
We have seen that the highest rank we can assign to Paleolithic
man in the scale of civilization is Upper Savagism. But when
Neolithic man appeared, he was in the middle status of
Barbarism. The time, therefore, between the disappearance of
Paleolithic man and the arrival of Neolithic man was long enough
to enable primitive man to pass one entire ethnical period, that
of Lower Barbarism. But this requires a very long period of
time, probably several times as long as the entire series of
years since Civilization first appeared, which is supposed to be
in the neighborhood of five thousand years ago.<5>
We must now turn our attention to Neolithic man himself and
learn what we can of his culture, and discover, if possible,
what race it was that spread over Europe after it had been for
so long a time an uninhabitable country. A few remarks by way of
introduction will not be considered amiss.
We are learning that tribal organization, implying communism in
living, is characteristic of prehistoric people.<6> Tribal
organization sufficed to advance man to the very confines of
civilization. We have no doubt but that this was the state of
society amongst the Neolithic people. But this implies living in
communities or villages. We need not picture to ourselves a
country dotted with houses, the abodes of single families;
such did not exist, but here and there were fortified villages.
Still another consequence follows from this tribal state of
society. There was no such thing as a strong central government.
Each tribe obeyed its own chief, and a state of war nearly
always existed between different tribes. Such we know was the
state of things among the Indian tribes of America.
Travelers tell us that it is so to-day in Africa. Each tribe
stood ready to defend itself or to make war on its neighbors.
One great point, therefore, in constructing a village, was to
secure a place that could be easily defended.
Bearing these principles in mind, let us see what we can learn
of their habitations. Owing to a protracted drouth, the water in
the Swiss lakes was unusually low in the Winter of 1854, and the
inhabitants of Meilen, on the Lake Zurich, took advantage of
this state of affairs to throw up embankments some distance out
from the old shore, and thus gain a strip of land along the
coast. In carrying out this design, they found in the mud at the
bottom of the lake a number of piles, some thrown down and
others upright, fragments of rough pottery, bone and stone
instruments, and various other relics.
Dr. Keller, president of the Zurich Antiquarian Society, was
apprised of this discovery, and proceeded at once to examine the
collection made and the place of discovery. He was not long in
determining the prehistoric nature of the relics, and the true
intent of the pile remains. He proved them to be supports for
platforms, on which were erected rude dwellings, the platforms
being above the surface of the water, and at some distance from
the shore, with which they were connected by a narrow bridge.
Illustration of Lake Village, Switzerland.-------------
This was the first of a series of many interesting discoveries
from which we have learned many facts as to Neolithic, times.
The out we have introduced is an ideal restoration of one of
these Swiss lake villages. It needs but a glance to show how
admirably placed it was for purposes of defense. Unless an enemy
was provided with boats, the only way of approach was over the
bridge. But the very fact that they resorted to lakes, where at
the expense of great labor they erected their villages, is a
striking illustration of the insecurity of the times.
This discovery once made, it is surprising what numbers of these
ancient lake villages have been discovered. Switzerland abounds
in large and small lakes, and in former times they must have
been still more numerous, but in the course of years they have
become filled up, and now exist only as peat bogs. But we now
know that during the Neolithic Age the country was quite thickly
inhabited, and these lakes were the sites of villages. Over two
hundred have been found in Switzerland alone. Fishermen had
known of the existence of these piles long before their meaning
was understood. Lake Geneva is one of the most famous of the
Swiss lakes. Though in the main it is deep, yet around the shore
there is a fringe of shallow water.
It was in this shallow belt that the villages were built.
The sites of twenty-four settlements are known. We are told that
on "calm days, when the surface of the water is unruffled, the
piles are plainly visible. Few of them now project more than two
feet from the bottom, eaten away by the incessant action of the
water. Lying among them are objects of bone, horn, pottery, and
frequently even of bronze. So fresh are they, and so unaltered,
they look as if they were only things of yesterday, and it seems
hard to believe that they can have remained there
for centuries."<7>
A lake settlement represents an immense amount of work for a
people destitute of metallic tools. After settling on the
locality, the first step would be to obtain the timbers.
The piles were generally composed of the trunks of small-sized
trees at that time flourishing in Switzerland. But to cut down a
tree with a stone hatchet is no slight undertaking.
They probably used fire to help them. After the tree was felled
it had to be cut off again at the right length, the branches
lopped off, and one end rudely sharpened. It was then taken to
the place and driven into the mud of the lake bottom. For this
purpose they used heavy wooden mallets. It has been estimated
that one of the settlements on Lake Constance required forty
thousand piles in its construction.<8>
The platform which rested on these piles was elevated several
feet above the surface of the water, so as to allow for the
swash of the waves. It was composed of branches and trunks of
trees banded together, the whole covered with clay.
Sometimes they split the trees with wedges so as to make thick
slabs. In some instances wooden pegs were used to fasten
portions of the platform to the pilework.
As to the houses which were erected on these platforms, though
they have utterly vanished, yet from a few remains we can judge
something as to the mode of construction. They seem to have been
formed of trunks of trees placed upright, one by the side of the
other, and bound together by interwoven branches. This was then
covered on both sides with two or three inches of clay.
A plaster of clay and gravel formed the floor, and a few slabs
of sandstone did duty for a fire-place. The roof was of bark,
straw, or rushes. There does not seem to have been much of a
plan used in laying out a settlement. As population increased
other piles were added, and thus the village gradually extended.
No one village would be likely to contain a great number of
inhabitants. Calculations based on the area of one of the
largest settlements in Lake Geneva, gives as a result a
population of thirteen hundred, but manifestly nothing definite
is known.
This brief description gives us an idea of a method of
constructing villages which, as we shall soon see, extended all
over Europe, though varied somewhat in detail. The condition of
the remains indicate that these settlements were often destroyed
by fire. At such times quantities of arms, implements, and
household industries would have been lost in the water, and so
preserved for our inspection.
This mode of building found such favor among the early
inhabitants of Europe that it continued in use through the
Neolithic Age, that of Bronze, and even into the age of Iron.
Passages here and there in ancient histories evidently refer to
them. Though they have long since passed away in Switzerland,
the Spaniards found them in Mexico, and they are still to be
seen in some of the isles of the Pacific. Remembering this, we
need not be surprised if we find in one small lake settlements
belonging to widely different ages. Here one of the Stone Age,
there one of the Bronze, or even a confused mingling of what
seems to be several ages in one settlement.<9>
There is scarcely a country in Europe that does not contain
examples of lake villages. From their wide distribution we infer
that a common race spread over the land. We will now mention
some differences in construction discovered at some places,
where, from the rocky nature of the bed of the lake, it was
impossible to drive piles so as to form a firm foundation.
They sometimes packed quantities of stone around the piles to
serve as supports in a manner as here indicated. "In all
probability the stones used were conveyed to the required spot
by means of canoes, made of hollowed out trunks of trees.
Several of these canoes may still be seen at the bottom of Lake
Bienne, and one, indeed, laden with pebbles, which leads us to
think it must have foundered with its cargo."<10>
Illustration of Foundation, Lake Village.------------
In some cases these heaps of stone and sticks rise to the
surface of the water or even above it, the piles in such cases
serving more to hold the mass together than as a support to the
platform on which the huts were erected. This mode of
construction could only be employed in small lakes. This makes
in reality an artificial island, and seems to have been the
favorite method of procedure in the British Islands. In Ireland
and Scotland immense numbers of these structures are known.
They are called crannogs. This cut represents a section of one
in Ireland. Though they date back to the Neolithic Age, yet they
so exactly meet the wants of a rude people that they were
occupied down to historic times.
Illustration of Irish Crannog.---------------
The advantage of forming settlements where they could only be
approached on one side were so great that other places than
lakes were resorted to. Peat-bogs furnished nearly as secure a
place of retreat as do lakes. These have been well studied in
Northern Italy. They do not present many new features. They were
constructed like the lake villages, only they were surrounded by
a marsh, and not by a lake. In some of the Irish bogs they first
covered the surface of the bog with a layer of hazel bushes, and
that by a layer of sand, and thus secured a firm surface.<11>
In this case the villages were still further defended by a
breastwork of rough spars, about five feet high. One of the
houses of this group was found still in position, though it had
been completely buried in peat. No metal had been used in its
construction. The timbers had been cut with a stone ax, and the
explorer was even so fortunate as to find an ax, which exactly
fitted many of the cuts observed on the timbers.
But we are not to suppose that lakes and bogs afforded the only
sites of villages. They are found scattered all over the surface
of the country, and, as we shall soon see, they show the same
painstaking care to secure strong, easily defended positions.
They have been generally spoken of as forts, to which the
inhabitants resorted only in times of danger. We think, however,
they were locations of villages, the customary places of abode.
For this is in strict accordance with what we find to be the
early condition of savage life in every part of the world.
Traces of these settlements on the main-land have been mostly
obliterated by the cultivation of the soil during the many years
that have elapsed since their Neolithic founders occupied them.
In Switzerland the location of five of these villages are known.
In all instances they occupied places very difficult of approach
--generally precipitous sides on all but one or two. On the
accessible sides ramparts defended them. The relics obtained are
in all respects similar to those from the lake villages.<12>
Illustration of Fortified Camp, Cissbury.------------
Fortified inclosures have been described in Belgium. We are
told, "They are generally established on points overhanging
valleys, on a mass of rocks forming a kind of headland, which is
united to the rest of the country by a narrow neck of land.
A wide ditch was dug across this narrow tongue of land, and the
whole camp was surrounded by a thick wall of stone, simply piled
one upon another, without either mortar or cement." "One of
these walls, when described, was ten feet thick, and the same in
height." These intrenched positions were so well chosen that
most of them continued to be occupied during the ages which
followed." The Romans occasionally utilized them for their
camps. Over the whole inclosure of these ancient camps worked
flints and remains of pottery have been found.<13>
These fortified places have been well studied in the south
of England.
What is known as the South-Downs in Sussex is a range of hills
of a general height of seven hundred feet. This section is about
five miles wide and fifty miles long. Four rivers flow through
these downs to the sea. In olden times their lower courses must
have been deep inlets of the sea, thus dividing those hills into
five groups, each separated from the other by a wide extent of
water and marsh land. To the north of these hills was a vast
expanse of densely wooded country. It is not strange, then, to
find traces of numerous settlements among these hills. As the
surface soil is very thin, old embankments can still be traced.
The cut given is a representation of Cissbury, one of the
largest of these camps. It incloses nearly sixty acres.
The rampart varies according to the slope of the hill. Where the
ascent was at all easy it was made double. Fortified camps are
very numerous throughout the hill country. They vary, of course,
in size, but the situation was always well chosen.<14>
As for the buildings themselves, or huts of the Neolithic
people, we know but little. They were probably built much the
same as the houses in the lake settlements. We meet with some
strange modifications in England. Frequently within these
ramparts we find circular pits or depressions in the ground.
They are regarded as vestiges of habitations, and they must have
been mainly under ground. "They occur singly and in groups, and
are carried down to a depth of from seven to ten feet through
the superficial gravel into the chalk, each pit, or cluster of
pits, having a circular shaft for an entrance. At the bottom
they vary from five to seven feet in diameter, and gradually
narrow to two and a half or three feet in diameter in the upper
part. The floors were of chalk, sometimes raised in the center,
and the roof had been formed of interlaced sticks, coated with
clay imperfectly burned."<15>
In the north of Scotland, instead of putting them under ground,
they built them on the natural surface, and then built a mound
over them all. In appearance this was scarcely distinguishable
from a mound, but on digging in we discover a series of large
chambers, built generally with stones of considerable size, and
converging toward the center, where an opening appears to have
been left for light and ventilation. In some instances the mound
was omitted, and we have simply a cluster of joining huts, with
dry, thick walls. These have been appropriately named
"Bee-hive Houses."<16>
We can form a very good idea of Neolithic Europe from what we
have learned as to their habitations. A well-wooded country,
abounding in lakes and marshes, quite thickly settled, but by a
savage people, divided into many tribes, independent of and
hostile to each other. The lakes were fringed with their
peculiar settlements; they are to be noticed in the marshes, and
on commanding heights are still others. The people were largely
hunters and fishers, but, as we shall soon see, they practised a
rude husbandry and had a few domestic animals. Such was the
condition of Europe long before the Greek and Latin tribes lit
the beacon fires of civilization in the south.
It is evident that the builders of the lake settlements and the
fortified villages were an intelligent and industrious people,
though their scale in civilization was yet low. Their various
implements of bone, horn, and stone display considerable advance
over the rude articles of the Drift.
Illustration of Neolithic Axes.--------------------
One of the most important implements was the ax. The Paleolithic
hatchet, we remember, was rude, massive, and only roughly
chipped into shape, and was intended to be held in the hand. The
Neolithic ax was a much better made one, and was furnished with
a handle. They were enabled to accomplish a great deal with such
axes. "Before it, aided by fire, the trees of the forest fell to
make room for the tiller of the ground, and by its sharp edge
wood became useful for the manufacture of various articles and
implements indispensable for the advancement of mankind in
culture."<17> These axes vary in size and finish.
As a general thing they are ground to a sharp, smooth edge, but
not always, nor were they always furnished with a handle.
Some axes are found with a hole bored in them, through which to
pass a handle. These perforated axes are found in considerable
numbers, and some have denied that they could be produced
without the aid of metal. It is almost self-evident that the
perforated axes are later in date than the solid ones, and
probably many of them are no earlier in time than the Age of
Metals. There is, however, nothing to show that all belong to so
late a time. Besides, experiments have amply shown that even the
hardest kind of flint can be drilled without the aid
of metals.<18>
Warlike implements are, of course, quite common. Many of the
axes found are probably war axes. Then besides we have
arrowheads, spears, and daggers. These are considered to be
"marvels of skill in flint chipping."<19> Stone was used for a
great many other purposes, such as scrapers, sling-stones,
hammers, saws, and so on. Flint was generally the kind of stone
used. Our civilization owes a great deal to this variety of
stone. It is not only hard, but its cleavage is such that it was
of the greatest use to primitive man. In a general way the
Neolithic stone implements are seen to be better adapted to the
object in view than the Paleolithic specimens. They are also
generally polished.
Wood was largely used in their common household implements.
But it is only in exceptional cases that it has been preserved
to us. They have been recovered, however, in peat-bogs and in
the remains of lake settlements. These wooden utensils consist
of bowls, ladles, knives, tubs, etc. They used fire to hollow
them out, and the blows of the flint hatchet used to remove the
charred portions, are still to be observed in some specimens.
Illustration of Neolithic Weapons.--------------
The Neolithic people had learned how to manufacture pottery,
though not of a very superior quality. It is all hand-made: so
the potter's wheel had not yet been introduced. The material is
clay mixed with gravel or pounded shells. Very often they
ornamented their clay vessels with lines and dots. The bowls or
jars were evidently suspended by cords, for the bottom was made
too rounding for them to stand erect. Besides, we find the holes
for the cords, and in some places handles.
Illustrations of Ax in Sheath, and Hafted Hatchet in Sheath.--
No notice of Neolithic tools would be complete without
mentioning the use made of horn and bone. One peculiar use for
which they employed horn was as a socket for holding other
implements. Thus this figure shows us an ax in a socket of horn.
The middle of the socket is generally perforated with a round or
oval hole, intended to receive a handle of oak, birch, or some
other kind of wood adapted for such a use. The cut below
represents a hatchet of this kind. A number of these sockets
have been found, which were provided at the end opposite to the
stone hatchet with a strong and pointed tooth. These are boars'
tusks, firmly buried in the stag's horn. These instruments,
therefore, fulfilled double purposes: they cut or crushed with
one end and pierced with the other. Sockets are also found which
are not only provided with the boars' tusks, but are hollowed
out at each end, so as to hold two flint hatchets at once, as is
seen in our next figure. Chisels and gouges were also sometimes
placed in bone handles. Portions of horn probably at times did
duty as hoes. We give a representation of such an implement.<20>
We must now seek some information as to how the men of the
Neolithic Age supported life.
Illustration of Sheath, with two Hatchets.---------
Illustrations of Chisels in Sheath, and Horn Hoe.---------
From the remains of fish at all the lake settlements it is
evident they formed no inconsiderable portion of their food.
Fishing nets and hooks have been discovered. They were
successful hunters as well. But the men of this age were no
longer dependent on the chase for a livelihood. We have
mentioned several times that they were acquainted with
agriculture. This implies a great advance over the primitive
hunters of the early Stone Age.
On the shores of the lakes which furnished them with a place of
habitation they raised many of our present species of grain.
Owing to a cause of which we have already spoken--that is,
destruction of the lake settlements by fire--the carbonized
remains of these cereals have been preserved to us. There were
four varieties of wheat raised, none exactly like our common
wheat. In addition to this they raised barley and millet,
several varieties of each. Nor were the fruits neglected.
Apples and pears were dried and laid away for use in the Winter.
Seeds of the common berries were found in abundance, showing
that these primitive people were fully alive to their value.
From this it follows that the Neolithic people were not only
tillers of the soil, but horticulturists as well. According to
Dr. Keller, the vegetable kingdom furnished their principal
supply of food. Hazelnuts, beechnuts, and chestnuts were found
in such quantities as to show they had been gathered for use.
Neither hemp, oats, nor rye were known. Not only do we find the
remains of the grains, fruits, seeds, etc., from which the above
conclusions are drawn, but, farther than this, pieces of bread
have been found in a carbonized state, and thus as effectually
preserved as the bread of a far later date found in the ovens of
Pompeii. According to Figuier, the peasant classes of Tuscany
now bake bread, after merely bruising the grain, by pouring the
batter on glowing stones and then covering it with ashes.
As this ancient prehistoric bread is of similar shape, it was
probably baked in an equally primitive fashion.<21>
Aside from the natural interest we feel in these evidences as to
ancient industry, a study of the remains of plants cultivated by
the Neolithic people reveals to us two curious and suggestive
facts. It has been found that the wild plants then growing in
Switzerland are in all respects like the wild plants now growing
there. But the cultivated plants--wheat, millet, etc.--differ
from all existing varieties, and invariably have smaller seeds
or fruits.<22> This shows us that man has evidently been able to
effect considerable change by cultivation, in the common grains,
during the course of the many centuries which separate the
Neolithic times from our own age. But if this rate of change be
adopted as a measure of time, what shall we say is to the
antiquity demanded to explain the origin of cultivated grain
from the wild grasses of their first form?
We learn, in the second place, that the cultivated plants are
all immigrants from the south-east--their native home being in
South-eastern Europe and Asia Minor. We shall afterward see that
this is true of the domestic animals also. There can be but one
explanation for this. The ancient inhabitants of Europe must
have come from that direction, and brought with them the plants
they had cultivated in their eastern homes, and the animals they
had reduced to their service. The traces of agriculture thus
found in Switzerland are by no means confined to that country.
In other countries of Europe, such as England and France, we
also find proofs that men cultivated the earth. In localities
where we do not find the grain itself, we find their rude mills,
or mealing stones, which as plainly indicate a knowledge of the
agricultural art as the presence of the cereals themselves.<23>
As we have stated, Neolithic man in Europe possessed domestic
animals. He was not only a cultivator of the soil, but he was a
herdsman as well; and he kept herds of oxen, sheep, and goats.
Droves of hogs fattened on the nuts of the forest, and the dog
associated with man in keeping and protecting these domestic
animals. We know that the Swiss Lake inhabitants built little
stalls by the sides of their houses, in which they kept their
cattle at night. But these domestic animals were not descendants
of the wild animals that roamed the forests of Europe. Like the
plants, they are immigrants from the south-east. Our best
authorities consider they were brought into Europe by the
invading Neolithic tribes.
The, knowledge of husbandry, though rude, and the possession of
domestic animals, though of a few species only, strikingly
indicate the advance over the Paleolithic tribes. They also had
fixed places of living. This culture spread all over Europe.
That it was substantially the same everywhere there is no doubt.
Certain refuse heaps in Denmark, Scotland, and indeed in all the
sea-coast countries, have been thought to support a different
conclusion. Those of Denmark have been very carefully studied,
and so we will refer to them. All along the Baltic coast, but
especially in Denmark, have been discovered great numbers of
mounds, which were found to consist "almost entirely of shells,
especially of the oyster, broken bones of animals, remains of
birds and fishes, and, lastly, some wrought flints." The first
supposition in regard to those shell-heaps was that they were of
marine formation, accumulated beneath the sea, and elevated to
the surface along with the gradual rise of the land. But they
are now known to be nothing more or less than the sites of
ancient settlements. The location of the rude cabins can still
be traced. The ancient hearths are still in place. "Tribes once
existed here who subsisted on the products of hunting and
fishing, and threw out around their cabins the remains of their
meals, consisting especially of the debris of shell-
fish." These heaps gradually accumulated around their rude
dwellings, and now constitute the refuse heaps in question.<24>
The careful investigation of their contents has failed to
disclose any evidence of a knowledge of agriculture, and the
only domestic animal found is the dog. The implements are
altogether of stone and horn. No trace of metal has yet been
obtained. As a rule, they are rudely made and finished.
Though of the Neolithic type, they are not polished except in a
few instances. The principal interest turns on the question of
age of these refuse heaps. Some think they were accumulated at
the very beginning of the Neolithic Age--that these tribes
preceded by many years the men of the Swiss Lakes. Others think
they were tribes of the same great people, living at the same
time. On such a point as this, only those who have carefully
studied the deposits are entitled to speak.
Some few facts stand out quite prominently. The size of the
mounds<25> indicate long-continued residence--showing that these
people had permanent places of abode. As they are not confined
to Denmark, but are found generally throughout Europe, it would
seem to imply that the Neolithic people preferred to live as
fishers and hunters wherever the surroundings were such that
they could by these means obtain an abundant supply of food.
Some shell-heaps in Scotland were still forming at the
commencement of the Bronze Age; and Mr. Geikie, on geological
grounds, assigns the shell-heaps of Denmark to a late epoch of
the Stone Age.
It seems to us quite natural that isolated tribes, living where
game was abundant, and where fishing met with a rich reward,
should turn in disgust from the agricultural life of their
brother tribes, and, resuming the life of mere hunters and
fishers, speedily lose somewhat of their hardly won culture--for
civilization is the product of labor. Whenever a people from
necessity or choice abandon one form of labor for another
demanding less skill to triumph over nature, a retrogression in
culture is inevitable.<26>
From what we have stated as to the use of flint we can readily
see that it was a valuable material. Sections where it was found
in abundance would as certainly become thickly populated as the
iron and gold regions of our own day. In Paleolithic times the
supply of flint was mostly obtained from the surface and in the
gravel of rivers. In Neolithic times men had learned to mine for
flint. Flint occurs in nodules in the chalk. Near Brandon,
England, was discovered a series of these workings. They consist
of shafts connected together by galleries. These pits vary in
size from twenty to sixty feet in diameter, and in some cases
were as much as thirty feet deep. From the bottom of these
shafts they would excavate as far as they dared to the sides.
They made no use of timbers to support the roof, and so these
side excavations were not of great extent. In these old workings
the miners sometimes left behind them their tools. The principal
one was a pick made of deer's horn, as is here represented.
Besides these, they had chisels of bone and antler. The marks of
stone hatchets on the sides of the gallery are visible.
Illustration of Miner's Pick.---------------
In one instance the roof had caved in, evidently during the
night, and on clearing out the gallery near the end where the
roof stood firm, there were found the implements of the workmen,
just as they were left at the close of the day's work; and in
one place on the pick, covered with chalk dust, was still to be
seen the marks of the workman's hand. How many years, crowded
with strange scenes, have swept over England since that chalky
impression was made! The surface of the earth is a palimpsest,
on which each stage of culture has been written over the faint,
almost obliterated, records of the past. Not only the living
man, who has left there the impression of his hand has passed
away, but also his people and his culture. And now it is only
here and there that we catch a faint tracing underlying our
later civilization, by which we reconstruct the history of these
far-away times.
Nothing would be more natural than that where flint was found in
abundance a regular manufactory of implements would be
established. Such was the case at Cissbury, which we have
already mentioned as one of the early British towns. Mines had
been dug within the walls inclosing the town. The surface of the
ground near the old mines at this place is literally covered by
splinters of flint in every stage of manufacture, "from the
nodule of flint fresh out of the chalk, spoilt by an unlucky
blow, to the article nearly finished and accidentally
broken."<27> Here the flint was mined and chipped into
rudimentary shape, but carried away to be perfected
and polished.
A very important place in Neolithic manufactures was noticed
near Tours, France. Here was an abundant supply of flint, and
very easily obtained, and the evidence is conclusive that here
existed real manufactories. Of one stretch of ground, having an
area of twelve or fourteen acres, we are told: "It is impossible
to walk a single step without treading on some of these
objects." Here we find "hatchets in all stages of manufacture,
from the roughest attempt up to a perfectly polished weapon.
We find, also, long flakes or flint-knives cleft off with a
single blow with astonishing skill."
But in all these objects there is a defect; so it is concluded
that these specimens were refuse thrown aside in the process of
manufacture. As at Cissbury, very few polished flints are found,
so we may conclude the majority of weapons were carried
elsewhere for completion. But some weapons were completed here.
In the neighborhood have been found the stones used as
polishers. This cut shows us one used in polishing the axes.
The workmen would take one of the rough-hewn instruments, and,
rubbing it back and forth on such a stone as this, gradually
produced a smooth surface and a sharpened edge.<28>
Illustration of Polishing Stone.------------
We have suggested that our civilization owes a great deal to
flint. If we will consider the surroundings of their
manufacturing sites, we will see the force of this remark.
It must have taxed to the utmost the powers of these primitive
men to sink the shafts and run the galleries to secure a supply
of this valuable stone. In short, they had to invent the art of
quarrying and working mines. This would lead to the division of
labor, for while one body of men would become experts as miners,
others would become skillful in chipping out the implements, and
still others would do the finishing and polishing. A system of
barter or trade would also arise, for the workmen at the mines
and factories would have to depend on others for food and
clothing, and in payment for the same would furnish them
implements. As localities where flint could be obtained in
suitable quantities are but few, we can see how trade between
widely scattered tribes would arise. This kind of traffic is
shown to have extended over wide distances in Neolithic times.
For instance, there was been found scattered over Europe axes
made of varieties of stone known as nephrite and jade. They were
highly valued by primitive tribes, being very hard and of a
beautiful green color. They are thought to have been employed in
the observance of superstitious rites. But quarries of these
varieties of stone do not occur in Europe. An immense amount of
labor has been expended in finding their native home. This is
now known to be in Asia.<29> Manufactured in Asia, axes of these
materials may have drifted into Europe and finally arrived
in England.
Illustration of Neolithic Boat-making.--------
Trade between different tribes must have been greatly
facilitated by means of canoes, which Neolithic man knew well
how to make. The art of navigation was probably well advanced.
The canoes were formed of the trunks of large trees. In most
cases they were hollowed out by means of the ax and fire
combined. Sometimes the ends were partially rounded or pointed,
but often cut nearly square across--rather a difficult shape to
propel fast or to guide properly. These ancient boats have been
found in nearly all the principal rivers of Europe, and in many
cases, no doubt, come down to much later date than the Neolithic
Age. From the remains of fish found in their refuse heaps we are
confident that in some such a shaped boat as this they trusted
themselves far out at sea. They served to transport them from
the shores of Europe to England, and at a later date to Ireland.
Illustration of Neolithic Cloth.----------
The clothing of the men of the Neolithic Age doubtless consisted
largely of the prepared skins of the animals, and some fragments
of leather have been found in the lake settlements. But a very
important step in advance was the invention of spinning and
weaving, both of which processes were known at this time.
The cloth which is here represented "is formed of twists of
interwoven flax, of rough workmanship, it is true, but none the
less remarkable, considering the epoch in which it was
manufactured. Balls of thread and twine have also been
found.<30> This cut is a spindle-whorl. These have been
discovered very often. They were made sometimes of stone and at
other times of pottery and bone. The threads were made of flax,
and the combs which were used for pushing the threads of the
warp into the weft show that it was woven into linen on some
kind of a loom. Several figures of the loom have been given, but
we have no certainty of their correctness.<31>
Illustrations of Spindle-whorl and Weaver's Comb.-------
Let us now see if we can gather anything as to the religious
belief of Neolithic man. On this point we can at best only
indulge in vague conjectures. Yet some light seems thrown on
this difficult subject by examination of the burial mounds.
This introduces us to a subject of much interest which, in our
hurried review, we can but glance at.
Scattered over Europe are found numbers of mysterious monuments
of the past. Some of them we have mentioned already as the
embankments surrounding ancient villages. But aside from these
are other monuments, such as burial mounds, rude dolmens, and
great standing stones, sometimes arranged in circles, sometimes
in rows, and sometimes standing singly. Many of these remains
may be of a far later date than the Neolithic Age, still it is
extremely difficult to draw a dividing line between the
monuments of different ages.
Illustration of Chambered Burial Mound, Denmark.----
Illustration of Dolmen, England.--------------------
Burial mounds are found everywhere, many in Europe going back to
the Neolithic Age, though some are of a very recent
construction. The Egyptian Pyramids are burial mounds on the
grandest scale. The first cut represents a Danish Tumulus, or
burial mound, of this Age. The openings lead to the center of
the mound, where they connect with chambers in which the bodies
were formerly placed. There are, of course, various
modifications of this tumulus. Often the gallery was omitted, a
rude chamber was erected, and a mound reared over it.
Sometimes, indeed, no chamber was made, but simply a mound
placed over the body.
Illustration of Dolmen, France.------------
Illustration of Dolmen, once Covered with Earth.-----
There have been found in England a great many stones arranged as
in the preceding cut, though generally not built with such
regularity as is there represented. They are named Dolmens, a
word meaning stone tables. They were more generally made of
rough stones, rudely arranged. This cut represents one found in
France. In early times these were supposed to have been rude
altars used by the mysterious Druids in celebrating their rites.
They are now known to be the tombs of the Neolithic Age.
They are, in fact, the chambers above mentioned. The mound of
earth has since disappeared and left its chamber standing
exposed to the air. Traces of the old passage way are still met.
Whether all Dolmens were once covered with earth or not, is not
yet known. In the majority of cases they probably were. In the
last cut portions of stone are still buried in the earth. We are
told that in India the people in some places still erect Dolmens
similar to those of Neolithic times.<32>
Illustration of Menhir.-------------
Illustration of Stone Circle, England.-------
Aside from the tombs themselves, there are other arrangements of
great stones which must have once possessed great significance
to their builders, but their meaning is now lost. Of this nature
are the blocks of rough stone set up in the ground generally in
the vicinity of tombs. These are the standing stones, or
menhirs, which, as we have stated, are arranged in various
forms. When arranged in circles, they are generally regarded as
tombs. When placed in long parallel rows, as at Carnac, in
France, we are not sure of their meaning. We are told that the
Hill tribes of India to this day erect combinations of gigantic
stones into all the shapes we have here described.<33>
The peculiar shape of the burial mounds, with a passage way
conducting us to an interior chamber, or series of chambers,
probably arose from the belief entertained by many savage
people, that the dead continue to live an existence much like
that when alive, and consequently the same surroundings were
deemed necessary for their comfort. So the tomb was made similar
to the house of the living. The ordinary Winter huts of the
Laplander are very similar in shape and size to the burial
tumuli, and amongst some people, as the inhabitants of New
Zealand, the house itself is made the grave. It was closed up
and painted red, and afterward considered sacred.
Illustration of Chambered Tomb, France.--------
So it may quite well be that the Neolithic inhabitants of
Denmark, "unable to imagine a future altogether different from
the present, or a world quite unlike our own, showed their
respect and affection for the dead by burying with them those
things which in life they had valued most; with women, their
ornaments, with warriors, their weapons. They buried the house
with its owner, and the grave was literally the dwelling of the
dead. When a great man died he was placed on his favorite seat,
food and drink was arranged before him, his weapons were placed
by his side, his house was closed, and the door covered up,
sometimes, however, to be opened again when his wife or children
joined him in the land of spirits."
That they believed in a life beyond the grave is shown by the
objects they buried with the individuals. These are implements
of various kinds, flakes, arrow-heads, scrapers, celts, and
pottery, doubtless intended to be of service to the deceased.
We know this to be a very common proceeding amongst all
barbarous people. In some cases it would appear as if they
realized that the material things themselves could be of no
service to the departed, but imagined that in some vague way the
spirits of things might be of service to the spirits of men, and
so they would purposely break the flints and throw the fragments
into the grave. Sometimes they may have buried only models of
the objects they wished to give to the dead, imagining that in
this way the spirits of the objects represented would accompany
and be of service to the spirits of the departed. To this day
the Eskimos bury small models of boats, spears, etc., rather
than the objects themselves. The ancient Etruscans buried
jewelry, but made it so thin and fragile that it could not have
been of service to the living. In China this is carried still
further, and paper cuttings or drawings of horses, money, etc.,
are burned at the grave.
These remarks may explain the absence of remains so often
noticed in Neolithic burials in England. But other evidence can
be given to show this belief in future life. The mounds were of
course often erected over noted chiefs, and we are not without
evidence that he was not allowed to go unattended into the other
world. It has been noted that often skeletons have been met with
having the skull, cleft, and in one case, at least, all but one
presented that appearance. It is but reasonable to suppose that
these skeletons were those of captives or slaves sacrificed to
be the attendants of the chief in the spirit world.
Funeral feasts were also held in honor of the dead. Thus we may
gather from burial mounds something of the religious belief of
their occupants.
It is not improbable that ancestor worship, or the worship of
the dead, was part of their faith, so that the mounds became
temples. On this point we are told "it is impossible not to
believe then that the people who made these great, and in some
cases elaborately constructed, tombs would continue ever after
to regard them as in some sort consecrated to the great chiefs
who were buried under them. Each tribe would have its own
specially sacred tombs, and perhaps we may here see a germ of
that ancestor-worship which may be traced in every variety of
religions belief."<34>
We now approach a difficult part of our inquiry, but, at the
same time, one that possesses for us a great interest. Who were
these people into whose culture we have been inquiring?
While laying the foundation of our present civilization, though
being the fountain head from whence many of the arts and
industries, which now make our existence comfortable and happy,
take their feeble origin, gradually developing and expanding as
the time rolls on, have they themselves, as a race, vanished in
the mighty past, or are their descendants still to be found in
Europe? Who were they? Whence and when? Difficult problems, but
we have read to but little purpose if we have not already
learned that earnest observers need but the slightest clue to
enable them to trace out brilliant results.
In the first place, are there any grounds for supposing the
Neolithic people to be the descendants of those who hunted the
reindeer along the Vezere? This view has its supporters.
M. Quatrefages, a very able scholar indeed, maintains that the
Neolithic people were the same race as those who inhabited the
caves and found shelter in the rock grottoes of France.<35>
This, to others, does not seem credible. We must recall the long
lapse of time that it is apparent has elapsed between the two
ages. We have seen how different were the two cultures; as Mr.
Geikie remarks, "So great, indeed, is the difference between the
conditions of life that obtained in the two ages of Stone, that
we can hardly doubt that the two people came of different
stocks."<36> The Neolithic people brought with them domestic
animals and plants whose native home is in Western Asia. We can
hardly account for this fact, if we suppose them to be the
descendants of Paleolithic tribes in France.
Abandoning, therefore, any attempt to trace lines of connection
between the people of the two ages, let us carefully study all
the facts connected with the Neolithic people and their culture,
to see if we can solve the problem by so doing. We have noticed
that substantially the same stage of culture existed throughout
Europe from Switzerland to the British Islands. This points to
the presence of a common race during at least a portion of the
time. But if there was a common race living in Europe they would
certainly possess common physical features. As a race they may
have been tall in stature, or medium, or short, and portions of
the human skeleton would show a uniformity in this regard.
Now one of the means that scientists use to determine the races
of men is a comparison of skulls, measured in a systematic
manner. The objection has been made that no reliance can be
placed on these results, because at the present day skulls of
all sorts of shapes and sizes can be obtained among people of
the same nationality. But these objections would not apply to
people of prehistoric times. Their surroundings would be simple
and natural--not artificial and complex, as in modern times.
In our times people of different nationality are constantly
coming in contact, and intermarriage results; but in prehistoric
times this was not liable to occur, and so the comparative
purity of blood would certainly produce a much greater
uniformity of physical features.<37>
From a very careful examination of a great number of burial
mounds in Great Britain, it has been ascertained that in all of
those that date back to Neolithic times, and contain portions of
human skeletons, the bones are always those of individuals small
in stature, the average height being about five and a half feet.
The skulls are of that variety known as long skulls. From this
we can at once form a mental picture of the Neolithic
inhabitants of Britain. No less important conclusions have been
deduced from the study of burial mounds on the continent.
We meet with remains of these same small-sized people.
"They have left traces of their presence in numerous interments
in chambered tombs and caves in Belgium and France, as well as
in Spain and Gibraltar. We may therefore conclude that at one
period in the Neolithic Age the population of Europe, west of
the Rhine and north of the Alps, was uniform in physique and
consisted of the same small people as the Neolithic inhabitants
of Britain and Ireland."<38>
We must now inquire whether there are any people living in
Europe which might have descended from the original stock.
We are in the position of those who, from a few broken down
arches, a ruined tower and dismantled wall, would seek to form a
mental picture of the stately building that once stood there.
If we can here and there discover, by the light of history or
exploration, some races or tribes that, owing to their
geographical position, have escaped the fate that befell the
great body of their countrymen, we may perhaps replace our
mental picture by one founded on reality. Nor need we be in
doubt where to seek for such scattered remnants of people.
Successful invaders always appropriate to their own use the
fertile lowlands and the fruitful portions of the country of
their helpless foes. But a weak people have often, in the rocky
fastnesses of their land, made a successful stand. So, to
determine the race, we will examine the people living in such
regions, and see if there are any that physically conform to
what is already known of the Neolithic people, and so entitled
to claim a relationship by descent.
Both slopes of Pyrenees Mountains, between France and Spain,
have been occupied from time immemorial by a peculiar race of
people known as the Basque. Secure in their mountain homes, they
have resisted foreign civilization, and retained their national
characteristics as well as their liberties, though they have
been nominally vassals to many powers, from the early
Carthaginians to the later French and Spanish. From the many
invasions they have undergone the Basque language and people are
by no meals uniform. But Dr. Broca, one of the most learned
anthropologists in Europe, has shown that the original Basques
were dark in complexion, with black hair and eyes. In addition
to this, the efforts of some of the most eminent scholars in
Europe,<39> who have made numerous examinations of skulls and
skeletons obtained from ancient Basque cemeteries, have
conclusively shown that in all physical features the Basques
agree with men of Neolithic times.<40>
The Basques do not belong to the great division of the human
family known as Aryans, to which the English-speaking races, as
well as the nations of Europe generally, belong. They belong to
a far older division of the human family--the Turanian<41>--and
were doubtless in possession of Europe long before the Indo-
European nations commenced their westward migrations from
Central Asia. They are described as being brave, industrious,
and frugal, with patriarchal manners and habits. They scorn
authority, except what emanates from themselves, and have but
few nobility. They are impetuous, merry, and hospitable, fond of
music and dancing.<42> Of their warfare we are told they are
"not distinguished in open warfare, but unconquerable in
guerrilla warfare, and famed for defense of walled cities."<43>
Such are the Basques of to-day, and many of these traits of
character, we doubt not, were the same amongst the
Neolithic people.
Mr. Dawkins also thinks that two tribes, living in Northern
Italy, in the very earliest historical times, are other remnants
of the same people. One of these were the Ligurians.
Investigations and traditions show that some time before the
dawn of history they had been driven out of the pleasant parts
of Southern France, but had made a successful stand in the
mountain regions of Northern Italy. They, like the Basques, were
strong, active, and warlike. They were small in stature, swarthy
in features, and long-headed. To the south of these were the
Etruscans. But little is known of them, though the evidence is
that long before the Christian Era they were a powerful people.
In physical features they resembled those already described.
Their sculpture exhibits only short, sturdy figures, with large
heads and thick arms. Another possible remnant of these people
existed at the very dawn of history in the mountainous regions
of Wales. They were known as Silures. but have since become
absorbed in the surrounding population. In civilization and
physical features they agree with the remnants
already described.
In the north of Russia are found the Finns. Their origin and
migrations are alike unknown. One thing is certain, they belong
to the Turanian family, and so are probably allied to the
Basques and Etruscans. It is possible that they also are but a
sorry remnant of the once wide-spread Neolithic people.
Driven out of the fairer portions of Europe, they hive found an
asylum in their present bleak surroundings. Like the people
already described, they are short in stature, and
dark visaged.<44>
The tribes we have thus briefly mentioned are regarded by some
as representatives of the Neolithic people. Prof. Winchell,
speaking of the wide-spread extension of the Turanian race,
assures us, that "history, tradition, linguistics, and ethnology
conspire to fortify the conclusions that, in prehistoric times,
all Europe was overspread by the Mongoloid (Turanian) race, of
which remnants have survived to our own times in the persons of
the Basques, Finns, Esths, Lapps, and some smaller tribes."<45>
Researches into the surroundings of these people, combined with
what we have already learned as to the culture, customs, and
manners of the Neolithic people in the preceding pages, throw no
little light on this age. The darkness of oblivion seems
dispelled by the light of science, and we behold before us the
Europe of Neolithic times, thickly inhabited by a race of
people, small in stature, dark visaged, and oval-faced--fond of
war and the chase, yet having a rude system of agriculture.
The picture seems complete; and we have now only to raise some
inquiries as to the great stock of people to which they
belonged, and conjecture as to the date of their arrival
in Europe.<46>
We are now learning that far back in the past, when mankind was
yet young in the world, the great Turanian family held a
commanding position. They seem to have dispersed widely over the
earth. Their migrations began long before that of the Aryan and
Semitic people. When tribes of these later people began their
wanderings, they found a Turanian people inhabiting the country
wherever they went. Long before the times of Abraham, the
fertile plains of Chaldea were the home of powerful tribes of
this family. Egypt, and the fertile Nile Valley, the home of
ancient civilization, was their possession at a time long
preceding the rise of the Pharaohs. Their Asiatic origin is
corroborated by what we have learned of their domestic animals
and cereals, which we know to be also from Asia, or the south-
east. These Turanian tribes, at some far remote time, must have
appeared in Asia Minor. Urged onward by the pressure of
increasing population, they passed into Europe and Northern
Africa. Their progress was, doubtless, slow; but they gradually
filled Europe. The English Channel must have presented no
inconsiderable barrier, and it was after Europe had been
populated for a long time that they ventured to brave its
passage in their rude canoes.
The Neolithic culture, which we have treated of in reference to
Europe only, is seen to have been of Turanian origin. From its
Asiatic home it spread over the entire world--to the islands of
the Pacific, and even America. The road that leads from
barbarism to civilization is long and difficult, and it is not
strange that but one or two families of men were able to attain
that end by their own unaided effort.<47> The Turanian Family,
which probably advanced man from savagism into barbarism, seems
to have at that stage exhausted its energies. This is but an
illustration of the fact that a race, like an individual, has a
period of growth, a maturity of healthful powers, and an old age
of slow decadence. After thus dispersing over the world,
carrying with them the culture of the Neolithic Age, they seem
to have halted in their progress. It remained for a new people,
starting, perhaps, from the same state of culture, but with new
energies, to discover and employ metals in the construction of
tools and implements. This gave them so great a command over
nature that civilization became possible. But whatever
considerable advance the Turanian races were able to make beyond
the Neolithic culture was by reason of intercourse with these
later people. Where completely isolated from them, as in the
New World, they remained, for the most part, in the
Neolithic culture.<48>
We have hitherto spoken as if there was but one race in Europe
during Neolithic times. In the main this is true; yet, near the
close of this time, a different race arrived in Europe.
That this is so, is proved by the same line of evidence used to
determine the Neolithic people. We shall have much to say of
them hereafter. They were the vanguard of the great Aryan race.
This calls for some explanation. It has been found that the
principal languages of Europe and South-western Asia have
certain common characteristics; so much so that we are
justified, even compelled, to assume that the nations speaking
these languages, such for instance as the Teutonic, Sclavic,
Italic, Greek, Persian, Hindoostanee, and others, are
descendants from a common ancestor. These people are called,
collectively, Aryans. They were the ones who drove the Turanians
out of the fairest portions of Europe. Though they appeared at a
late date, they have filled the most important places in
history, and the civilization of the world to-day is Aryan.
Now we must again form a mental picture of Neolithic Europe--
after it had been for a long time in the possession of the
Turanian tribes, the first band of Aryan invaders make their
appearance. They must have appeared somewhere near the south-
eastern confines of Europe, but they pressed forward to the
western portion. They firmly seated themselves in the western
and central parts of Europe, driving out the Turanian tribes who
had so long possessed the land. They were themselves still in
the Neolithic stage of culture. But they probably did not long
antedate the knowledge of metals. Mr. Dawkins thinks that it
caught up with them before they arrived in Britain, and that
they are the ones who introduced bronze into that island.
The Aryan tribe, who thus made their appearance in Europe, are
identified as the Celts of history.
The Neolithic Age thus drew to its close, but not all at once.
It disappeared first in the southern portion of Europe--from
Greece and Italy; but it lingered to a far later date in the
north: among the scattered tribes of Turanian people it would
still assert its sway. Even after metals were introduced, the
cheapness and abundance of stone would cause it to be used,
among the poorer people at least. But finally this culture gives
way to a higher one in Europe--though it still survived in
portions of Asia, the Isles of the Pacific, and in America.
We can but reflect on the difference between the two ages of
stone. The former ends amidst Arctic scenes--and, in the
darkness that ensues, ages pass before we again detect the
presence of man. The Neolithic closes gradually, everywhere
giving way to a higher culture. We must not forget that our
present civilization owes much to our far away Neolithic
ancestors. When we reflect on the difficulties that had to be
overcome before animals could be profitably held in a domestic
state, or cultivation of the earth made profitable, we almost
wonder that they succeeded in either direction. Aside from
these, we turn to them for the origin of trade, navigation, and
mining. No inconsiderable part of the battle of civilization had
thus been won.
REFERENCES
(1) The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to Prof. Chas.
Rau, of the Smithsonian Institution, for criticism.
(2) The Cave-men were, undoubtedly, considerably in advance of
the Men of the Drift. If we regard the two as but one race of
men, then the statement is not true. We have, however, given our
reasons for considering the Cave-men as a different race.
Hence the statement made above.
(3) Consult Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe," chapters on "British
Post-glacial and Recent Deposits."
(4) Lions still lived in Greece at the time of Herodotus.
See "Polymnia," vii, 125, etc.
(5) This last argument is drawn from Mr. Morgan's work. It is
well to state that his divisions are very far from being
accepted by all authorities.
(6) Morgan's "Ancient Society."
(7) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times," p. 189.
(8) Figuier's "Primitive Man," p. 223.
(9) On lake settlements, consult Keller's "Lake Dwellings;"
Rau's "Early Man in Europe," chap. v; Sir John Lubbock's
"Prehistoric Times," chap. vi; Figuier's "Primitive Man,"
p. 218, et seq.
(10) Figuier's "Primitive Man," p. 222.
(11) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 270.
(12) Keller's "Lake Dwellings." Translated by Lee.
(13) Figuier's "Primitive Man," p. 153.
(14) General Lane Fox's "Hill Forts of Sussex," Archaeology,
vol. xvii.
(15) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 267.
(16) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times," p. 56.
(17) Mr. Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 274.
(18) Smithsonian Report, 1868.
(19) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times," p. 103.
(20) Figuier's "Primitive Man," pp. 161-166.
(21) "Primitive Man," p. 171.
(22) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times," p. 219.
(23) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 268.
(24) These heaps are generally called
"kjokken-moddings"--meaning kitchen refuse.
(25) One mound is spoken of as being one thousand feet long, two
to three hundred feet wide, and ten feet high.
(26) On Danish Shell Mounds, consult Keary's "Dawn of History,"
p. 369, et seq.; Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times," chap.
vii; Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe," pp. 365-9; Figuier's
"Primitive Man," pp. 129-134; Rau's "Early Man in Europe," pp.
108-113; Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," pp. 309-305.
(27) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 279.
(28) Figuier's "Primitive Man," pp. 147-150 and 154: Another
very important place was the Island of Rugen, in the Baltic Sea.
Rau's "Early Man in Europe," p. 137.
(29) "Proceedings American Antiq. Society, April, 1881," p. 286.
(30) Figuier's "Primitive Man," p. 262.
(31) See remarks of Prof. Rau on this subject ("Early Man in
Europe," pp. 128-9 and note.) Mr. Dawkins thinks it "probable
also that the art of weaving woolen cloth was known, although,
from its perishable nature, no trace of it has been handed down
to us." ("Early Man in Britain," p. 275.)
(32) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times," p. 132.
(33) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times," p. 130.
(34) On this subject consult Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times,"
chap. v.; Keary's "Dawn of History," p. 363-6; Geikie's
"Prehistoric Europe," p. 375; Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain,"
p. 284-9; Ferguson's "Rude Stone Monuments;" Figuier's
"Primitive Man," chap. iii.; Rau's "Early Man in Europe,"
p. 139; "Archaeology," Vol. XLII.
(35) "Human Species", p. 335.
(36) "Prehistoric Europe," p. 547.
(37) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 310, note 3.
(38) Ibid., p. 314.
(39) Thurman, Virchow, Huxley, and others.
(40) Mr. Dawkins is inclined to view them as a remnant of the
Neolithic people. Whether our scholars will ultimately accept
his views, remains to be seen.
(41) Brace's "Races of the Old World," p. 82,
(42) Am. Encyclopedia, Art. Basque.
(43) Brace's "Races of the Old World," p. 82.
(44) Brace's "Races of the Old World," p. 82.
(45) "Pre-Adamites," p. 150.
(46) It is unnecessary to caution the reader, that, after all,
our knowledge of "prehistory" is vague. Prof. Virchow, who is
eminent authority on these points, thinks it not yet possible to
identify the prehistoric people of Europe; and good authorities
hold that the Turanian tribes just named are the remnants of
Paleolithic tribes, instead of Neolithic.
(47) Morgan's "Ancient Society," p. 39.
(48) The exceptions to this statement are the higher classes of
sedentary Indians, of which we shall treat in future pages.
END OF CHAPTER VI.***********************
The Prehistoric World: or, Vanished Races
by E. A. Allen
Processed by D.R. Thompson
drthom@ihug.co.nz
Chapter VII
THE BRONZE AGE IN EUROPE.<1>
Races of Men, like Individuals--Gradual change of Neolithic Age
to that of Bronze--The Aryan family--First Aryans Neolithic--
Origin of Bronze--How Great discoveries are made--Gold the first
metal--Copper Abundant--No Copper Age--The discovery of Tin--
Explanation of an Alloy--Bronze, wherever found, the same
Composition--What is meant by the Bronze Age--Knowledge in other
Directions--Gradual Growth of Culture--Three Centers of Bronze
Production--Habitations during the Bronze Age--The Bronze Ax--
Implements of Bronze--Personal ornaments--Ornaments not always
made of Bronze--Advance in Arts of living--Advance in
Agriculture--Warlike Weapons--How they worked Bronze--Advance in
Government--Trade in the Bronze Age--Religion of the Bronze Age
--Symbolical figures--Temples of the Bronze Age--Stonehenge.
It is with races of men as with individuals, the progressive
growth of youth soon reaches its limit and maturity of power.
While it brings greater strength, it has not the buoyancy of
early years, so the manner of life becomes fixed, and onward
progress stops. They can then only hope to hold on the even
tenor of their way, happy if increasing years do not bring again
their childhood state. The Neolithic people entered Europe early
in the youth of the race which spread their civilization over
the globe, but the race to which they belonged appear to have
reached their zenith of development long ages ago, since which
time, whatever higher culture they have reached has been a gift
to them by other people. Their energies became exhausted, and
for a long series of years Europe was filled by the camps, lake
villages and fortified places of Neolithic times.
As to the absolute length of time during which they inhabited
Europe, we have no data to determine. Relatively, their sojourn,
however long, was but a short time compared to the duration of
the old Stone Age. It presents no such evidence of lapse of ages
as can be observed in the older deposits, yet we may be sure
that it was for no inconsiderable period.
The Paleolithic Age was apparently terminated in Europe by the
cold of the last glacial epoch. No such natural course put an
end to the Neolithic Age, but as the strong have an advantage
over the weak, the young over the old, so does a race young,
undeveloped, or in the early maturity of its powers, have an
advantage over the older and more fixed civilization with which
it comes in contact. To understand the causes which introduced
into Europe the Bronze Age, we must refer to the Aryan race and
to Asia.
We have in the preceding chapter briefly mentioned the Aryan
race. They have so much to do with the higher culture of the
Metallic Ages, that it seems not out of place to refer once more
to their origin. The evidence goes to show that the ancient
Aryans inhabited some portion of South-western Asia. As a race
or family, they appear to have been one of the latest developed.
Yet a record of their progress is a record of civilization.
Unless we reflect, we are liable to be misled by the expression,
recent development. The Hindoos, one of the latest members of
this family, were in India several thousand years before
Christ.<2> But however far back we trace them, we find them in
possession of metals. Aside from this, we know that before the
different Aryan tribes had commenced their migration (with the
exception, however, of the Celts), while they formed but one
mass of people, they worked some of the metals.<3> They could
have acquired this knowledge only after the passage of many
years, when they were ignorant of it. This bespeaks a profound
antiquity for the Aryan family.
As we have seen, Europe, while yet inhabited by Neolithic
people, was invaded by a branch of the Aryans. We do not know
the date of this invasion, yet it must have been an early date,
since the Celts separated from the Aryans before the use of
metals. The Aryans have ever been noted as an aggressive people,
and under different names have, in modern times, carried
victorious arms in all quarters of the globe. This is equally
characteristic of the primitive Aryans. Though it is not
apparent that they possessed any higher culture than the people
who already inhabited Europe, yet they everywhere triumphed over
them and possessed themselves of the fairest portion of the
Neolithic domain, driving the primitive inhabitants to those
mountainous regions where their descendants are found to-day.
It is not probable that the Aryan invaders waged exterminating
war against the Neolithic tribes. The evidence shows that there
was considerable mingling of the two races. It has been
suggested, however, that the Neolithic people who were not
driven away were reduced to slavery.<4> However that may be, the
remains of the two people are found side by side in chambered
tombs and sepulchral caverns, showing that they dwelt together
in the same area. As before remarked, the Aryan invaders are
identified as the Celts. That it was relatively late in the
Neolithic Age when they made their appearance, is shown by the
fact that they had only reached the English Channel when a
knowledge of bronze caught up with them.
We must now endeavor to learn the origin of bronze.
The impulsive energies of this newer race found vent not only in
conquest over the neighboring tribes, but it is extremely
probable that they are the ones who first compelled nature to
yield up her metallic stores to be of service to man. If the
knowledge of fire was the starting point of human advancement,
surely the knowledge of metals, their useful properties, and how
to extract them from their ores, may lay claim to being the
starting point of our present enlightenment. We have but to
glance around us to see how many of our daily comforts are
dependent on the use of metals. Should we, by any mischance,
become deprived of the use of iron, or of the useful alloys,
bronze and brass, our civilization would be in great danger of
reverting to Savagism. Man, destitute of metals, can do but
little to improve his surroundings; but grant him these, and
victory over his environment is secured.
We can not retrace the exact steps of this beautiful discovery;
we are not sure to what family it is to be ascribed. Perhaps not
to any one alone. Nature may have taken her children by the
hand, and kindly guided their feeble steps in the line of
experiments leading up to this knowledge, and, finally, one
family, more fortunate than the others, succeeded in the
attempt. All great discoveries have been approached in different
directions, by different people. No sooner is it made than this
fact appears, and people widely separated by time and place are
found to be on the verge of the same great truth. It was
probably so at the discovery of metallurgy.
The Turanian tribes, who had so long inhabited Europe, were
suddenly confronted by the victorious hosts of the Celts, the
vanguard of the Aryans, the precursors of a higher culture.
The movements of these primitive people could not fail to have a
great effect on the human mind. It would become alert, keen, and
active. Such was the state of ancient society when a knowledge
of bronze was introduced--a discovery which consigned stone,
hitherto the substance most commonly made use of to advance
human interests, to a subordinate position, and opened up for
man the exhaustless mineral stores of nature.
It is suggested by some that gold was the first metallic
substance employed. Its glittering particles would attract the
attention of primitive man, and little articles of ornament were
early manufactured from it. To be sure, the supply was very
limited; but what there was would serve the useful purpose of
imparting to men some idea of metallic substances. Portions of
it falling in the fire might have suggested the idea of smelting
and of molding--might, at least, have lead to experiments in
that line. The supply of gold existing in a native state is so
small, that no use could have been made of it except
for ornaments.
Iron, we know, is the most abundant mineral. But it is very rare
in a native state, and its ores have nothing distinguishing
about them, and so it is not strange that another metal received
the attention of primitive man. That metal was probably copper.
It is often found in a pure state in nature. In the Michigan
mines of our own country, masses of pure copper many tons in
weight have been discovered.<5> No such rich deposits are found
in the Old World; but considerable quantities of native copper
were obtained, and it was by no means a rare metal.
Copper possesses several qualities that would attract attention.
It is quite malleable; that is, it can be easily hammered into
shape. We can imagine the surprise of the old stone-workers at
finding a stone that, instead of breaking or splitting, could be
hammered into shape. By accident, or otherwise it would be
learned, in time, that it could be melted. This would lead to
the idea of molding.
If the above process were followed out, there would be a real
Copper Age preceding that of Bronze: no trace of such an age has
yet been detected in Europe. "But there is, however, every
reason for believing, that, in some parts of the world, the use
of native copper must have continued for a lengthened period
before it was discovered that the addition of a small portion of
tin not only rendered it more fusible, but added to its
elasticity and hardness."<6> The absence of a Copper Age in
Europe would imply that the art of manufacturing bronze was
discovered in some other locality.
Copper by itself is so soft that it would not be of much use to
man, except the experience they would gain of melting and
molding. In our own country the aboriginal inhabitants were well
acquainted with copper, and even knew how to mold it.
Yet, except as just pointed out, it is not probable that it
exerted any marked influence on their development.<7> In the old
world supplies of native copper are limited, and recourse must
be had to the ores of copper. Now these ores, such as copper-
pyrites, are nearly always of a bright color, and as such would
attract the attention of primitive man. They might suspect that
these bright colored ores contained copper from finding
similarly colored ores in connection with native copper, in fact
passing from one form to the other. But it requires no little
skill to reduce the ores of copper; and, when obtained, for
reasons just pointed out, it would not be of great utility.
But primitive man was thus cautiously and experimentally feeling
his way to a knowledge of metallurgy.
All the evidence obtainable goes to show that tin was known as
early as copper, or at least soon after. Its ores though not
striking on account of their color, are on account of their
great weight. It is comparatively easy to reduce it from its
ores. It is quite widely distributed over the earth. It often
occurs in the gravels of rivers, where, as we have already
mentioned, primitive men must have, at a very early date, sought
for gold. Owing to their weight, the gravel of tin-stone would
remain behind with the gold when it was washed. "In process of
time its real nature might have been revealed by accident;
and, before the eye of the astonished beholder, the dull
stone, flung into the fire, became transfigured into the
glittering metal."<8>
When two metals come together in a molten state, they often
form, not a mixture of the two, part copper and part tin, for
example, but a new compound, different from either, called an
alloy. Copper is, so to speak, a sociable metal, and readily
unites with many different metals--amongst others with tin, when
it forms bronze, the article that marks a new state in the
history of primitive culture. It seems to us strange that an
alloy, a combination of two different metals, should have been
the first used by man, and not a simple metal like iron.
Such, however, is the fact of the case; and we have tried to
point out the probable steps which led up to the invention of
bronze. We can scarcely comprehend the difficulties which
attended the labors of the primitive metal-workers. There were
no books containing the wisdom of many, from which the
investigator could draw his stores of knowledge. and the only
way that knowledge could be disseminated was by word of mouth.
Now, when one man makes an important step in a discovery,
hundreds of earnest workers, some, perhaps, in distant places,
are quickly made aware of the fact, and extend its scope, or
point out its imperfections, and thus hasten on the desired end.
Then, each individual, or community, must, of necessity, have
commenced at the beginning, and the discoveries made would
hardly be perpetuated in the memory of others. There were so
many obstacles to be overcome before a knowledge of bronze could
be acquired, in the then existing state of human knowledge, that
it must ever remain a source of wonder to us, at the present
day, that it was invented at all.
We may picture to ourselves the ancient copper-worker, after
numerous experiments, guided by some good genius, finally
hitting on some process by which, from his mass of ore, he
extracted a nearly pure piece of copper. Having learned how to
reduce these ores, there are many ways in which it might have
been found that a mixture of the two metals would form a new
compound of greatly increased value.
It must have taken a long course of experiments to determine
what proportions of each metal to use to make the best bronze.
It is interesting to know that these early workers had learned
the proportions of each to use, not varying a great deal from
the results of modern research--that is, from ten to twelve per
cent of tin. Bronze relics, no matter where obtained, whether in
the Old or the New World, do not widely depart from this
standard, and such instances as do would probably denote that
the supply of tin became short. This uniformity of composition
would imply that the art of making bronze was discovered in one
place, from which it gradually spread over the globe.
This fact is a key to the culture of the Bronze Age.
Widely separated communities, destitute of a knowledge of
metals, would instinctively make use of stone. In this case
uniformity of type would not imply community of knowledge. But a
knowledge of metals is altogether different. It is wonder enough
that one community should have hit on the invention of bronze.
The chance would be against its independent discovery in widely
separated areas. They would be more apt to chance on the
production of some other metal. Thus; tribes in the interior of
Africa are said to have passed direct from the Stone to the Iron
Age, a knowledge of bronze not having been carried to them.
We are thus able to form a true conception of the Bronze Age.
It did not prevail over the world at the same time. Indeed, as
we shall subsequently see, there is every reason to suppose it
spread very slowly, and that it still lingered in Central and
Northern Europe long after its use had been abandoned for that
of iron in the South. Neither, when it was first introduced, did
it put a stop to the use of stone. It was necessarily costly,
and on its first appearance in a country, brought hither by
trade, could only be afforded by rich and powerful chiefs and
warriors. As time advanced, and they learned to make it cheaper,
and each country took up its separate manufacture, it would
gradually supersede stone. But bronze was never cheap enough to
drive out the use of stone altogether. This only occurred when
the art of working iron was discovered.
We shall learn that the knowledge of bronze, while a very
important and distinguishing phase of culture of the Bronze Age,
was not its only characteristic. It was distinguished by the
arrival and spread of the Aryan races, by a great extension of
commerce, by more refinements in the comforts of life, by the
increasing strength of government, which in after ages flowered
out in the mighty nations of antiquity, and rendered historic,
civilization possible.
Some facts stand out with great prominence. The origin of this
culture is lost in the very night of time. We may be sure that
it goes back to a profound antiquity, and that it extended over
a long series of years.
It is evident there was no great and sudden change from the
culture of the Stone Age to that of Bronze. It was as if the
darkness of night had given place to the roseate light of dawn,
to be shortly followed by the full day of historic times. It was
probably introduced by trade. The articles introduced in this
way would consist of simple implements, weapons, and ornaments.
Following after the trade would be found the smelter with his
tools, and, where the conditions were favorable, local
manufactories would be set up. But this home industry would not
prevent importation of more pretentious articles from abroad.
This would account for the rich collections of shields, swords,
and golden cups found in Denmark that betray an Etruscan origin.
Investigations of recent scholars show that the bronze of the
early Bronze Age came from Asia Minor. Subsequently there were
three great centers of bronze production, each having certain
styles. These were the Russian on the east, the Scandinavian on
the north, and the Mediterranean on the south. If this view be
correct, bronze must have been in use in the South of Europe
long before it was in the North. This view of the introduction
of bronze is, we think, that of the best scholars in Europe.
Others, however, think bronze was brought in by the invasion of
the Aryan tribes. Mr. Keary says: "The men of the Bronze Age
were a new race, sallying out of the east to dispossess the
older inhabitants, and if, in some places, the Bronze men and
the Stone men seem to have gone on for a time side by side, the
general characteristic of the change is that of a sudden
break."<9> We have shown that it was carried to England by an
invasion, and it was, perhaps, so introduced into Denmark, but
in other countries of Europe by trade.<10>
Let us now see what change in the home life, in the culture of
the people, would be brought about by the use of bronze. We must
reflect that we are not to deal with some new race, but with the
same race that inhabited Europe at the close of Neolithic times.
The people who had triumphed over nature with their implements
of stone were now put in possession of weapons and implements of
greatly increased efficiency. The results could not fail to
advance their culture. We would not expect any great change in
the houses. They would, however, be much better built.
The metallic tools were certainly a long ways ahead of the best
stone implements. With the aid of metallic axes, knives, saws,
gouges, and chisels, their cabins could be increased in size and
appearance. They still built settlements over the lakes, but the
Bronze Age settlements were more substantially built, and placed
farther out from shore. Fortified places were still numerous;
the remains of thousands of them of this age have been found in
Ireland. But the forests were cleared, wild animals disappeared,
society became more settled, and we may be sure that an
increasing number of little hamlets were scattered over
the country.
Caves were resorted to during this epoch only in times of
danger. One at Heathbury Burn, in England, contained portions of
the skeletons of two individuals, surrounded by many articles of
bronze and a mould for casting bronze axes. It is not difficult
to read the story. In some time of sudden danger workers in
bronze fled hither with their stores, but owing to some cause
were unable to escape the death from which they were fleeing,
and their bodies. with their mineral stores, were lost to
sight until the modern explorer made them a subject of
scientific speculations.<11>
Illustration of Bronze Axes--First Form.-----------
The most important implement was the ax. Our civilization has
originated from many small things. It is difficult to
overestimate the importance of the ax in advancing civilization.
The stone axes, easily blunted and broken, could have made but
little impression on the vast forests of pine, oak, and beech,
covering the greater part of Britain and the continent in the
Neolithic Age. Clearings necessary for pasture and agriculture
must unquestionably, then, have been produced principally by the
aid of fire. Under the edge of the bronze ax clearings would be
rapidly produced, pasture and arable land would begin to spread
over the surface of the country; with the disappearance of the
forests the wild animals would become scarce, hunting would
cease to be so important, agriculture would improve, and a
higher culture inevitably follow. "When first the sound of the
woodman's ax was heard in the forests of the north, the victory
of man over his natural environments was secured, and the forest
and morass became his forever."<12>
The bronze ax was used for a great variety of purposes, not only
as an ax, but as chisel, hoe, etc. As might be expected, the
oldest axes were simply modeled after the stone ones.
The preceding cut represents these simple forms.
They were inserted into the handle much the same as they did the
stone axes. It never occurred to these ancient workers to cast
the axes with a hole in them for the handle.
Illustration of Bronze Axes--Second Form.------
Illustration of Bronze Axes--Third Form.--------
The above cut represents the second form of the ax. The trouble
with the first was that much usage would inevitably split the
handle. To remedy this, a stop or ridge was raised across the
celt, and the metal and the wood were made to fit into one
another. The small figure illustrates this method of hafting.
It would be quite natural to bend the sides of this second form
around, and thus would arise a third form in which the handle
was let into a socket, of which we also give a cut. As a general
thing, bronze axes were plain, but they were sometimes
ornamented with ridges, dots, and lines.
In addition to axes, they of course had many other implements of
bronze. Chisels were made much the same as at present, except
that the handle fitted into a socket. A few hammers have been
discovered in the Swiss lake villages. Bronze knives of
different styles and sizes were quite numerous. The workmanship
on them is generally skillful. They were, as a rule, fitted into
a handle of bone, horn, or wood, and the blade was nearly always
carved. In some cases the knives also ended in a socket into
which the handle fitted.<13>
Illustrations of Chisel, Hammer and Bronze Knives.-------
In matters of personal ornament, the men and women of the Bronze
Age were as willing to make use of artificial helps as their
descendants to-day, and no doubt fashion was quite as arbitrary
in her rule then as now. Among some savage nations the dressing
of the hair--especially of the men--is carried to a very
elaborate pitch.<14> In this respect, some of the dandies of the
Bronze Age certainly excelled. They evidently built up on their
heads a great pyramid of hair; in some cases large enough to
allow of the use of hair-pins two feet long. Of course such a
structure as this was intended to last a life-time. So careful
were they of this head-dress that they used a crescent-shaped
pillow of earthenware, so that it might not be disturbed when
they slept. Dr. Keller, who first described these crescent-
shaped articles, thought they were religious emblems of the
moon. He may be right, as the matter is not yet decided, but
some think they were the pillows in question. At first thought
this would seem absurd, but when we learn of the habits of the
natives of Abyssinia and other savage races, we cease to wonder.
Illustrations of Crescent, Bracelet, and Hair-pin.--------
In speaking of the ornaments of the Bronze Age, a caution is
necessary, because ornaments of bronze may belong to any age.
Bracelets and rings have been quite numerous. The bracelets vary
much in shape, are decidedly artistic in workmanship, and often
set off with carved designs. Some of this shape are composed of
a single ring of varying width, the ends of which almost meet
and terminate by a semicircular clasp; others are a combination
of straight or twisted wires ingeniously joined to one another.
"Some of these ornaments remain even up to the present day in a
perfect state of preservation. In an urn from one of the lake
settlements six specimens were discovered, the designs of which
appeared quite as clearly as if they had only just
been engraved."<15>
We are called on to notice one important point in reference to
these bracelets and rings. That is, they are so small they could
scarcely be worn nowadays; a fact leading us to infer that the
people must have been of small size. It has also been noticed
that the handles of the swords are smaller than would be
convenient for soldiers now. Some ornaments of bronze were worn
as pendants. For this purpose they were provided with a circular
hole, and were probably worn suspended around the neck.
Illustration of Bronze Pendants.-------
Ornaments were not always of bronze. Necklaces were sometimes
made of amber, and gold beads were quite common. We give a cut
of both. They are from burial mounds of this age in England.
We remember the ornamentations on implements in the Paleolithic
Age was by engraving animal forms. In the Neolithic Age they
seem to have cared very little for ornamenting. During the
Bronze Age the ornamentation was of a simple but pleasing and
uniform style. It consisted of simple geometrical patterns,
combination of circles, dots, and straight lines. In this next
figure we have given the principal designs found in France.
Illustration of Necklace and Beads.---------
In the arts of living an increase in culture is noticeable.
We have seen that in Neolithic times they were acquainted with
the use of the distaff. In the Bronze Age they manufactured
woolen cloth. We have but few specimens of this cloth, because
it is under only very exceptional circumstances that woolen
fabrics can be preserved for any great length of time.
From examinations of burial mounds of this period, it would
appear that the better class of people were clad in linen and
woolen. Probably the use of the skins of animals for dress
purposes was mostly discontinued during this age. Woolen cloaks
of this period have been found in Denmark, though probably
dating from near the close.
Illustration of Ornamental Designs.---------------
In agriculture we detect only such advances as improved
implements would suggest. They used the sickle in gathering in
the harvest. We find no implements which we are sure were used
for agricultural purposes. Yet they must have had some means of
preparing the ground for the cereals. The day of wild animals
was gone. In the lake settlements of this age the domestic
animals outnumbered the wild species.<16>
Illustration of Bronze Sickle.-----------
During this age the horse was used for riding and driving, and
oxen were used for plowing.
The proof of this fact is certain sketches found in Denmark.
But the use of bronze in that country continued after iron had
been introduced in the south of Europe. Pottery was more
carefully made--though the wheel for turning it was not yet
introduced. The shapes were varied and elegant; sometimes,
instead of having a flat base, they came to a point below--in
which case they had to be placed in a support before they could
stand upright. Nearly all the pottery bears the ornamentation
peculiar to the Bronze Age--that is, straight lines, dots, etc.
Illustration of Clay Vessel and Support.-----------
During this age, the inhabitants were as much given to war and
conquest as any rudely civilized people: we, therefore, meet
with remains of their weapons. The principal ones were
swords, daggers, spear-heads, and arrows. The swords are always
more or less leaf-like in shape, double-edged, sharp-pointed,
and intended more for stabbing and thrusting, rather than
cutting. No hand guards were used.
Illustration of Bronze Weapons.-----------------
Sometimes the handles were fastened to the swords by means of
rivets; and, at other times, the handle was plaited with wood or
bone. They are of different lengths, intermediate between the
sword and the dagger. It is doubtful whether they made use
of shields.
Bronze shields are, indeed, found; but, from the ornaments and
other circumstances they are generally considered to belong to
the Iron Age: for we shall subsequently learn that the
introduction of iron did not prevent the continued use of
bronze. The bow was well known; and this must have necessitated
the use of arrows. Some bronze arrows have been found; but a
flint arrow is nearly as serviceable as bronze, and much
cheaper, so we may be sure they were more common. They also
employed spears and javelins, and the bronze heads of these
weapons are found in various places. The invading Celt found
many camps and fortified places already in existence, and
continued them in use after the original occupant had been
driven away.
Illustration of Mold.---------------
As we have spent some time in learning the different objects
manufactured out of bronze, it may be of interest to learn
somewhat of their methods of working bronze. We have already
stated how the amateur worker in bronze would follow on after
the trader--and so the objects of bronze would be made in all
the countries of Europe. Molds have been found in various
places. This is a mold for casting the axes having a socket in
which to put the handle. It was found in the cave at Heathbury
Burn, already mentioned. None of the bronze objects were forged
out, as a smith forges out objects of iron--they were cast.
In the absence of steel, it would be almost impossible to cut
bronze; hence it was necessary to make the casting as nearly
perfect as possible. Sometimes the molds were cut out of stone,
as in the figure just given. The molds themselves were, in this
case, difficult to make; besides, they could scarcely be made so
perfect as not to leave a little ridge, where the two halves of
the mold came together, which, as just explained, owing to the
absence of steel, it would be very difficult to remove.
In process of time they discovered an easier way of making the
molds, that employed at the present day--that is, by the use of
sand. The ridge would still remain, and is to be plainly seen on
specimens of ancient bronze.
To overcome the difficulty just mentioned, they invented a third
method of casting, which displays great ingenuity. A model of
the object desired was made of wood or wax, and inclosed in
prepared earth mixed with some inflammable material, in order
that, when subjected to heat, it might become porous. The whole
was then heated until the wax or wood disappeared. The mold was
then ready for use. The great advantage of this method was that
there were no projecting lines of junction to disfigure the
complete implement. This seems to have been the most common
method employed. This explains the fact, that we seldom find any
two bronze objects exactly similar to one another.
Any impression left on the wax model would be faithfully
reproduced. Marks of the spatula, with which the wax was worked,
are frequently found; and, in one case, the impression of the
human finger was observed.<17>
A people as highly cultured as those of the Bronze Age must have
had some system of government, and one that was a sensible
advance over the government of the Neolithic people. In the
Neolithic Age it was, doubtless, tribe against tribe.
Confederacies, the union of several tribes for common purpose of
defense, must have been more common at this age.<18> The first
Aryan tribes to arrive in Europe, as we have seen, were the
Celts. In time, they had to withstand the pressure of invasion
themselves. The Belgae, and other Germanic tribes, were also on
the move. But war at this period would partake more of the
nature of people against people, than of tribe against tribe.
The civil and the military departments of government must have
taken more definite shape, and we are not without evidence of
fairly organized and disciplined forces. As early as two
thousand eight hundred years before Christ, the sea-coast people
of Europe, while yet in the Bronze Age, allied their forces for
the conquest of Egypt.<19>
We have referred to the influence of trade in shaping
civilization. It is commerce that to-day is carrying
civilization to remote corners of the globe. Long before the
dawn of history, it was an active agent in advancing culture.
It is important to note the great expanse of commerce, both
inland and marine, which prevailed during the Bronze Age.
An important article of trade was, of course, bronze. The people
who first learned the secret of its manufacture would speedily
find a demand for their wares from surrounding tribes, and we
have already pointed out how this trade would quickly give rise
to local manufactures. But, to produce bronze, we know tin is
just as necessary as copper--and all the countries of Europe are
not provided with these metals; so more or less trade would
inevitably take place. In various ways the stores of the bronze
merchant might be lost, and only revealed in after years by
accident. One of these deposits, found in France, is evidently
the store of a merchant or trader from Etruria to the tribes of
the north and west, and so gives us a quite vivid idea of the
trade of that early time. It consisted of over four hundred
articles of bronze, "comprising knives, sickles, lance-heads,
horse-bits, rings, buttons, pendants, and bracelets."<20>
As an article of adornment, amber was highly prized, not only by
the people of Europe during the Bronze Age, but also by the
people of the preceding Neolithic Age. This caused a trade to
spring up which certainly did its share in enlightening the
people. The main supply must have been obtained from the shores
of the Baltic. That the trade was of importance is evidenced by
the fact that amber has been found scattered over Europe in the
tombs of the Neolithic and Bronze Ages.
We have given a passing glance at the religion of each age we
have examined. It must be confessed that great uncertainty hangs
over the results. From a close examination of their industries,
we can gather considerable as to the home life and general
enlightenment of prehistoric times. A knowledge of religious
belief is gathered mainly from a study of their burial customs.
This is a very important part of our investigation, because a
religious belief is one of the exponents of the culture of
a people.
We have seen that in the Neolithic Age the dead were buried
surrounded by implements, weapons, and ornaments for use in the
future life. The descendants of these people throughout Europe,
even in the Bronze Age, would still continue this custom.
The implements buried with the body were more often of stone
than bronze. We must constantly bear in mind that bronze was
costly. This will explain its absence in many cases. It is
interesting to note in this connection that these are "cases in
which it is evident that flint implements were deposited in
graves rather in deference to ancient customs than because they
were still in every-day use."<21> We also notice that during
this age, often the objects placed in the graves were, from
their shape, obviously not intended for daily use. This would
clearly indicate that the popular mind became impressed with the
fact that these votive offerings, however freely given, could be
of no assistance to the departed, but they still continued the
custom because it was sanctioned by usage of past years.
But the dead were not always buried during the Bronze Age, nor,
indeed, as a general rule. The invading race doubtless brought
with them a new religion. Many of the ornamentations on their
swords, vases, and other articles, are supposed by some writers
to be religious symbols. From the frequent occurrence of the
circle, and combinations of circles, it has been suggested that
they worshiped the sun. And the occurrence of customs observable
even at a late day, in various portions of Europe, as pointed
out by Prof. Nelson, show that the worship of the fire-god, or
the sun, was once widely extended in Europe.<22> On this point
we are further told: "That even as late as the time of Canute
the Great,<23> there is a statute forbidding the adorement of
the sun and the moon."<24> So it is not strange that in the new
faith a different method of burial would be followed. That was
by cremation. "The dead were burned, were purified by being
passed through the fire along with their possessions."<25>
The ashes was then gathered together and placed in urns and
burial mounds and barrows. The votive offerings of flint and
bronze articles in daily use were also thrown in the fire, and
their burnt remains placed with the other ashes in the burial
urn. The cut is that of a bell-shaped barrow of the Bronze Age.
Illustration of a Burial Mound.-----------------
We have just seen what inferences have been drawn from the use
of the circle as an ornament. This is not the only sign that has
been thought to have some symbolical meaning. The cross was also
used as an ornament, and possessed probably some religious
significance. A third figure which has caused some discussion
was the triangle. "It is, on the whole, very probable that all
these signs, which are not connected with any known object, bear
some relation to certain religious or superstitious ideas
entertained by the men of the Bronze epoch, and, as a
consequence of this, that their hearts must have been inspired
with some degree of religious feeling."<26>
Illustration of Avebury Restored.-------------
We have mentioned the use of stone circles in Neolithic times.
During the Bronze Age they built the circle very large,
sometimes twelve hundred feet in diameter, and they were
sometimes made of earth. These circles are regarded by some<27>
as being simply burial places, and many of them have been proved
to be such. But others regard them as temples, meaning thereby
not a building, in our sense of the word, but a place of
sanctity, and probably where some form of worship was held.
"Even if we allow that they were originally tombs in every case,
it does not follow that they have not also been temples, for the
religious sentiment has, in all ages, and in all places, tended
to center in tombs, which ultimately have become places of
worship. Many of our Christian Churches have originated in this
manner, and it is a most obvious transition from the tomb to the
temple. The worship of the spirits of the dead at the one would
naturally grow into the worship of the Great Unknown in
the other.<28>
The preceding cut is a restoration of one of the largest of
these temples. Here we see a circle twelve hundred feet in
diameter, of upright stones, guarded by both a ditch and
embankment. From the two openings in the embankment formerly
extended two long winding avenues of stone. Between them rises
Silbury Hill, the largest artificial mound in Great Britain,
being one hundred and thirty feet high. The area of the large
inclosure was about twenty-eight and a half acres. This was a
temple of no inconsiderable size. It was, of course in ruins
when the earliest account of it was written, and we can only
speculate as to the lapse of time since it was venerated as a
place of worship.
Stonehenge, on Salisbury Plain, is a better known ruin, though
not on as large a scale as at Avebury. The cut gives us a
restoration of it. The outer circle of standing stones is one
hundred feet in diameter, and when entire consisted of one
hundred stones. These are of sandstone, and were obtained in the
vicinity. A course of stone was laid along the top. We notice
within a smaller circle of stone. The material of these stones
is such that we know they must have come from a distance.
Mr. James tells us that they are erratic--that is, bowlders
brought from the North of Scotland by the glaciers--and that
others of the same kind are still to be seen lying around the
country.<29> But the more common opinion is that they were
brought there by the people from a distance, perhaps Cornwall or
the Channel Islands. If this be true, it is evidence of a strong
religious feeling, and a peculiar value must have been attached
to the material, since for any ordinary monument the stones in
the neighborhood would have sufficed. Still nearer the center
were five groups of three great stones each, and immediately
within these a horseshoe of smaller stones. Finally, near the
head of the horseshoe, a great slab of sandstone is supposed to
have served for an altar. The date of the two structures just
described has been a matter of some dispute.
Illusration of Stonehenge Restored.--------
It is worthy of notice that in the immediate neighborhood of
both of them are found a great number of barrows of the Bronze
Age. Over three hundred were erected in the neighborhood of the
latter. In the opinion of many this fixes their date in the
Bronze Age. Stonehenge, in its ruined state, has formed the
subject of no little speculation. Modern explorers, in
connecting it with the Bronze Age, have not dispelled from it
the enchantment of mystery. We must ever wonder as to the nature
of the rites there observed. Our questionings meet with but
feeble response; for though we have learned somewhat of past
times, it is comparatively but little. Ruined columns, crumbling
burial mounds, and remains of stone and bronze will always be
surrounded with more or less mystery--a striking illustration
that science is able to dispel but little of the darkness which
unnumbered years have thrown around the culture of the past.
Illustration of Ancient Tower, Scotland.-----------
REFERENCES
(1) The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to Prof. Chas.
Rau, of the Smithsonian Institution for criticism.
(2) Brace's "Races of the Old World," p. 60.
(3) Brace's "Races of the Old World," p. 61.
(4) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 343.
(5) "One mass estimated to weigh two hundred tons." Dana's
"Manual of Mineralogy," p. 291.
(6) Evans's "Ancient Bronze Implements," p. 2.
(7) Rau's "Anthropological Subjects," p. 89. In his preface to
this collection he asserts his belief, that "former inhabitants
of North America, notwithstanding all assertions to the
contrary, were unacquainted with the art of melting copper."
Ibid., vii.
(8) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 401.
(9) "Dawn of History," p. 367.
(10) For an excellent discussion of this subject, about which
there is yet much uncertainty, we would refer the reader to
Evans's "Ancient Bronze Implements," chap. xxii.
(11) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 355.
(12) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 350.
(13) "Prehistoric Times," p. 34.
(14) "Early Man in Britain," p. 351.
(15) Figuier's "Primitive Man," p. 255.
(16) Rau's "Early Man in Europe," p. 135, and note.
(17) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times," p. 39.
(18) Morgan's "Ancient Society," pp. 119, 120.
(19) Dawkins's "Early Man in Europe," p. 449.
(20) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 383.
(21) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times," p. 157.
(22) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times," p. 74.
(23) A.D., 995-1035.
(24) Ferguson's "Rude Stone Monuments."
(25) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 367.
(26) Figuier's "Primitive Man," p. 283.
(27) Ferguson's "Rude Stone Monuments."
(28) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 377.
(29) James's "Stonehenge," p. 3.
END OF CHAPTER VII.***********************
The Prehistoric World: or, Vanished Races
by E. A. Allen
Processed by D.R. Thompson
drthom@ihug.co.nz
Chapter VIII
THE IRON AGE IN EUROPE.
Bronze not the best metal--Difficulties attending the discovery
of Iron--Probable steps in this discovery--Where this discovery
was first made--Known in ancient Egypt--How this knowledge would
spread--Iron would not drive out Bronze--The primitive Iron-
worker--The advance in government--Pottery and ornaments of the
Iron Age,--Weapons of early Iron Age--The battle-field at
Tilfenan--Trade of early Iron Age--Invention of Money--Invention
of Alphabetic Writing--Invasion of the Germanic Tribes--The
cause of the Dark Ages--Connection of these three Ages--
Necessity of believing in an extended past--Attempts to
determine the same--Tiniere Delta--Lake Bienne, British
Fen-beds--Maximum and Minimum data--Argument from the widespread
dispersion of the Turanian Race--Mr. Geikie's conclusions--The
isolation of the Paleolithic Age.
The introduction of bronze was the harbinger of better days to
the various tribes of Europe. Without metals it is doubtful if
man would ever have been able to raise himself from barbarism.
His advance in civilization has been in direct proportion to his
ability to work metals. As long as he knew how to work bronze
only he could not hope for the best results. The trouble was not
in the metal itself, but in the supply; for copper and tin, the
constituents of bronze, are found only in limited amounts.
When we reflect on the multiplicity of purposes for which some
metallic substance is needed, we at once perceive that men
require a metal which can not only be worked cheaply, but must
exist in great abundance, so that the needs of a rich and varied
culture may be met.
The Divine Author of nature has stored away just such a metal,
and in such exhaustless quantities that it forms an ingredient
in nearly all soils, and flows away in the waters of many
springs and rivers. It exists in abundance in nearly every
country of the globe, in some forming veritable mountain masses.
We refer to iron, the king of metals; and when man had learned
to reduce it from its ores he had taken the first step in a new
direction, the end whereof is yet far distant.
We have in the preceding chapter presented some reasons why
copper would be known before iron. In the first place, how were
men to learn there was such a thing as iron? Supposing its ores
did occur in abundance, there was nothing to attract attention
to them. They were not of great heft, like tin ore or of
striking color, like the ores of copper. In the hills, and under
the foot of man, nature indeed had imprisoned a genius;
but there was no outward sign by which man was to divine his
presence. Copper, as we have seen, occurs frequently in a native
form that is ready for use, without reducing from its ores.
Native iron, on the contrary, is almost the rarest of
substances, though it is reported as occurring in one or two
localities on the earth.<1> Almost the only examples of native
iron has been obtained from meteorites. Strange as it may seem,
these wanderers in space, which occasionally flame athwart the
sky, consist largely of pure iron; at least this is true of such
specimens as have from time to time been found on the earth's
surface. This supply is of course extremely limited, yet some
Siberian tribes are said to make knives from iron obtained in
this manner.<2> Moreover the evidence of language, as used by
the ancient Greeks and Egyptians, would imply the meteoric
origin of the first known form of the metal.<3> But though such
accidental finds might prove the existence of another metal,
they would furnish no hint how to extract it from its ores, or
indeed, that it existed in the form of ores.
The prolonged schooling in metallurgy, which men received during
the Bronze Age, could not fail to give them many hints, and
doubtless accidental discoveries of metallic substances were
made. We can conceive how, by accident or design, iron ore,
treated in a similar manner to copper and tin ore, would leave
behind a mass of spongy iron. The difficulty would be in working
it; for, as we have seen, they were in the habit of casting
their articles of bronze. But iron is very difficult of fusion.
It was a long while before they learned how to do that. They had
therefore to learn an entirely new art--that is, to fashion
their implements of iron by hammering the heated mass.
There is no reason to suppose that iron was first discovered in
Europe. Its spread has been from the east and south to the north
and west. It, in all probability, was discovered, like bronze,
in Asia. Although evidence, both archaeological and traditional,
goes to show that bronze was in use long before iron, yet iron
has been known from time immemorial. Explain it how we will,
civilization and history follow close after the knowledge of
iron. Wherever the light of history first falls on the nations
of the Old World, we find them acquainted with iron, but such
knowledge, at least on the part of the Mediterranean nations,
does not long precede history, for at that early time, iron was
still a most precious metal. It was not yet produced in
sufficient quantities to take the place of bronze; hence the
prehistoric Iron Age was there but of short duration.
Among the early Egyptians iron was known, but was probably not
very common. There is on this subject some diversity of opinion;
some believing that at the very earliest historical period they
were skilled in working it, and employed it in all the affairs
of life, but others assure us that at the most ancient period
they did not really use iron, and that bronze was the metal
employed for all ordinary purposes.<4>
A wedge of iron is said to have been found in a joint between
the stones of the great pyramid. Here, then, at the dawn of
historic times iron seems to be making its way among a bronze-
using people. The ancient Chaldeans employed iron as an
ornament, but not for implements. With them it was therefore a
precious metal. Among the Assyrians, iron was largely used, and
at a comparatively early date. A careful study of the poems of
Homer shows that the Greeks of nearly three thousand years ago
had a knowledge of iron, though it was a highly prized metal.
But to the north of the Mediterranean the prehistoric Iron Age
was of longer duration.
We can readily see that a knowledge of iron would spread in much
the same way as did bronze. When first introduced, it would be
rare and costly, and so would be used sparingly. Bronze axes
have been found with the edge of iron. Afterwards, as it became
more abundant, it would be used altogether for cutting
instruments and weapons, while bronze, being more easily worked,
would still be used for ornaments, brooches, etc. At Hallstadt,
in Austria, was discovered a cemetery which evidently belongs to
a time when iron was taking the place of bronze. In this case,
the implements of bronze are those forms which we have learned
were produced near the close of the Bronze Age. The iron
implements are not those forms best suited for that metal, but
imitations of those of bronze.<5> We remember when bronze was
first introduced, the weapons were simply copies of those forms
already made in stone.<6>
We may suppose that a knowledge of iron would spread rapidly.
The knowledge of metallurgy necessary for the production of
bronze was at this time widely disseminated. It would require,
therefore, but a hint to start them in experiments. In the
dissemination of this knowledge, commerce, of course, played a
most important part. Whenever the early Greek and Roman writers
have occasion to mention the arms of the less civilized tribes
of Europe, we learn they were of iron. This shows that at a very
early time this knowledge had spread all over Europe.<7>
It is scarcely necessary to remark that the use of iron would
not drive out the use of bronze. That would still be used for
many purposes; and even stone would continue in use, at least
for some purposes. At the battle of Marathon, arrow-heads and
lances of stone were largely used. We can easily understand how,
by one of a number of causes, some rude tribes, yet unacquainted
with the use of metal, would come to occupy the site of some
settlement, the inhabitants of which had been in the Bronze or
Iron Age. This actually happened at ancient Troy, where the
remains of a stone-using folk have been found above those of a
people using metal. This, though an exception to the general
rule, need give us no surprise.
Iron manufacture at the present day, is one of our great
industries. In its present form it is the final development of
an industry whose first unfoldings we have now to glance at.
That the first process man employed to procure iron should have
been very rude, is what we would expect. Some of the partially
civilized tribes of to-day may give us an insight into the
process employed. We are told that in Tartary each native makes
the iron he needs, just as every household would make its own
bread. The furnace is a very small affair, not holding more than
three pounds of ore. This is filled with ore and charcoal.
The bellows are used, and after the charcoal is all burned out,
the result is a small piece of spongy iron, which needs only
repeated heating and hammering to be made serviceable.<8>
Primitive furnaces, on a somewhat larger scale, have been
discovered in Switzerland. Here the excavation was made in the
side of a hill, and a rude, dome-shaped chimney built over it.
We must not forget that our task ends where the historian's
begins. The use of iron did not long precede history, so we have
but little to describe as to the customs and manners of life
during the prehistoric Iron Age. A general advance in all the
social arts must surely have taken place. Improved tools, and
more cheaply produced, could not fail to advance man very
materially in culture. Some lake settlements were still in use
as places of residence, but better means of protection than
water was now known--walled cities were in use, especially
around the Mediterranean sea.
Mr. Morgan has traced for us the evolution of government.
At this early date the Greek and Roman people were engaged in
substituting for ancient society the modern idea of government
founded on territory.<9> The great body of European tribes were
now in the final stage of barbaric life. Their system of
government was doubtless the highest known to ancient society--
that of confederacies; the union of tribes speaking dialects of
the same language, for offensive and defensive purposes.
Illustrations of Ornaments and Gold Ornament.-----------
As characteristic of the advance of this epoch, we may mention
the appearance of pottery made on the potter's wheel, and baked
in an improved kind of furnace. Previous to this epoch all the
pottery had been moulded by hand and baked in an imperfect
manner in the open air. This may be thought to be but a small
improvement. Our civilization, however, depends upon small
improvements. Only during the early part of this age, while iron
was scarce, and therefore valuable, would it be used for the
purpose of ornaments. Iron brooches have been found in
considerable quantities in the lake settlements. Bronze would
still be the principal article used for ornaments. The articles
of bronze manufactured play a great deal of skill. Nor was gold
entirely forgotten. The cap-shaped ornament of gold was found in
Ireland. During the Bronze age, as we have seen, there was no
attempt made to represent animal forms by way of ornaments;
but we meet with such representations during the early part of
the Iron Age. This shows how they ornamented the sheath of a
sword found in one of the Swiss lakes.
Illustrations of Ornamental Sword-sheath and Swords.--------
The warriors of the early Iron Age possessed leaf-shaped swords
for stabbing. The hilts were of bronze. This period was a
struggle for existence, on the part of the various tribes of
Europe. War must have been very common, so it is not strange
that a large number of relics of this age are of warlike
implements. Lance-heads, javelins, and arrow-heads have been
found in abundance. It appears, from experiments ordered by the
Emperor Napoleon III, that the javelins could only have been
used as missile weapons, and that they were thrown, not by the
hand merely grasping the shaft, but by means of a cord or thong,
something after the principle of a sling.<10>
Some years ago an old battle-field was discovered at Tiefenau,
in Switzerland. On it were found a great number of objects made
of iron, such as fragments of chariots, bits for horses, wheels,
pieces of coats of mail, and arms of various sorts, including no
less than a hundred two-handed swords. All of these were made of
iron.<11> The soldiers also carried with them shields, made
sometimes of bronze, as in the cut below, or of wood, studded
with iron.
Illustrations of Lance-head and Javelin and Shields.----
There is evidence of considerable volume of trade at this time.
The Mediterranean was the theater of an extended commerce.
Phoenician sailors not only ventured to brave the Mediterranean
sea, but carried their vessels out on the Atlantic at as early a
date as 500 B.C. The Greek traders were also active. Massilia,
or as it is known in modern times, Marseilles, was the seat of a
thriving trade. African ivory has been found in the tombs of
Hallstadt, in Austria, in connection with ornaments of amber
from the Baltic, and gold from Transylvania. The inhabitants of
this town possessed in their salt mines the source of a
lucrative trade. The trader of the Iron Age was able to take an
immense stride by reason of the invention of money.
Heretofore, in Europe, we have not met with coins, and trade
must have been carried on by means of barter.
Illustration of a Gallic Coin.--------------
Acquainted as we are at the present day with money and the
mechanism of exchange, it is difficult to see how any extended
trade could be carried on without some unit of value, yet no
coins are known earlier than the Iron Age.<12> The most ancient
coins known are Greek, and date back to the eighth century
before Christ. This coin is one found in one of the lake
settlements. It is made of bronze, and the figures are not
stamped, but obtained by melting and casting.<13> This, however,
is not a Greek coin, but a Gallic one. On the battlefield of
Tiefenau, mentioned above, several Greek coins, struck at
Massilia, were found.<14>
It is scarcely necessary to point out, that though iron gives
its name to this age, it by no means follows that the only
difference between this and the Bronze Age is the use of iron.
"The pottery is different, the forms of the implements and
weapons are different, the ornamentation is different, the
knowledge of metallurgy was more advanced, silver and lead were
in use, letters had been invented, coins had been struck."<15>
That wonderful invention, the phonetic alphabet, was made during
the early part of this age. The past was no longer simply kept
alive in the memory of the living, handed down by tradition and
song. Inscriptions, and monuments, and books abounded, and we
are no longer confined to an inspection of their handiwork, or
examination of their habitations, and explanation of ancient
burial mounds for our knowledge of their life and surroundings.
It is no longer the archaeologists' collections, but the
writings of the historian that unfolds past times and customs.
Let us cast a glance at the condition of Europe at the dawn of
history. We have seen that in general terms the Bronze Age
coincided with the arrival and spread of the Celts, though the
earlier Celts were still Neolithic. The use of iron could
scarcely have been inaugurated before the innumerable hordes of
the Germanic tribes, probably driven from their Asiatic homes by
the presence of invading people, were on the march. The world
has, perhaps, never witnessed such a movement of people as
convulsed Europe for several hundred years, beginning the second
century before Christ and continuing until the fall of the
Western Empire of Rome. The light of history dawns on a stormy
scene in Europe. The Celts confined to the Western portion had
been largely subjected by the Roman armies, but the largest
portion of Europe held by the Germanic tribes was the seat from
whence assault after assault was made on the Roman Empire, which
at length, weakened by internal dissensions and enervated by
luxury, split in twain, and the western, and most important
part, fell before its barbarian foes.
The various tribes could not keep alive the civilization they
had overthrown. The wandering hordes of Germanic people could
not easily forget their former barbaric life, their marches of
conquest, and careers of pillage. But the claims of
civilization, though light and pleasant, are none the less
imperative, and a people who seek her rewards must form settled
communities, develop public spirit, organize government, and
sink the individual in the public good. Not appreciating these
claims, it is not strange that the incipient civilization nearly
expired, and that the night of the Dark Ages enwrapt Europe.
From out that darkness, composed of the descendants of the
people whose culture we have been investigating, finally emerged
the mediaeval nations of Europe.
The review has been a pleasant one, for it is a record of
progress. The difference between the culture of the Neolithic
and the Iron Age is great, but it is simply a development, the
result of a gradual growth. Civilization and history have only
hastened this growth. If we look around us to-day we can trace
the elements of our civilization back through the eras of
history, and though the faint beginning of some can be noticed,
yet many of them come down to us from prehistoric times. We have
treated of these early people in the three stages of culture
known as the Neolithic, Bronze, and Iron Ages. We have seen
there is no hard and fast line dividing the different stages of
culture. To borrow the words of another, these stages of
progress, like the three principal colors of the rainbow,
overlap, intermingle, and shade off the one into the other, and
yet in the main they are well defined.<16>
We instinctively long to set bounds to the past, to measure it
by the unit of years. It affords us satisfaction to give dates
for events long since gone by. For any event in the domain of
history, it is natural and appropriate to gratify this desire.
It gives precision to our thoughts, and more firmly fixes the
march of events. But the historical portion of human life on the
globe is but a small part of the grand whole. When we pass
beyond history, or into prehistoric times, we find ourselves
utterly at a loss as to dates.
We have referred in the preceding pages to the commonly accepted
belief of a few years ago, that, at most, a few thousand years
express the whole period of human life on the globe. This was
supposed to be the teaching of the Scriptures, but Infinite
Wisdom left not only his word, but he left an imperishable
record of the past in rocky strata and excavated valley, in
dripping caves and mountain masses. When it was seen that the
claims of geology for a greatly extended past, one transcending
the powers of the human mind to conceive its length, could no
longer be successfully denied, then it was that earnest
investigators in the field of human antiquity could no longer
shut their eyes to the fact that if geological evidence were
worth any thing, man must have existed in the world for a far
longer time than one covered by the brief period hitherto
relied on.
This truth is so patent and plain that it has received the
unqualified indorsement of the most learned scholars.
Distinguished divines have been amongst its able expounders, and
instead of being in opposition to the Bible, as already stated,
the earnest reader finds in the periods of the geologists
unexpected confirmation of its truths. The evidence of an
extended past for man is not, however, wholly of a geological
nature, though these have been the ones principally relied on.
The archaeologist to-day summons to his aid the science of
language, studies into the origin of civilization and the
comparison of the different races of men, and derives from each
and all of these concurrent testimony as to a vast, shadowy, and
profound antiquity for man, one stretching way beyond the dawn
of history, far into the very night of time.
As we have now spent some time in tracing out the culture of
these early ages, it may be well to see if there are any means
at our command to determine the absolute chronology of the
various ages. At the very outset of our inquiry, we shall
perceive that we have no such class of facts as guided our
investigations into the age of the Paleolithic remains. We have
but to recall the situation in which the implements of that age
were found, always under such circumstances, that we see at once
that a great lapse of time has passed since they became imbedded
where found, and then the bones of the various extinct animals,
found so associated with the implements, that we are justified,
even compelled, to admit they occupied the same section of
country, and then, from a variety of causes, we are satisfied
that they occupied Europe at the close of the Glacial Age, if
not for long ages before. All this gave us a point of departure,
and we have showed with what care scholars have studied all
questions relating to the date of the Glacial Age.
But aside from the fact that geology points out that a long time
went by after the close of the Glacial Age before Neolithic man
arrived on the scene, we are largely deprived of its aid in our
investigations; for all the various implements and specimens of
the household industries, from which we derive our knowledge of
these latter ages, are found only in surface deposits; that is,
in the modern alluvia and silt of river bottoms, in superficial
deposits, in caves, and in peat-bogs; and even in other
instances where apparently deeply buried, as in the submerged
forest deposits of the British coasts, we know that,
geologically speaking, their age is recent.
But in spite of these difficulties, attempts have been made from
time to time to determine the absolute chronology of these ages.
The results, however, can only be considered as approximations
of the truth. We will call attention to some of these
calculations. Their value to us consists in showing us the
methods by which this problem has been attacked, and not in the
results obtained. M. Morlot, of Switzerland, has sought to
determine this question by a study of the delta of the Tiniere,
which is a small river flowing into the lake of Geneva. Like all
mountain streams, it brings down considerable quantities of
sediment, with which it has formed a conical shaped delta.
Cuttings for a railroad exposed a fine section of this cone, and
showed that at three different times layers of vegetable soil,
which must once have been its old surface were found.
The lowest surface was some twenty feet beneath the present
surface, and here were found relics of the Stone Age. The second
layer was at the depth of ten feet, and contained relics of the
Bronze Age. Finally the first buried layer, three feet beneath
the present surface, was found to contain relics of the Roman
Age. Obtaining from other data the time that has elapsed since
the deposits of the Roman layer, he readily calculates the age
of the Stone and Bronze layers. By this means he obtains for the
Bronze Age an antiquity of between three and four thousand
years, and for the Neolithic Age from five to seven thousand
years.<17> M. Morlot does not claim for his calculation more
than approximate accuracy.<18> But if we were to allow it a
greater accuracy than its author claims, it would still only
show us that from a period of from five to seven thousand years
ago, tribes of stone using folks lived in Switzerland. It tells
us nothing as to their first appearance, or the total length of
this age.<19>
Other calculations of a similar nature have been made. The Lake
of Bienne, in Switzerland, has been gradually silting up along
its margins from time immemorial. About seven hundred and fifty
years ago there was an abbey built at one place on the then
existing shore of the lake. Since that time the gain of land has
been about twelve hundred feet. A considerable distance further
up the valley are found the remains of a lake settlement of the
Stone Age. If the gain of land has been uniform, it has not been
far from seven thousand years since the lake washed round the
ancient settlement. Of course the land may have gained faster at
one time than at another, but from the general configuration of
the valley it is considered that its gain was regular.<20>
Mr. Skertchly, of the Geological Survey of England, has
furnished still another estimate, based on the growth of the
Fen-beds on the east coast of England. It is sufficient to state
that he also arrives at an estimate of about seven thousand
years for the Neolithic period.<21> Now these results are
interesting, and their substantial agreement is, to say the
least, striking. We must remember, however, that none of them
are free from error. They may serve to clear up our thoughts on
this subject, but we notice they tell us nothing as to the
beginning of the Neolithic Age.
Abandoning the effort to obtain dates for the various ages,
attempts have been made to calculate the entire interval that
has elapsed since the close of the Glacial times, and thus set
bounds to the first appearance of Neolithic man. We briefly
touched on this question in determining the antiquity of the
Paleolithic Age, and we say, as far as this country was
concerned, it was comparatively a recent thing, but as for
Europe, it must be at a very remote time. M. Quatrefages has
called our attention to two investigations in Europe, which, in
order to understand this question, we will now glance at.
The waters of the Rhone carry into Lake Geneva every year
quantities of sediment. In other words, from this and other
sources, the lake is gradually being filled up.
Carefully calculating the amount carried into the lake in a
year, estimates have been made of the length of time it has
taken the river to fill up the lake as much as it has.
But in making this calculation the date arrived at was a maximum
one--that is, a point beyond which it is not reasonable to
suppose the time extended. These calculations gave as a result
one hundred thousand years. The meaning of this is that the time
elapsed since the close of the Glacial Age was something less
than the number just stated. On the other hand, a minimum date
for this time has been obtained by estimating the amount of
erosion in the valley of the River Saone, in France.
From this we know that the time can not be less than seven
thousand years.<22>
It is, perhaps, doubtful whether we shall ever be able to obtain
satisfactory answers to these questions. From what we have
repeatedly seen of the slowness of development of primitive man,
we do not doubt but what the antiquity of Neolithic Man goes
much farther back than seven thousand years. When a naturalist
finds in widely separated parts of the world animals belonging
to a common order, he is justified in concluding that the order
is a very ancient one. To illustrate, the opossum belongs to an
order of animals of which the only other representatives are
found in Australia and the neighboring islands.<23> We are not
surprised, therefore, to learn that this order was the first to
appear in geological time.<24> We think the rule is equally
applicable to races of men. We are told that the Turanian race,
or, as it is often named, the Mongoloid race, is a very widely
scattered one. Its representatives are found over the larger
portion of Asia, in Northern Europe, the islands of the Pacific;
and they were the only inhabitants of the New World at the time
of the conquest.<25> This wide dispersion would imply that they
were one of the ancient races of the world, and as such their
antiquity must be far greater than the above named number
of years.
This point grows clearer when we see what light is afforded on
this subject by historical research. The Turanian people were in
full possession of Europe while yet the ancestors of the Hindoos
and the various European nations dwelt together as one people in
Asia. As a race they had grown old when the Celts commenced
their wanderings. Egypt comes before us as a powerful people, at
a time at least as early as six thousand years ago. Even at that
time they had attained civilization. But we need not doubt that
there is a long series of years lying back of that, during which
this people were slowly advancing from a previous condition of
barbarism. The Egyptian people themselves are, in part at least,
descendants of a Turanian people that probably in former times
occupied the valley of the Nile and North Africa.<26>
Mr. Geikie has lately gone over the entire ground from the point of view of a geologist. He ranges over a wide field, and appeals in support to writers of acknowledged ability in all branches of learning.<27> Yet the impression we gather from his writings is that of ill-defined, but far-reaching antiquity, one necessary to account for the great climatic and geographical changes which he shows us have taken place since the Glacial Age. But he tells us that any term of years he could suggest would be a mere guess. We can not do better than leave the matter here.
Perhaps as a result of the research of our present scholars, we may soon have more precise results.
These closing essays have impressed on us clearly and distinctly the isolation of the Paleolithic Age. When we reflect on its prolonged duration, its remoteness in time, and its complete severance from the Neolithic and succeeding ages, we are almost ready to wonder whether they were indeed human beings.
But beginning with the Neolithic Age, we come to our own era. This primitive culture seems to have been the commencement of our own culture, and so the industries, household implements, and weapons of these ages possess a greater interest to us.
We have now completed our inquiry into prehistoric life in Europe, and are ready to turn our attention to other parts of the field. What we have thus far learned shows us how true it is that the past of human life on the globe is full of mystery.
We trust that what has been written will enable our readers to form clearer conceptions of life in Europe during these far
away times.
REFERENCES
(1) Dana's "Manual of Mineralogy," p. 230.
(2) "Primitive Man," p. 298.
(3) Evans's "Ancient Stone Implements," p. 5.
(4) Evans's "Ancient Bronze Implements," p. 8.
(5) "Ancient Bronze Implements," p. 3.
(6) Ibid., p. 40.
(7) Ibid., p. 19.
(8) Figuier's "Primitive Man," p. 300.
(9) "Ancient Society," p. 216.
(10) Figuier's "Primitive Man," p. 325.
(11) "Prehistoric Times," p. 7.
(12) M. Desor, in "Smithsonian Reports," 1865, tells us that
small brass rings were probably used by people of the Swiss lake
villages of the Bronze Age epoch as money.
(13) Figuier's "Primitive Man," p. 310.
(14) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times," p. 7.
(15) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times," p. 17.
(16) Evans's "Ancient Bronze Implements," p. 1.
(17) "Smithsonian Report," 1860, p. 342.
(18) Ibid.
(19) Mr. Southall, in "Recent Origin of Man," p. 475, quotes,
from Dr. Andrews, of Chicago, to the effect that these
calculations are very erroneous, as he thinks that M. Morlot
forgot that the size of the cone would increase more and more
slowly. On the contrary, M. Morlot says as follows: "Only this
growth must have gone on at a gradually diminishing rate,
because the volume of a cone increases as the cube of its
radius. Taking this fact into consideration, etc." (Smithsonian
Report, 1860, p. 341.) There are, however, several objections to
this calculation, for which see Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times,"
p. 400; also Quatrefages's "Human Species," p. 138.
(20) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times," p. 402. For criticisms on
this calculation see Southall's "Recent Origin of Man."
(21) British Assoc. Rep., 1879.
(22) Quatrefages's "Human Species," p. 139, et seq.
(23) Nicholson's "Manual of Zoology," p. 535.
(24) Dana's "Manual of Geology," p. 416, note.
(25) Keary's "Dawn of History," p. 382; Morgan's "Systems of
Consanguinity and Affinity."
(26) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain," p. 324.
(27) "Prehistoric Europe," chap. xvi to xxii.
END OF CHAPTER VIII.*******************
The Prehistoric World: or, Vanished Races
by E. A. Allen
Processed by D.R. Thompson
drthom@ihug.co.nz
Chapter IX
EARLY MAN IN AMERICA.<1>
Conflicting accounts of the American Aborigines--Recent
discoveries--Climate of California in Tertiary Times--Geological
changes near its close--Description of Table Mountain--Results
of the discoveries there--The Calaveras skull--Other relics--
Discussion of the question--Early Californians Neolithic--
Explanation of this--Date of the Pliocene Age--Other
discoveries bearing on the Antiquity of man--Dr. Koch's
discovery--Discoveries in the Loess of Nebraska--In Greene
County, Ill.-- In Georgia--Difficulties in detecting a
Paleolithic Age in this country--Dr. Abbott's discoveries--Paleolithic Implements of the Delaware--Age of the deposits
--The race of Paleolithic man--Ancestors of the Eskimos--
Comparison of Paleolithic Age in this country with that in
Europe--Eskimos one of the oldest races in the World.
When the energy and skill of Columbus were crowned with success,
and the storm-tossed Atlantic was found to lave the shores of a
western continent, reflecting minds in Europe were much
interested in the strange stories they heard of the inhabitants
of the New World. On the one hand Spanish adventurers told
scarcely credited stories of populous cities, temples glittering
with gold and silver ornaments, and nations possessed of a
barbaric civilization scarcely inferior to their own. On the
other hand were accounts of morose savages, cruel and vindictive
in nature, depending on fishing and the chase for a livelihood.
Nearly four centuries have elapsed since that time.
The aboriginal inhabitants have nearly disappeared, leaving
their origin and prehistoric life almost as great a riddle to us
as it was to the early colonists.
But in endeavoring to unroll the pages of their history, we have
chanced upon some strange discoveries. The Aztecs, that people
whose culture is to-day such an enigma to our scholars, are
known to be a late arrival in the valley of Anahuac. They were
preceded in that section by a mysterious people, the Toltecs,
whose remains excite our liveliest curiosity, but of which we
have yet learned but little. Yucatan is shown to have been for
many centuries the home of a people whose advancement equated
that of the Aztecs at their palmiest day. Like important
discoveries attended the labors of explorers in the North.
The entire valley of its great river is known to have been the
home of a numerous population, that, from the nature of their
remains, we call the Mound-builders. Who these people were, when
and whence they came, and whither they went, are questions whose
solution is by no means accomplished. Nor are such discoveries
the only results. A study of their institutions has done much in
revealing the constructions of ancient society, and thereby
throwing light on some mysterious chapters of man's existence.
Of late years interest in the antiquity of man in America has
been reawaked by the discoveries of human remains in Pliocene
deposits in California, and the Glacial gravel of the Delaware
at Trenton, New Jersey. Before this it was supposed that we had
no authentic instance of human remains in America found under
such circumstances that it was necessary to assign to them a
profound antiquity. If these latter day discoveries be true, we
can not escape the conclusion that man lived in America at as
early a date as that indicated by any of the European
explorations. Some hold that the proof of his existence here in
Pliocene times is far more satisfactory than any evidence of his
presence in Europe during this time. There is something
fascinating in this belief. If some of the most eminent
scientists of America are not mistaken, man lived on our Pacific
coast before the great ice-sheets that pulverized the surface of
the earth and dispersed life before them came down from the
north. He ranged along the western rivers before the volcanic
peaks of the Sierras were uplifted, and his old hunting-grounds
are to-day buried underneath the greet lava flow which
desolated ancient California and Oregon. But this assertion has
not been allowed to pass undisputed, nor has it received the
assent of all scientists.
We can easily understand why scholars subject all questions
relating to the first appearance of man to very careful
scrutiny. If a competent geologist should assert that he had
found, in undoubted Pliocene formations, bones of some species
of animals not hitherto suspected of living at that date, his
statement would be accepted as proof of the same. But in the
case of man, every circumstance is inquired into. It is but
right that the utmost care should be exercised in this
direction. But, on the other hand, we are not justified in
demanding mathematical demonstration in every case of the
accuracy of a reported discovery. Yet such seems to be the
position of a portion of the scientific world. For, although
they willingly admit that man has lived on the earth for a very
long time indeed, they urge all sorts of objections to extending
that time into a past geological age.
Accordingly, when Professor Whitney states as the result of many
years spent in the investigation of the Tertiary formation of
California, that he finds evidence of the existence of man in
the Pliocene Age, it is not strange that one part of the
scientific world listens incredulously to his statements, and
are at once ready to explain away the facts on which he relies.
He may, of course, be mistaken, for it is human to err, but his
proofs are sufficiently strong to convince some of the best
scholars in America. We can do no more than to lay the facts
before the reader and let him judge for himself.
We have seen what a genial climate prevailed in Europe during
the Tertiary Age. This must also have been true of California.
A rich and varied vegetation decked the land. The great trees of
California of our day then flourished in Greenland, Iceland, and
Western Europe. The cypress of the Southern States was then
growing in Alaska and other high northern latitudes. The climate
probably passed from a tropical one, in early Tertiary times, to
a milder or temperate one in Pliocene times. Amongst the animals
inhabiting America were three species of camels. Rhinoceroses,
mastodons, and elephants trooped over the land. Tigers and other
carnivore prowled in the forests. Herds of horse-like animals,
one scarcely distinguishable from our common horse, grazed in
the valleys, along with several species of deer. From the
presence of the old drainage beds, we know that majestic rivers
rolled their watery burden through the land. Such a country
might well afford a home for man if he were present.
To understand fully the course of events which now took place we
must venture on geological ground. The great Pacific Ocean,
lying to the west of America, is constantly exerting a lateral
pressure, which during Tertiary times showed its effect in the
uplifting of the great mountain ranges of the western coast.<2>
During late Tertiary times, as a counterpart to the upward
movement, a great subsidence commenced in the Pacific region.<3>
Doubtless many islands, some think an entire continent even,
disappeared beneath the waves. The completion of the various
mountain ranges left the coast firm and unyielding; hence, as it
could not bend before the fiery flood forced upward from below
by the downward motion just mentioned, it broke, and the torrent
of molten rock leaped out as a lava flow. In consequence of
this, near the close of Pliocene times, the surface of
California and Oregon, especially the north of California,
became buried under the lava and ashes of the most desolating
volcanic outbreak that the earth has ever known.
Let us now see what bearing this has on the question of the
antiquity of man. Scattered here and there throughout California
are numerous masses of basaltic lava, which appear as elevated
ridges, the softer strata around having been denuded away.
They have received the general name of Table Mountains.
They have not only been noted for their picturesque beauty, but
miners long since found that the gravels underneath the lava
covering were rich in gold. In Tuolumne County the Table
Mountain is a flow of lava which originated in lofty volcanoes
several miles away.
It extends along the north side of the Stanilaus, which is a
small river flowing in a south-westerly course through the
county. The mountain is in the form of a ridge about two
thousand feet above the present level of the river. At one point
the river breaks through this ridge, which has been worn away
for a considerable distance. From this point the ridge appears
as a continuous mountain, stretching away to the south for a
distance of twenty miles, from where it crosses the river.
"As seen from a distance the Table Mountain reveals its origin
at once, in the contrast between the long, straight line of its
upper edge and the broken and curving ones which the eroded
hills of the auriferous strata everywhere exhibit. Its dark
color and comparative absence of trees and shrubs on its top
and sides also indicate very clearly that the materials of
which it is composed are very different from that of the
surrounding hills."<4>
This is the celebrated Table Mountain of Tuolumne County. It is
simply a vast flow of lava. It must have been a grand sight when
this river of fire came rolling down from its volcanic fount.
Its present position on top of an elevated ridge is a very
singular one. In explanation of that we arrive at some very
important conclusions, and we can not fail to be impressed with
the fact that countless ages have rolled away since that lava
flood poured down the mountain side. "No one can deny that a
stream of melted lava, running for forty miles down the slope
of the Sierra, must have sought and found a depression or valley
in which to flow; for it is impossible that it should have
maintained for any distance its position on the crest of a
ridge." Lava is about as thick as molten iron, and would as
surely seek some valley in which to flow as would so much water.
"The valley of the Stanilaus, now two thousand feet deep, could
not then have existed; for this flow of lava is clearly seen to
have crossed it at one point."
"The whole face of the country must, therefore, have undergone
an entire change since the eruption took place, during which
this mass of lava was poured out. The valley of the Stanilaus
must have then been occupied by a range of mountains. The same
is true of the other side, where now is the valley of Wood's
Creek; for such ranges must have existed in order to form and
wall in the valley in which the current of lava flowed.
There has been, therefore, an amount of denudation during the
period since this volcanic mass took its position of not less
than three or four thousand feet of perpendicular depth, and
this surprising series of changes is not peculiar to one
locality, but the whole slope of the Sierras, through the gold
region, is the scene of similar volcanic outflows and subsequent
remodeling of the surface into a new series of reliefs
and depressions."<5>
Illustration of Imaginary Section of Table Mountain.-------
In order to fully realize the change here spoken of, an
imaginary section of Table Mountains is here presented. Here we
see the two valleys on the sides, and the mass of lava covering
the top of the mountain. The dotted lines represent the position
of the old line of hills, which must once have inclosed the
valley down which coursed the fiery torrent.
We require to dwell on this, fact before we can fully understand
its meaning. The "eternal hills," two and three thousand feet in
height, have been completely washed away, and where they stood
is now a deep valley. But the old valley, protected by its stony
covering, is now a mountain ridge; and this, we are told, is not
a solitary instance, but the entire surface of the country has
been thus denuded. We stand in awe before the stupendous
results, which nature, working through vast cycles of time,
has accomplished.
But if this lava flow took place in a pre-existing valley, we
ought to find under the rocky covering beds of gravel, rolled
stones, and other debris peculiar to a river bed.
Such, in fact, we do find extended along directly underneath the
lava, about fifteen hundred feet above the general level of the
country. These old river gravels are found to be very rich in
gold, and miners have tunneled into them in numerous places in
search of the valuable metal. In order to determine the
geological age of these gravels, and subsequent lava flow, a
careful examination of portions of plants and bones of animals
found therein has been made. The plants are pronounced by
competent authority<6> to be Pliocene, totally distinct from any
specimens now growing in California. The animal remains are
rhinoceroses, camels, and an extinct species of horse. The age
of these gravels is, therefore, pronounced to be Pliocene.
We would say in this connection that the auriferous gravels of
California have been the object of a very careful research by
Prof. Whitney. He adds to his conclusions that of another of the
State geologists. We need not give in detail his arguments, but
he reaches the conclusion that the auriferous gravels of the
Pacific slope represent the whole of the Tertiary Age.<7>
We have seen that in the ancient gravels of European rivers
archaeologists have found the materials wherewith to build a
fascinating story of man's appearance in Quaternary times.
We have underneath the lava flow of California the gravel beds
of rivers far antedating the gravels of the Somme. It is
therefore not a little interesting to learn from Prof. Whitney
that he finds many proofs of the existence of man in the gravels
of the Pliocene Age in California. Under the solid basalt of
Table Mountain have been found many works of men's hands, as
well as the celebrated "Calaveras Skull."
Illustration of Calaveras Skull.-----------
This skull was taken from a mining shaft at Altaville, at a
depth of one hundred and thirty feet from the surface, beneath
seven different strata of lava and gravel. Prof. Whitney was not
present when it was found. He, however, made it his business to
examine into the facts of the case, and he thus speaks of it:
"That the skull was found in these old, intact, cemented gravels
has been abundantly proved by evidence that can not be
gainsaid." And again: "So far as human and geological testimony
can at present be relied on, there is no question but that the
skull was found under Table Mountain, and is of the
Pliocene Age."<8>
This would seem to be pretty explicit, but, as we have said
before, Prof. Whitney, in his formal report as the State
geologist of California, reaches the conclusion that the
auriferous gravels of the Pacific are all of the Tertiary Age.
It is therefore not a little interesting to learn that numerous
instances are recorded of the finding of human remains or the
works of man in these gravels. Prof. Whitney mentions twenty
such instances.<9> Mr. Bancroft furnishes us a list of such
discoveries, giving as his authority Mr. C. D. Voy, of the
California Geological Survey, of Oakland, California. He states
that Mr. Voy personally visited most of the localities where the
discoveries were made, and took all possible pains to verify
their authenticity, and in many cases obtaining sworn statements
from the parties who made them.<10>
Two stone mortars and spear-heads, six and eight inches long,
were found in the gravel under Table Mountain, just mentioned.
These relics were found about three hundred feet from the
surface. A hundred feet and more of this depth was of solid
lava. At another place a stone bead was found three hundred feet
from the mouth of the tunnel, under a thick layer of lava.
Many other instances might be given of such discoveries, not
always under lava coverings, but always in such instances that
we are compelled to assign to them an immense antiquity. As, for
instance, at San Andreas, according to a sworn statement in Mr.
Voy's possession, large stone mortars were taken from a layer of
cemented gravel, overlain by one hundred and twenty-five feet of
volcanic and gravel materials. Many similar instances are on
record, but enough have been mentioned to serve the purpose of
the chapter.<11>
As we have briefly gone over the ground on which the antiquity
of man in America is, by some, referred to the Pliocene Age, it
is but fair to notice some of the objections that have been
raised. It is not necessary to point out that the only questions
worthy to be considered are of a scientific nature.
We must deny either the age of the gravels themselves or that
the objects of human handiwork were found as claimed, or else
that they are of the same age as the gravels. Prof. LeConte
thinks, from the nature of the gravels and the peculiar
circumstances which surround them, that they are not older than
the close of the Pliocene Age. He thinks they, in fact, belong
to the transitory period between that age and the
Quaternary.<12> But as we are considering the question of
Pliocene man, it makes but little difference if the gravels do
belong to the very close of that period. They may still be
called Pliocene.
One great trouble with those remains is that they were not
discovered by professed geologists. We have to depend upon the
statements of miners. But if their statements can be believed
(and why should they not?), there is no doubt about their
genuineness. The testimony, as Mr. Whitney says, "all points in
one direction, and there has never been any attempt made to
pass off on any member of the survey any thing out of keeping,
or--so to speak--out of harmony with what has been already
found, or might be expected to be found. It has always been the
same kind of implements which have been exhibited to us, namely,
the coarsest and the least finished, which one would suppose
could be made, and still be implements at all."<13> This result
would hardly be possible, where so many parties are concerned in
furnishing the evidence, if the objects were not genuine.<14>
In opposition to this conclusion it has been urged that the
stone mortars, pestles, etc., have become imbedded in the gravel
by the action of streams, or slips from the mountain side in
modern times, or are the results of interments or mining
operations.<15> As an illustration of how they might become
buried by the action of streams, reference is made to somewhat
similar discoveries in the tin-bearing streams of Cornwall
(Wales). We know with considerable certainty that at a very
early date the Phoenicians worked in the gravels of these
streams for tin ores. Implements made use of by them and
others--such, for instance, as shovels, mortars, pick-axes,
stone bowls, and various dishes--have been found at all depths
in this gravel, by more modern miners.<16>
This may explain the presence, in some instances, of similar
remains in California, but it utterly fails to do so, where the
remains have been buried underneath a lava flow or a bed of
volcanic materials, as is the case in many of the instances we
have cited. Manifestly no water has disturbed their strata since
the volcanic materials were laid down. Neither can we think of a
land-slide carrying these remains into the heart of a mountain,
or burying them underneath a hundred feet of lava. The peculiar
position in which they were often found is surely lost sight of
by those who think they might have been placed there by
interment. We can not think of a savage people digging a grave
in such a position.
It has been urged with considerable force that these relics have
been left behind by ancient miners when they mined for gold.
Dr. Wilson is cited as authority for the statement that the
Mexicans obtained "silver, lead, and tin from the mines of Tasco
and copper was wrought in the mountains of Zacotollan by means
of galleries and shafts, opened with persevering toil where the
metallic veins were imbedded in the solid rock." Prescott, the
historian, also testifies to the same fact.
We need only add to this, that wherever these ancient galleries
were opened in the solid rock, they still exist. Schoolcraft
mentions finding one two hundred and ten feet deep.<17>
The chances are not worth considering, that these old mines
would be overlooked. If, for instance, the Calaveras skull is
that of a prehistoric miner, killed in an old mining gallery
only a thousand years or so ago, it is inconceivable that all
evidence of this mine should have disappeared. Or, if in one
case it should have done so, it would surely have been
detected in other instances. The variety and explicitness
of the testimony brought forward makes all such
supposition improbable.<18>
It is best, in this matter, to hold the judgment in suspense.
We have stated Mr. Whitney's position, and the objections that
have been raised to it. The amount of thought bestowed on the
antiquity of man will doubtless soon clear up the whole matter.
We can not do better than to consider his surroundings,
supposing that he was really present. The country must have been
very different from the California of to-day. Dr. Cooper says,
"The country consisted of peninsulas and islands, like those of
the present East Indies; resembling them also in climate and
productions."<19> The probabilities are that to the west and
southwest of California, instead of watery expanse of the
Pacific, only broken here and there by an ever-verdant islet,
there was either a continental expanse of land or, at any rate,
a vast archipelago. We know that over a large part of the
Northern Pacific area the land has sunk not less than six
thousand feet since late Tertiary times.<20>
We are certain the ocean area must have presented a vastly
different aspect before that depression commenced. It is not
unreasonable to suppose that communication between North America
and Asia was much easier than in subsequent epochs. It might
have been an easy matter for man to pass back and forth without
losing sight of land. It is therefore reasonable to suppose that
if Pliocene man was in existence, he would have occupied both
sides of the Pacific at this early time.<21> These last
conclusions are very important ones to reach, and as there is
reasonable foundation for them, we must bear them in mind in the
subsequent pages.
It will be remembered that the races of men who inhabited Europe
in the Paleolithic Age had only very rudely formed, unpolished
implements. It is not until we arrive at the Neolithic stage of
culture that we meet with specimens of polished stone
implements. To judge from the specimens of early Californian
art, the beautifully polished pestles, beads, plummets or
sinkers, spear-heads, etc., Pliocene man in California must have
been in the Neolithic stage of culture. Though they were not
acquainted with the potter's art, yet from their skill in
working vessels of stone, they had undoubtedly passed entirely
through Savagism, and had entered the confines of Barbarism,<22>
as far advanced, in fact, as many of the Indian tribes the
Spaniards found in possession of the country.
It must be confessed this seems very singular. It is this
statement that causes many to shut their eyes to what would be
otherwise at once admitted and refuse to believe the genuineness
of the discovery. If the implements brought to light had been of
the rude River Drift type--celts but little removed from nodules
of flint--scholars would not be so cautious about accepting
them. But when we learn they are Neolithic, we at once see why
they hesitate, and ask for more conclusive proofs; yet this is
no reason to disregard the discoveries. They may be a great
surprise, they may be an unwelcome discovery to the holder of
some theories, yet the only question is, whether they are true
or not, and if true, theories must be modified to fit the facts.
Prof. Putnam thus speaks, in reference to them: "As the
archaeologist has no right to be governed by any pre-conceived
theories, but must take the facts as he finds them, it is
impossible for him to do otherwise than accept the deductions of
so careful and eminent a geologist as Prof. Whitney, and draw
his conclusions accordingly, notwithstanding the fact that this
Pliocene man was, to judge by his works in stone and shell, as
far advanced as his descendants were at the time of the
discovery of California by the Spaniards."<23>
Perhaps a partial explanation of this matter may be found when
we consider all the circumstances of the case. The origin of man
is generally assigned to some tropical country. Sir John Lubbock
thus speaks of it: "Our nearest relatives in the animal kingdom
are confined to hot, almost tropical climates; and it is in such
countries that we are, perhaps, most likely to find the earliest
traces of the human race."<24> This is also the opinion of other
eminent scholars. M. Quatrefages thinks that man probably
originated in Asia. He points out, however, that, during
Tertiary times, the climate was much milder, and man might have
originated in Northern Asia.<25> Now, if it be true that a great
mass of land has disappeared beneath the waves of the Pacific,
why may we not suppose that, if this sunken land was not the
original home of man, it was at a very early time inhabited by
him; that here he passed through his experience in savagism?<26>
We know how suited the islands of the Pacific are to the needs
of a savage people; and we must not lose sight of the probable
ease with which they could reach the coast of California--and
also of what Dr. Cooper has told us of the climate and
geographical surroundings of California at that early time.
So it may not be unreasonable to suppose that man reached
California long ages before he wandered into Europe, and so
reached the Neolithic stage of culture much earlier than he did
in other parts of the world.<27>
It might be objected, that if a people in the Neolithic stage of
culture lived in California in the Pliocene Age, they ought to
have reached a very high stage of culture indeed when the
Spaniards invaded the country. This is what we would expect had
they been left to develop themselves. The great geographical
changes that took place near the close of the Pliocene would cut
off the primitive Californians from the Asiatics. Not only was
the land connection--if it indeed existed--now destroyed, but
causes were changing the climate. Ice and snow drove from the
north life of both animals and plants, and for an entire
geological period communications with Asia by way of the north
must have been very difficult, if not cut off altogether.
Who can tell what changes now came to the Asiatic branch of
these people? We are but too familiar with the fact that nations
and races sicken and die: many examples could be given.
The natives of the Sandwich Islands seem doomed to extinction.
In a few centuries, the Indians of America will live only in
tradition and song.
Such may have been the fate of the early inhabitants of the
Pacific continent: certainly it would not be surprising, if the
immense climatic and geographical changes which then took place
would produce that result. Or it may be that but a scanty
remnant lived on, absorbed by more vigorous, though less highly
cultivated stocks of the same people, whose homes had been on
the main-land of Asia--and the remnant left along the Pacific
coast must have lived on under vastly different circumstance.
The interior of North America was largely a dreary expanse
of ice and snow down to the 39th parallel of latitude.
It is quite true, this great glacier did not reach the Pacific
Slope; but it must have exerted a powerful influence on the
climate: and the evidence points, that the Sierra Nevada were
occupied by local glaciers which reached down into the fertile
expanse of the plains.
This was certainly a far different climate, and a far different
country, than that which sustained a vegetation of a tropical
growth. It may well be that the people should, as a result of
their changed conditions, have deteriorated in culture; or, at
any rate, their progress toward civilization may have been
stopped, and many thousands of years may have passed with no
perceptible improvement. It may be objected, that man will
improve under any state of existence, give him time enough.
This is, doubtless, in the main true. But a race may early reach
its limit of culture; in which case, as a race, it will not
improve: we may do much with the individual, but nothing, or but
very little, for the race.
In these considerations which have been advanced we may find
some reason for the early appearance of Neolithic man, as well
as the fact that he advanced no farther in culture. But whether
man first arrived in California in Pliocene times or not, he
continued to inhabit the land to the present day. He would,
however, be exposed to assault after assault from invading
tribes. We do not wish to examine the question of the origin of
the native Americans. It is held, by the best authorities, that
at least a portion of them came from Asia, using the Kurile
Islands as a stepping stone. Reaching the main-land of America,
and passing down the coast, they would, sooner or later, reach
the Valley of the Columbia--which has been characterized as the
most extraordinary region on the face of the earth in the
variety and amount of subsistence it afforded to tribes
destitute of a knowledge of agriculture. At certain seasons of
the year the rivers are crowded with fish, and they are then
caught with the greatest ease. As a mixture of forest and
prairie, the country is an excellent one for game. A species of
bread-root grew on the prairies; and, in the Summer, there was a
profusion of berries. To these advantages must be added that of
a mild and equable climate.<28>
These combined advantages would make this valley one of the
centers of population, from whence would issue successive bands
of invading people. A portion of these, passing over into
California, would come in contact with the descendants of
Pliocene man. The result would be, that the primitive
inhabitants, unable to escape to the west, would come in contact
with wave after wave of invading tribes. This is not altogether
theory. All inquirers into the customs, arts, and languages of
the primitive Californians have been struck with the remarkable
commingling of the same. We are driven to the conclusion that
here has been the meeting ground of many distinct tribes and
nations. "From such a mixture, and over-population of the most
desirable portions of the country, would naturally result the
formation of the hundreds of petty tribes that existed in
both Upper and Lower California when first known to
the Spaniards."<29>
In view of these facts, it is not strange that no advance in
culture is noticeable; and the grounds just mentioned may go far
to explain why we catch sight, here and there, of bits of
customs, habits, and manners of life which strangely remind us
of widely distant people--though it will not explain the
presence of words of Malay or Chinese origin which are claimed
to exist.<30> What is known as the Eskimo trace is quite marked
in the physical characters and in the arts of the
Californians.<31> It is, probably, the continuance of the type
of the primitive American race.
It would naturally be interesting to know whether any date can
be given for the Pliocene Age, and so give us some ideas as to
the antiquity of man, if he were really here during that epoch.
This, however, is one of the most difficult questions to answer,
and in the present state of our knowledge incapable of solution.
Approximations have, of course, been made, and, as might be
expected, vary greatly in results. When it was acknowledged on
all hands that on geological grounds the age of the earth was
certainly very great, many times the few thousand years hitherto
relied on, it is not strange that popular thought swung to the
other extreme, and hundreds of millions of years were thought
necessary to explain the series of changes which the geologists
unfolded. This demand for a greatly extended time was
strengthened when the law of the gradual evolution of life was
expounded by the modern school of naturalists, and as great a
lapse of time as five hundred millions of years was not deemed
an extravagant estimate. Sir William Thompson has, however,
demonstrated that the time that has elapsed since the crust of
the earth became solidified can not be far from one hundred
millions of years, and consequently we know the time since the
appearance of life must be greatly less than that number
of years.
Attempts have been made to estimate the length of time required
to form the sedimentary crust of the earth. The results are so
divergent on this point that it is best not to adopt any
standard at present. Our views on this matter are also dependent
on the time that has elapsed since the close of the Glacial Age,
which, as we have seen, is not yet a settled point. If it be
true that the islands of the Pacific commenced to sink during
late Tertiary times, then we have a measure of that time in the
growth of coral, which has required at least four hundred
thousand years to form reefs the thickness of some that are
known to exist.<32>
But here, again, it seems we are not certain when this
depression commenced.<33> In a previous chapter we have gone
over the Glacial Age, and have seen when, according to Mr.
Croll's theory, it commenced. This was probably not far from the
close of the Pliocene Age. We might as well leave the matter
here. There are so many elements of uncertainty that it is
doubtful if we will ever be able to assign satisfactory dates to
the epoch.<34>
In bringing to a conclusion this somewhat extended notice of
early man in California we have to admit that much of it is
speculative; still it is an endeavor to explain known facts.
The main statement is that man lived in California in the
Pliocene Age, in the Neolithic stage of culture. Whether the
arguments adduced in support of this statement are sufficient to
prove its accuracy must be left to the mature judgment of the
scientific world. There is no question but that the climate and
geography, the fauna and the flora, were then greatly different
from those of the present. Starting with these known facts, so
strange and fascinating, it need occasion no surprise, if the
pen of the enthusiastic explorer depict a scene wherein facts
and fancy are united.
In this case truth is certainly stranger than fiction, and when,
in imagination, we see the great Pacific archipelago emerge from
the waves, and, in place of the long swell of the ocean, we
picture the pleasing scenes of tropic lands, the strange floral
growth of a past geological age, the animal forms which have
since disappeared, with man already well advanced in culture:
when we recall all this, and picture forth the surprising
changes which then took place, the slowly subsiding land, the
encroaching waters, and the resultant watery waste, with here
and there a coral-girt island, the great volcanic uplift on the
main-land, the flaming rivers of molten lava, which come pouring
forth, followed by the night of cold, ice, and snow: when we
consider these, and the great lapse of time necessary for their
accomplishment, how powerless are mere words to set forth the
grandeur and the resistless sweep of nature's laws, and to paint
the insignificance and trifling nature of man and his works!
The discoveries in California are not the only instances of the
relics of man and his works found under such circumstances that
they are relied on by some to prove the great age of man in
America. But on account of the rarity of these finds, and the
contradictory statements and opinions respecting them, the
scientific world has until lately regarded with some distrust
the assertion of a great antiquity for man on this continent;
but a review of the evidence on this point, and especially of
Dr. Abbott's discoveries in New Jersey, must impress on all the
conclusion that tribes of men were living here at the close of
the Glacial Age, and probably long before that time.
It need occasion no surprise to learn that several of the
discoveries of former years, relied on in this connection, have
since been shown to be unreliable. They have not been able to
stand a careful examination at the hands of later scholars.
They were made when European savants were first communicating to
the world the results of the explorations of the river gravels
and caves of that country. The antiquity of man being amply
proven there, may afford some explanation why more
discriminating care was not employed. Of this nature were some
of the discoveries in the valley of the Mississippi; such, for
instance, as the portion of the human skeleton found mingled
with the bones of extinct animals a few miles below Natchez, and
the deeply buried skeleton at New Orleans, in both of which
cases a simple explanation is at hand without the necessity of
supposing a great flight of years.
Some of these discoveries yet remain an unsettled point. Such is
the discovery of flint arrow-heads in connection with the bones
of a mastodon found in Missouri. Dr. Koch, who made the
discovery, draws from the facts of the case such a suggestive
picture that we will give his own words. After describing where
found, he says: "The greater portion of these bones had been
more or less burned by fire. The fire had extended but a few
feet beyond the space occupied by the animal before its
destruction, and there was more than sufficient evidence that
the fire had not been an accidental one, but, on the contrary,
that it had been kindled by human agency, and, according to all
appearance, with the design of killing the huge creature which
had been found mired in the mud, and in an entirely helpless
condition. All the bones which had not been burned by the fire
had kept their original position, standing upright and
apparently quite undisturbed in the clay, whereas those portions
which had been extended above the surface had been partially
consumed by the fire, and the surface of the clay was covered,
as far as fire had extended, by a layer of wood ashes, mingled
with larger or smaller pieces of charred wood and burnt bones,
together with bones belonging to the spine, ribs, and other
parts of the body, which had been more or less injured by the
fire. It seemed that the burning of the victim and the hurling
of rocks at it had not satisfied the destroyers, for I found
also, among the ashes, bones, and rocks, several arrow-heads, a
stone spear-head, and some stone axes."
Such is Dr. Koch's very interesting statement of this find.
"It was received by the scientific world," says Foster, "with a
sneer of contempt," and, it seems to us, for very insufficient
reasons. It is admitted that his knowledge of geology was not as
accurate as it should have been. He made some mistakes of this
nature, which have been clearly shown.<35> Still, he is known to
have been a diligent collector, and we are told "no one who knew
him will question but that he was a competent observer."<36>
It seems to us useless to deny the truth of his statements.
There is, however, nothing to necessitate us believing in an
immense age for these remains. This is not to be considered a
point against them, for there is no reason for supposing that
the mastodon may not have lingered on to comparatively recent
times, and that comparatively recent men may not have
intercepted and destroyed helpless individuals. Indeed, we are
told there are traditions still extant among the Indians of
these monsters.<37>
We have other facts showing that, in this country as in Europe,
man was certainly living not far from the time when the land was
covered with the ice of the Glacial Age, whatever may be true of
still earlier periods. We are told that, when the time came for
the final breaking up of the great glaciers, and while they
still lingered at the head waters of the Platte, the Missouri,
and the Yellowstone rivers, a mighty lake--or, rather, a
succession of lakes--occupied the greater portion of the
Missouri Valley. The rivers flowing into them were of great
size,<38> and heavily freighted with sediment, which was
deposited in the still waters of the lakes, and thus was formed
the rich loess deposits of Nebraska.
From several places in this loess have been taken rude stone
arrows, buried at such depths and under such circumstances, that
we must conclude they were deposited there when the loess was
forming. But this requires us to carry them back to a time when
elephants and mastodons roamed over the land, for bones of these
huge creatures<39> are quite frequently found. This arrow-point
--or, it may be, spear-head--was found twenty feet from the
surface; and almost directly above it, and distant only thirteen
inches, was a vertebra of an elephant. "It appears, then, that
some old races lived around the shores of this lake, and,
paddling over it, accidentally dropped their arrows, or let them
fly at a passing water-fowl;" and, from the near presence of the
elephant's bone, it is shown that "man here, as well as in
Europe, was the contemporary of the elephant, in at least a
portion of the Missouri Valley.<40>
Illustration of Implement found in Loess.-----------
Other examples are on record. In Greene County, Illinois,
parties digging a well found, at the depth of seventy-two feet,
a stone hatchet. Mr. McAdams carefully examined the well, to see
if it could have dropped from near the surface. He tells us the
well was dug through loess deposits; and from the top down was
as smooth, and almost as hard, as a cemented cistern.<41>
The loess was, as in Nebraska, deposited in the still waters of
the lake which once occupied the Valley of the Illinois.<42>
And we need not doubt but that it dates from the breaking up of
the glacial ice. The position of this hatchet, then, found at
the very bottom of the loess deposits, shows that, while yet the
glaciers lingered in the north, and the flooded rivers spread
out in great lakes, some tribes of stone-using folks hunted
along the banks of the lakes, whose bottoms were to form the
rich prairies of the West.
Previous to this discovery, Mr. Foster had recorded the finding
in this same formation, distant but a few miles, a rude hatchet.
There was in this case a possibility that the stone could have
been shaped by natural means, and so he did not affirm this to
be a work of man; but he says, "had it been recovered from a
plowed field, I should have unhesitatingly said it was an
Indian's hatchet."<43> We think it but another instance of
relics found under such circumstances, that it points to the
presence of man at the close of the Glacial Age.
No doubt many similar discoveries have been made, but the
specimens were regarded as the work of Indians; and though the
position in which they wore found may have excited some
surprise, they were not brought to the attention of the
scholars. Nor is it only in the prairie regions of the West
where such discoveries have been made. Col. C. C. Jones has
recorded the finding of some flint implements in the drift of
the Chattahooche River, which we think as conclusively proves
the presence of man in a far away time as do any of the
discoveries in the river gravels of Europe. It seems that gold
exists in the sands of this river, and the early settlers were
quick to take advantage of it. They dug canals in places to turn
the river from its present channel--and others, to reach some
buried channel of former times. These sections passed down to
the hard slate rock, passing through the surface, and the
underlying drift, composed of sand, gravel, and bowlders.
"During one of these excavations, at a depth of nine feet below
the surface, commingled with the gravels and bowlders of the
drift, and just above the rocky substratum upon which the
deposit rested, were found three [Paleolithic] flint
implements."<44>
He adds that, "in materials, manners of construction, and in
general appearance, so nearly do they resemble some of the
rough, so-called flint hatchets, belonging to the drift type, as
described by M. Boucher De Perthes, that they might very readily
be mistaken, the one for the other." "They are as emphatically
drift implements, as any that have appeared in the diluvial
matrix of France." On the surface soil, above the flints, are
found the ordinary relics of the Indians. The works of the Mound
Builders are also to be seen. Judging from their position, the
Paleolithics must be greatly older than any of the surface
remains. Many centuries must go by to account for the formation
of the vegetable soil above them.
Speculating on their age, Mr. Jones eloquently says, "If we are
ignorant of the time when the Chattahooche first sought a
highway to the Gulf; if we know not the age of the artificial
tumuli which still grace its banks; if we are uncertain when the
red Nomads who, in fear and wonder, carried the burdens of the
adventurous DeSoto, as he conducted his followers through
primeval forests, and, by the sides of their softly mingling
streams, first became dwellers here, how shall we answer the
question as to the age in which these rude drift implements were
fashioned and used by these primitive people?"<45>
The examples we have quoted, even though the case of California
be not considered, are all suggestive of a great antiquity for
man, taking us back in time to when the glaciers still "shone in
frigid splendor" over the northern part of the United States.
When European savants had established the science of
Archaeology, and shown the existence of separate stages of
culture, it was but natural that those interested in the matter
on this side of the Atlantic should turn with renewed energy to
investigate the archaeology of this country, to see if here,
too, they could find evidence of a Paleolithic Age. But the
scholar in this country is confronted with a peculiar
difficulty. Owing to the very multiplicity and variety of relics
of prehistoric times, it is difficult to properly classify and
understand them. The field is of great extent, the time of study
has been short, and the explorers few; so it is not strange that
but few localities have been thoroughly searched. But, until this
is done, we can not hope to reach definite conclusions.
The peculiar culture of the Indians, prevailing among them at
the time of the discovery, proved a hindrance, rather than a
help, in this matter. The Indians are certainly not Paleolithic,
many of their implements being finely wrought and polished;
but their arrow-heads, hatchets, and celts were sufficiently
rude to spread the conviction that all weapons and implements of
stone should be referred to them. This belief has done much to
hinder real progress. It is not to be wondered at that some
difference of opinion has prevailed, among our scholars, whether
the different stages of culture, discovered in Europe, have any
existence here.
On one hand, it is denied that different stages can be detected.
Says Prof. Whitney: "It is evident that there has been no
unfolding of the intellectual faculties of the human race on
this continent similar to that which has taken place in Central
Europe. We can recognize no Paleolithic, Neolithic, Bronze, or
Iron Ages."<46> Others assure us, that if present, the ages
stand in reverse order. "The relics last used were by far the
rudest, and the historic races, which are the survivors of the
prehistoric, are the wildest of the two; the lower status
remaining, while the higher has passed away."<47> In still
another place we read: "The Neolithic and Bronze Ages preceded
the Paleolithic, at least in the Mississippi basin."<48>
Notwithstanding these quotations, we think it will yet be shown
that in this country, as in Europe, there was a true Paleolithic
Age, and that there was no such inversion as is here spoken of.
In some places sedentary tribes may have been driven away and
their territory occupied by more war-like, but less highly
cultivated tribes. But take the whole Indian race, and they were
steadily advancing through the Neolithic stage of culture.
They were acquainted with copper, and were drawing near to the
discovery of bronze and metals, and, indeed, the discovery had
been made of bronze in the far south. But lying back of the true
Indian Age, long preceding it in time, to which probably belong
the relics mentioned in the preceding discoveries, is a true
Paleolithic Age.
We are indebted for the facts on which the above conclusion
rests more to the writings of Dr. C. C. Abbott, of Trenton, New
Jersey, than any other individual, and his results are based on
an extensive study of the relics themselves and the position in
which found. In a collection of stone implements of this country
arranged in a cabinet, we find rude and unpolished specimens, as
well as those of a finely wrought Neolithic type. Now the
Indians, when first discovered, frequently made use of very
rudely formed implements, and from a knowledge of this fact, it
came about that but little attention was paid to the position in
which the relics were discovered. They were all classified as
Indian relics. But the greatest and most valuable discoveries in
science have occurred as a result of the attention paid to
little things; in this case by carefully scrutinizing the
position in which they occurred.
Dr. Abbott commenced by gathering a very extensive collection,
carefully searching his section of country and gathering all
specimens of artificially shaped stones. These must have existed
there in considerable quantities, as, in three years' time, he
collected over nine thousand specimens,<49> carefully examining
them as they came from the soil.<50> As a result of this
extensive and careful research he is able to present us some
general conclusions. The surface specimens, including in this
classification also those specimens turned up by the plow,<51>
are characteristically Indian. The material is jasper and
quartz, and they are generally carefully made. They used other
varieties of stone as well. Like the Neolithic people of Europe,
they sought the best varieties of stone for their purpose.
But his collection also included rude Paleolithic forms, and he
found by taking the history of each specimen separately, that
just in proportion as the relics were rude in manufacture and
primitive in type the deeper were they buried in the soil.<52>
Writing in 1875, he says: "We have never met a jasper (flint)
arrow-head in or below an undisturbed stratum of sand or gravel,
and we have seldom met with a rude implement of the general
character of European drift implements on the surface of the
ground.<53>
These are not theoretical opinions, but are deductions drawn
from a very extensive experience. From figured specimens of
these rudest formed implements, we see they are veritable
Paleolithic forms, resembling in a remarkable manner the rude
implements of the old world, whether collected in France or in
India. We learned that the Paleolithic people of Europe utilized
the easiest attainable stone for their implements.
They contented themselves with such pieces of flint as they
could gather in their immediate vicinity. The easiest attainable
rock in the valley of the Delaware is not flint, but argillite,
and such is the material of which the Paleolithic implements are
formed. Thus it is shown that the first appearance of a
stone-using folk in the valley of the Delaware was in the
Paleolithic stage of their culture. Judging from the depths of
their buried implements, this long preceded the Neolithic stage.
Illustration of Spear-shaped Paleolithic Implement.-----
These conclusions have been sustained in a very marked manner by
late discoveries in the valley of the Delaware, to which we will
now refer. After reaching the conclusion that the relics of the
Stone Age in New Jersey clearly pointed to a Paleolithic
beginning, when argillite, the most easily attainable stone, was
utilized in the manufacture of weapons and implements, Dr.
Abbott made the further discovery that in the ancient gravels of
the Delaware River Paleolithic implements only were to be found.
We must remember that it was in the gravels of European rivers
that the first discoveries were made which have since resulted
in so wonderfully extending our knowledge of the past of man.
The city of Trenton, New Jersey, is built on a gravel terrace
whose surface is between forty and fifty feet above the flood
plain of the Delaware. We are told that this gravel is clearly a
river deposit, and must have been laid down by the Delaware at
some former time in its history. It is in this gravel deposit
that quite a large number of Paleolithic implements have
been found.
Illustration of Paleolithic Implement, Argillite.--------
This cut is a representation of one of them, found under such
circumstances that there can be no question about its antiquity.
We are told it was taken from the face of the bluff fronting the
river. Owing to heavy rains, a large section off of the front of
the bluff became detached just the day before this specimen was
discovered. It was found in the fresh surface thus exposed,
twenty-one feet from the surface, almost at the bottom of the
gravel. Immediately above it, and in contact with it, was a
bowlder estimated to weigh over one hundred pounds.
Immediately above this last was a second and much larger
bowlder. It is manifest the implements could never have gotten
in the place found after the gravel had been deposited.<54>
This is only one of the many examples that could be given.
But it is to be noticed that implements of the Neolithic type do
not occur in the gravel, except on the surface. Dr. Abbott is
not the only one who has found those implements. Many of our
best American scholars have visited the locality and secured
specimens, amongst others, Prof. Boyd Dawkins, of England, who
is so familiar with this class of relics in Europe. We may
consider it proven, then, that in this country there was also a
Paleolithic Age. Our present information in regard to it is only
a beginning.
Since this interesting discovery was made in New Jersey we have
received news of similar discoveries in Minnesota. A lady, Miss
Frank Babbitt, has found in the modified drift of the
Mississippi River, at Little Falls, Minnesota, evidence of the
existence of Paleolithic man. The implements are made of quartz,
and not argillite, but closely resemble implements made of this
later material as described by Dr. Abbott. It is, to say the
least, an interesting coincidence that one of a very few flint
implements found in the Trenton gravel by Dr. Abbott should be
identical in shape with some of the flint implements
in Minnesota.<55>
This point being determined, others at once spring up asking
solution. Among the very first is the question of age. The river
terrace on which Trenton is built is a geological formation, and
if we can determine its age we shall also determine at least one
point in the antiquity of man, for we know the implements are as
old as the gravels. It is not necessary for our purpose to give
more than the results of the careful labors of others in this
direction. We may be sure that this question has been carefully
studied. When the implements were first discovered, the gravels
were considered of glacial origin, and to that period they were
assigned by Dr. Abbott. Subsequently Prof. Lewis, a member of
the Pennsylvania State survey, decided that they were
essentially post-glacial--that is, more recent in time than the
Glacial Age.<56> Still more recently Prof. Wright, of Oberlin,
but also of the State survey of Pennsylvania, concludes that
they are, after all, a deposit made at the very close of the
Glacial Age.<57>
He thinks the sequence of events were about as follows: When the
ice of the Glacial Age reached its greatest development, and
came to a pause in its southward march, it extended in an
unbroken wall across the northern part of New Jersey, crossing
the Delaware about sixty-five miles above Trenton. In front of
it was accumulated the great terminal morain--a long range of
gravelly hills still marking its former presence.
It is certain that the close of the Glacial Age was
comparatively sudden, and marked by floods far exceeding any
thing we are acquainted with at the present day. For, when the
formation of the ice ceased, we must bear in mind that the
country to the north of the terminal morain was covered with a
great glacier, in some places exceeding a mile in thickness.
When glacial conditions were passing away, and the ice commenced
to melt faster than it was produced, the thaw would naturally go
on over the entire field at an increasing rate, and hence would
result floods in all the rivers.
He considers the gravels in question to have been deposited near
the close of this flooded period, when the land stood at about
its present level and the glaciers had retreated perhaps to the
Catskill Mountains. The rivers were still swollen and would be
heavily charged with coarse gravel brought from the morains and
lying exposed on the surface of the ground vacated by the
glaciers.<58>
Probably but few geologists will take exceptions to these views.
Thus we have very satisfactory reasons for connecting these
Paleolithic people with the close of the Glacial Age--a
conclusion to which the scattering discoveries mentioned in the
preceding pages also points. But as regards Dr. Abbott's
discoveries, they are on such a scale, and vouched for by so
many eminent observers, that we need no longer hesitate to
accept them, or complain of the scattering nature of the finds.
But we might inquire whether this is the earliest period to
which the presence of man can be ascribed in this country?
Excepting, of course, California, we do not know of any well
established fact on which to base a greater antiquity for man.
However, this subject is very far from being as closely studied
as in Europe. Believing that in Europe man was living before the
Glacial Age, and that in all probability he was living in
California at the same early time, we would naturally expect to
find some evidence of his presence in the Mississippi Basin and
along the Atlantic seaboard. But no explorer has yet been
fortunate enough to make such discoveries.<59>
It is scarcely necessary to point out that we have only the
relative age of these gravel deposits. We have not yet arrived
at an answer in years. This we are not able to do. As we have
several times remarked, our American scholars, as a rule, do not
think many thousands of years have elapsed since the Glacial
Age, and yet they are not all agreed on that point. From the
depths in the gravel and loess deposits that the stone relics
are found, we may suppose that man was present during the entire
series of years their formation represents. Prof. Aughey, to
whose discoveries in loess deposits in Nebraska we have
referred, estimates the length of time necessary to produce
those deposits as between nineteen and twenty thousand years,
and this he considers a low estimate. So we see that, at any
rate, the date of man's first appearance in America was
certainly very far in the past.
In forming a mental picture of the conditions of life at that
early time, it is not necessary to imagine a dreary scene of
Arctic sterility. This is not true of the time when the Glacial
Age was at its greatest severity. But at the time we are now
considering, the glaciers had retreated over a large part of the
country, though they still lingered in northern and mountainous
regions. Great lakes and majestic rivers were the features of
the country. The St. Lawrence was still choked with ice, and the
great lakes must have discharged their waters southward.<60>
The Mississippi, gathering in one mighty stream the drainage of
the Central Basin, sped onward to the Gulf, doubtless many times
larger than its present representative. The animals then living
included several species that have since become extinct.
Mastodons and elephants must have been numerous, as their
remains are frequently found in loess deposits.<61> They have
also been found in the gravels of New Jersey, in connection with
the rude implements already mentioned. Probably keeping close to
the retreating glaciers were such animals as the moose,
reindeer, and musk-ox, while the walrus disported itself in the
waters off the coast. At any rate those animals now only found
in high northern latitudes were living during Glacial times as
far south as Kentucky and New Jersey.<62>
A good deal of interest is connected with the finding of one
mastodon's tooth. It was found in the gravel deposit, about
fourteen feet beneath the surface. It must have been washed to
the position where found when the great floods from the melting
glacier, with their burden of sand and gravel, were rolling down
the valley. We can either conclude that the climate was such as
to permit the existence of such animals, or that the animal to
which it belonged lived in some far away pre-glacial time.
But our interest suddenly increases when we learn that, but a
few feet away, under exactly similar circumstances, was found
the wisdom tooth of a human being. It, too, was rolled,
scratched, and polished, and had evidently been swept along by
the tumultuous flood. "The same agency that brought the one from
the Upper Valley of the Delaware brought the other, and, after
long years, they come again to light, and jointly testify that,
in that undetermined long ago, the creatures to which they
respectively belonged were living together in the valley of
the river."<63>
We must now consider the question of race. Who were the men that
fashioned the implements? Were they Indians? or were they a
different people? As far as we know the Indians, they were
Neolithic. Their implements and weapons are often polished,
pecked, and finely wrought; and, as before remarked, they
employed the best kind of stone for their purpose. Dr. Abbott,
who speaks from a very extensive personal experience, tells us,
that it is not practical to trace any connection between the
well-known Indian forms and the Paleolithic implements of the
river gravels: "The wide gap that exists between a full series
of each of the two forms is readily recognized when the two are
brought together."<64> Besides this difference in form, there is
also a difference in material. The ruder forms not being of
jasper and allied minerals, but are almost exclusively of
argillite.<65> In addition to the foregoing, we must consider
the different positions they occupy--the former being found only
on or near the surface, the latter deeply buried within.
These different reasons all point to the same conclusion:
that is, that the Indians were preceded in this country by some
other people, who manufactured the Paleolithic specimens
recently discovered.
In Europe, Prof. Dawkins, as we have seen, maintains that the
Cave-men were the predecessors of the Eskimos. This may serve us
as a point of departure in the inquiry as to who the
pre-Indian people were? It is manifest, however, that we must
have some ground on which to base this theory. The Eskimo seem
to belong to the Arctic region, as naturally as the white bear
and the walrus. At the early time we are considering in America,
glaciers had not retreated very far. So his climatic
surroundings must have been much the same as at present. But the
Eskimo may not live where he does now by choice: we may behold
in him a people driven from a fairer heritage, who found the
ice-fields of the North more endurable than the savage enemy who
envied him his possession. It seems very reasonable to suppose
that the Eskimos long inhabited this country before the arrival
of the Indians, if it was not, in fact, their original home.
Mention has been made of the Eskimo traits still to be observed
among the tribes of California. Prof. Putnam thinks that this
fact can best be explained on the supposition that these tribes
came in contact with primitive Eskimo people.<66> Dr. Rink, from
investigation of the language and traditions of the different
Eskimo tribes, thinks they are of American origin, and must once
have lived much farther south.<67> He says, "The Eskimos appear
to have been the last wave of an aboriginal American race, which
has spread over the continent from more genial regions--
following principally the rivers and water-courses, and
continually yielding to the pressure of the tribes behind them
until they have at last peopled the sea-coasts."<68> Mr. Dall,
in his explorations of the Aleutian Islands, comes to the same
conclusion as Dr. Rink. He says his own conclusions are, "that
the Eskimos were once inhabitants of the interior of North
America--have much the same distribution as the walrus, namely,
as far south as New Jersey."<69>
All this tends to prove that the Paleolithic people of New
Jersey were ancestors of the Eskimos. This becomes highly
probable when we pursue the subject a little farther. Dr. Abbott
has shown, from the similarity of implements, position in which
found, and so forth, that the Paleolithic people continued to
occupy the country down to comparatively recent times, when
Indian relics took their place.<70> This is such an important
point that we must give his reasons more in detail.
Remember that Dr. Abbott speaks from the experience gained by
gathering over twenty thousand specimens of stone implements,
and paying especial attention to the position in which they were
found. The surface soil of that section of New Jersey, where he
made his explorations, was formed by the slow decomposition of
vegetable and forest growth. In this layer he found great
numbers of undoubted Indian implements. The number, however,
rapidly decreases the deeper we go in this stratum. This would
show that the Indians were late arrivals. Below this surface
soil is a stratum of sand, overlying the gravelly beds below and
passing into the surface soil just mentioned. In this layer were
found great numbers of implements inferior to the Indian types
found on the surface, but superior to the Paleolithic specimens
described. They are not only inferior in finish to the Indian
specimens, but are of different material. They are always formed
of argillite. It was further noticed that the number of these
rapidly decreased in the layer of surface soil, and are but
rarely found on the surface.
Now it might be said that these rude forms were fashioned by
Indians when in a rude state of culture, and, as they became
more advanced, they learned the superior qualities of flint, and
so dropped the use of argillite. But it so happens that we have
found several places where were veritable manufactories of
Indian implements. It is very significant that we never find one
where the workman used both flint and argillite. He always used
flint alone. Every thing seems to point to the fact, that the
tribes who fashioned the argillite implements were different
from the Indian tribes who made the flint implements. It is
Dr. Abbott's conclusions that the former, the descendants of the
Paleolithic tribes, were the Eskimos, who, according to these
views, must have inhabited the eastern portion of the United
States to comparatively recent times.
In further support of these views, we think we have grounds for
asserting that we have veritable historical accounts of the
Eskimo people slowly retiring before the aggressions of their
Indian foes. It is no longer doubted but that Norsemen, as early
as the year 1000, made voyages of discovery along the coast of
North America, as far south as Rhode Island: they called the
country Vineland. It is true that the Icelandic accounts of
these expeditions contain some foolish and improbable
statements; but so do the writings of Cotton Mather, made many
years later.
These accounts refer but very briefly to the inhabitants they
saw, but enough is given to show that the people were not
Indians, but Eskimos. The language used is: "The men were small
of stature and fierce, having a bushy head of hair, and very
great eyes, and wide cheeks."<71> Their small size is frequently
referred to, which would surely not be the case if they were
describing the Algonkins that the English colonists found in the
same section of country many years later. To the same effect is
the assertion that the Eskimos did not reach Greenland until the
middle of the fourteenth century.<72> The traditions of the
Tuscarawas Indians that place their arrival on the Atlantic
coast in the year 1300, also refer to a tribe of people that
were at least much like the Eskimos.<73>
Thus we are led, step by step, to the recognition of a
Paleolithic Age in America, and finally to the belief that the
descendants of these people were Eskimos. We at once notice the
coincidence of these results with some of the conclusions of
Prof. Dawkins, of England, and it is desirable to trace a little
farther the points of resemblance and difference between this
age in America and in Europe. In this latter country we have
seen the Paleolithic Age can be divided into two stages, or
epochs, during which different races inhabited the country.
The first, or the epoch of the men of the River Drift, long
preceded the epoch of the Cave-men. It was those latter tribes
only that Mr. Dawkins connects with the Eskimos.
We have not yet found evidence in this country that points to
such a division of the Paleolithic Age. We have no relics of
Cave-men as distinguished from the men of the River Drift. It is
true, we are not lacking evidence of the use of caves by various
tribes,<74> but there is nothing to show that such use was very
ancient, or that the people were properly Paleolithic. We can
not say what future discoveries will unfold, but as yet we have
only implements of the River Drift type, and these are the men
Dr. Abbott considers to be the ancestors of the Eskimos. In this
country, then, we have shown the existence of but one race of
men in the same stage of culture as the men of the River Drift,
but of the same race as the men of the Cave. These results may
be cited as an argument in favor of those scholars who think
that the men of the River Drift and the men of the Cave were in
reality the same people.<75>
In Europe there was apparently a long lapse of time between the
disappearance of the Paleolithic tribes and the arrival of the
Neolithic people, but we have no evidence of such a period in
America. The Paleolithic people remained in possession until
driven away by the Neolithic ones. All evidence of Paleolithic
man in Europe terminated with the Glacial Age, and there is
little doubt but what they date from preglacial times.
Our present knowledge does not carry us any farther back in this
country than the close of Glacial times. If we consider that the
Glacial Age in America coincides in time with the same age in
Europe, then the last statements would imply that the
Paleolithic Age here was later than in Europe; in fact, that
Paleolithic man had run his course in Europe before he appeared
in America, and some might even go further, and say that he
migrated from Europe to America. There are, however, no good
grounds for such conclusions. We believe that future discoveries
will show that in America also Paleolithic man was living in
Glacial and preglacial times.<76>
We feel that we have done but scant justice to this subject, but
we assure our readers that this question has been but little
studied in this country. Referring all relics of stone to the
Indians, our scholars have been slow to recognize traces of an
earlier race in America. Our sources of information are as yet
but few, and much remains to be done in this field. In Europe as
in America, scholars are still hard at work on the Paleolithic
Age, and we are to hold ourselves in readiness to modify our
opinions, or to reject them entirely and adopt new ones as our
knowledge increases.
There is one thought that occurs to us. From the combined
investigations of both European and American scholars, the
Eskimo is seen to be one of the oldest (if not the oldest) races
of men now living. They afford a striking illustration of the
fact that a race may early reach a limit of culture beyond
which, as a race, they can not pass. Should the American
discoveries establish the fact that the River Drift tribes are
also Eskimos, then we are fairly entitled to consider them the
remnant of a people who once held possession of all the globe,
but who have been driven to the inhospitable regions of the
North by the pressure of later people. What changes have come
over the earth since that early time? In the long lapse of years
that have gone by newer races, advancing by slow degrees, have
at last achieved civilization. The fiat of Omnipotent power
could have created the world in a perfected form for the use of
man, but instead of so doing, Infinite Wisdom allowed
slow-acting causes, working through infinite years, to develop
the globe from a nebulous mass. Man could, indeed, have been
created a civilized being, but instead of this, his
starting-point was certainly very low. He was granted capacities
in virtue of which he has risen. We are not to say what the end
shall be, but we think it yet far off.
Illustration of Stone Implement.----------
REFERENCES
(1) The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to Dr. C. C.
Abbott, of Trenton, New Jersey, for criticism.
(2) Dana's "Manual of Geology," p. 735, et seq.
(3) Ibid., p. 753.
(4) Whitney's "Geology of California," Vol. I.
(5) Whitney's "Geological Survey of California," Vol. I.
(6) Dr. Newbury’s "Geological Survey of California."
(7) Whitney's "Auriferous Gravels of California," p. 283.
(8) Cambridge Lecture, 1878.
(9) Cambridge Lecture, 1878.
(10) "Native Races," Vol. IV, p. 698.
(11) In general, all about Sonora, in the auriferous gravels,
are found bones of extinct animals, and, associated with them,
many relics of the works of human hands. These are found at
various depths down to one hundred feet. (Whitney's "Auriferous
Gravels," p. 263.)
(12) American Journal of Science, Vol. XIX, p. 176, 1880.
(13) "Auriferous Gravels," p. 279.
(14) Wright's "Studies in Science and Religion," p. 289.
(15) Dawkins, in Southall's "Pliocene Man," p. 18.
(16) Southall's "Pliocene Man," p. 19.
(17) Schoolcraft's "Archaeology," Vol. I, p. 105.
(18) As bearing on the question of Pliocene man, we might refer
to the impression of human (?) foot-prints in the sand-stone
quarry of the State prison at Nevada. At one time this area was
the bottom of a lake, and we can plainly see the tracks of
various animals that came down to drink. A huge mammoth visited
the place; so also did horses and other animals. Among these is
one series of tracks evidently made by a biped. Some think they
are the sandaled foot of a human being. This question is still
under discussion.
(19) "Geographical Survey West of the 100th Meridian," Vol. VII,
p. 11.
(20) Dana's "Manual of Geology," p. 583.
(21) Putnam, in "Geographical Survey West of the 100th
Meridian," Vol. VII, p. 11.
(22) Ibid., p. 18.
(23) "Geographical Survey West of the 100th Meridian," Vol. VII,
p. 12.
(24) "Prehistoric Times," p. 436.
(25) "Human Species," p. 147.
(26) The researches of Mr. Dall in the Aleutian Islands
demonstrate the long-continued occupation of them by a savage
people, and a gradual advance of the same in culture--though
this apparent advance may have been simply the inroads of more
advanced tribes. U.S. Geographical Survey W. of 100th M., p. 12.
(27) Wright's "Studies in Science and Religion," p. 292.
(28) Morgan's "Ancient Society," p. 108, note.
(29) "Geographical Survey West of the 100th Meridian," Vol. VII,
p. 3.
(30) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. III, pp. 646, 647.
(31) "U.S. Geographical Survey West of the 100th Meridian," Vol.
VII, p. 12.
(32) Dana's "Manual of Geology," p. 591.
(33) LeConte's "Elements of Geology."
(34) Prof. Winchell, in his last work, "World Life," p. 363,
et seq., goes over the entire subject. As might be
expected, no decisive results are obtained. He sums up the
arguments to show that in this country the close of the Glacial
Age is not more than seven thousand years ago (p. 375).
The student who reads these pages and then Mr. Geikie's work,
"Prehistoric Europe," will be sorely puzzled to know what
conclusions to adopt. We can not do better than refer to the
chapter on Antiquity Paleolithic Age.
(35) Dana's Am. Journal of Science, May, 1875.
(36) Foster's "Prehistoric Races," p. 62.
(37) See Lockwood, in Popular Science Monthly for 1883,
for account of beaver dam built on a mastodon skeleton and
evidence of contemporaneity of Indians and mastodons.
(38) "The Missouri was a stream thirty miles wide."
(39) "Hayden," p. 255.
(40) For the facts on which this paragraph rests, see Report of
Samuel Aughey, Ph.D., in "U.S. Survey of the Territories, for
1874," p. 243, et seq.
(41) "American Assoc. Rep.," 1880, p. 720.
(42) "Illinois Geological Reports," Vol. III, p. 123.
(43) "Prehistoric Races," p. 69.
(44) Jones's "Antiquities of the Southern Indians," p. 293.
(45) Jones's "Antiquities of the Southern Indians," p. 295.
(46) Quoted by Abbott's "Primitive Industry," p. 3.
(47) Peet's "Archaeology of Europe and America," p. 11.
(48) Short's "North Americans of Antiquity," p. 27.
(49) Up to the present time (1884) Dr. Abbott has collected over
20,000 specimens of stone implements, and all his more recent
"finds" but confirm the opinion he expressed as to their
significance ten years ago. His collection is at the Peabody
Museum of Archaeology, at Cambridge, Mass. (See last Peabody
Report.)
(50) "Nature," Vol. XI, p. 215.
(51) Ibid.
(52) "Nature," Vol. XI, p. 215.
(53) Ibid.
(54) "Primitive Industry," Abbott, p. 506.
(55) Seventeenth Report Peabody Museum, p. 354 and note.
(56) "Primitive Industry," p. 551.
(57) "Studies in Science and Religion," p. 324.
(58) Ibid., p. 324.
(59) We believe that similar results will attend the careful
exploration in other sections. As bearing on this subject, it is
interesting to know that Paleolithic implements are reported
from one locality in Mexico. Our information in regard to them
is very slight. (Brit. Assoc. Reports, 1881; Pres. Address,
Count De Saporte, Popular Science Monthly, Sept., 1883.)
(60) Dana's "Manual of Geology," p. 540.
(61) "Geographical and Geological Survey," 1874, p. 254.
(62) Abbott's "Primitive Industry," p. 483.
(63) Abbott: "Proceedings of the Boston Society of Natural
History," Vol. XXII, p. 102.
(64) "Primitive Industry," p. 512.
(65) "Primitive Industry," p. 512.
(66) U.S. survey West of the 100th Meridian," Vol. VII, p. 12.
(67) Abbott's "Primitive Industry," p. 520.
(68) Ibid., p. 519.
(69) U.S. Geographical Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region,"
Vol. I, p. 102, quoted from "Primitive Industry," p. 519.
(70) Popular Science Monthly, Jan., 1883.
(71) DeCosta's "Precolumbian Discovery of America," p. 69.
(72) Winchell's "Preadamites," p. 389.
(73) Brinton's "Myths of the New World," p. 23. Note.
(74) Prof. DeHass's "Paper" read before Am. Assoc., 1882.
(75) See chapter, "Cave-men," p. 113. Note.
(76) See remarks of Prof. Boyd Dawkins quoted earlier.
END OF CHAPTER IX.*******************
The Prehistoric World: or, Vanished Races
by E. A. Allen
Processed by D.R. Thompson
drthom@ihug.co.nz
Chapter X
THE MOUND BUILDERS.<1>
Meaning of "Mound Builders"--Location of Mound Building tribes--
All Mounds not the work of men--Altar Mounds--Objects found on
the Altars--Altar Mounds possibly burial Mounds--Burial Mounds--
Mounds not the only Cemeteries of these tribes--Terraced Mounds
--Cahokia Mound--Historical notice of a group of Mounds--The
Etowah group--Signal Mounds--Effigy Mounds--How they represented
different animals--Explanation of the Effigy Mounds--Effigy
Mounds in other localities--Inclosures of the Scioto Valley--At
Newark, Ohio--At Marietta, Ohio--Graded Ways--Fortified
Inclosures--Ft. Ancient, Ohio--Inclosures of Northern Ohio--
Works of unknown import--Ancient Canals in Missouri--Implements
and Weapons of Stone--Their knowledge of Copper--Ancient mining
--Ornamental pipes--Their knowledge of pottery--Of Agriculture--
Government and Religion--Hard to distinguish them from
the Indians.
The past of our race is irradiated here and there by the light
of science sufficiently to enable us to form quite vivid
conceptions of vanished peoples. As the naturalist, from the
inspection of a single bone, is enabled to determine the animal
from which it was derived, though there be no longer a living
representative, so the archaeologist, by the aid of fragmentary
remains, is able to tell us of manners and times now long since
removed. In the words of another: "The scientist to-day passes
up and down the valleys, and among the relics and bones of
vanished people, and as he touches them with the magic wand of
scientific induction, these ancient men stand upon their feet,
revivified, rehabilitated, and proclaim with solemn voice the
story of their nameless tribe or race, the contemporaneous
animals, and physical appearance of the earth during those
prehistoric ages."<2>
We have already learned that the world is full of mysteries, and
though, by the exertion of scholars, we begin to have a clearer
idea of some topics, yet our information is after all but vague
and shadowy. The amount of positive knowledge in regard to the
mysterious tribes of the older Stone Age, or the barbarians of
the Neolithic period, or the struggling civilization of the
early Metallic Ages, is lamentably deficient. On our Western
Continent we have the mysterious remains in the gold-bearing
gravels of the Pacific coast, the significance of which is yet
in dispute. We have the Paleolithic Age of Europe, represented
by the remains found in the gravels of the Delaware at Trenton,
New Jersey. When deposited there, and by what people used, is,
perhaps, still enshrouded in doubt.
Leaving now the past, expressed by geological terms, or by
periods of thousands of years, we draw near to our own tribes,
near, at least, comparatively speaking, and behold, here, also,
we discern evidence that an ancient culture, as marked as that
which built its cities along the fertile water-courses of the
Old World, had its seat on the banks of our great rivers;
that here flourished in full vigor for an unknown length of time
a people whose origin and fate are yet in doubt, though, thanks
to the combined efforts of many able men, we begin to have
clearer ideas of their social organization. We know them only by
reason of their remains, and as these principally are mounds, we
call them the "Mound Builders."
The name is not a distinguishing one in every sense, since
mankind, the world over, have been mound and pyramid builders.
The pyramids of Egypt and the mound-dotted surface of Europe and
Asia bear testimony to this saying, yet nowhere else in the
world are they more plainly divided into classes, or marked with
design than here. In some places fortified hills and eminences
suggest the citadel of a tribe or people. Again, embankments of
earth, mostly circular or square, separate and in combination,
generally inclosing one or more mounds, excite our curiosity,
but fail to satisfy it. Are these fading embankments the
boundaries of sacred inclosures, or the fortification of a camp,
or the foundations on which to build communal houses?
Here graded ways, there parallel embankments raise questions,
but suggest no positive answer. We are equally in doubt as to
the purposes for which many of the mounds were built. Some seem
to have been used as places of sepulcher, some for religious
rites, and others as foundation site of buildings. Some may have
been used as signal mounds, from which warning columns of smoke,
or flaming fires, gave notice of an enemy's approach.
Before coming to details let us, at a glance, examine the
picture as a whole. This country of ours, with its wide plains,
its flowing rivers and great lakes, is said by scholars to have
been the home of a people well advanced in the arts of barbarian
life. What connection, if any, existed between them and the
Indians, is yet unsettled. We are certain that many years before
the Spanish discovery of America they made their settlements
here, developed their religious ideas, and erected their
singular monuments. That they were not unacquainted with war, is
shown by their numerous fortified inclosures. They possessed the
elements of agriculture, and we doubt not were happy and
contented in their homes. We are certain they held possession of
the fairer portions of this country for many years.
We must now seek to gather more particular knowledge of them,
and of the remains of their industry. We must not forget that
these are the antiquities of our own country; that the broken
archaeological fragments we pick up will, when put together,
give us a knowledge of tribes that lived here when civilization
was struggling into being in the East. It should be to us far
more interesting than the history of the land of the Pharaohs,
or of storied Greece. Yet, strange to say, the facts we have
just mentioned are unknown to the mass of our people.
Accustomed to regard this as the New World, they have turned
their attention to Europe and the East when they would learn of
prehistoric times. In a general way, we have regarded the
Indians as a late arrival from Asia, and cared but little for
their early history. It is only recently that we have become
convinced of an extended, past in the history of this country,
and it is only of late that able writers have brought to our
attention the wonders of an ancient culture, and shown us the
footprints of a vanished people.
We must first try and locate the territory occupied by the
remains of the mound builders. They are not to be found
broadcast over the whole country. We recall, in this connection,
that the early civilization of the East arose in fertile river
valleys. This is found to be everywhere the case, so we are not
surprised to learn that the broad and fertile valley of the
Mississippi, with its numerous tributaries, was the territory
where these mysterious people reared their monuments and
developed their barbarian culture. Throughout the greater
portion of this area we find numerous evidences of a prolonged
occupation of the country. We are amazed at the number and
magnitude of the remains. Though this section has been under
cultivation for many years, and the plow has been remorselessly
driven over the ancient embankments, yet enough remain to excite
our curiosity and to amply repay investigation.
This portion of the United States seems to have been the home,
the seat of the mound building tribes. We can not expect to find
one type of remains scattered over this entire section of
country. Indeed, to judge from the difference of the remains,
they must have been the work of different people or tribes, who
were doubtless possessed of different degrees of culture.<3>
We will notice in our examination how these remains vary in
different sections of the country. But it is noticeable that
these remains become scarce and finally disappear as we go
north, east, and west from the great valley. Although they are
numerous in the Gulf States, yet they are not to be found,
except in a few cases, in States bordering on the Atlantic.<4>
Some wandering bands, perhaps colonies from the main body of the
people, established works on the Wateree River, in South
Carolina,<5> In the mountainous regions of North Carolina occur
mines of mica, which article was much prized by the mound
builders; and here also are to be found traces of their early
presence.<6> We do not know of any authentic remains in New
England States. In Western New York there exists a class of
remains which, though once supposed to be the work of these
people, are now generally considered as the remains of works
erected by the Indians,<7> and of a similar origin appears to
have been the singular fortification near Lake Winnipiseogee, in
New Hampshire.<8>
We have no record of their presence north of the great lakes.
Passing now to the western part of the valley, we do not find
definite traces of their presence in Texas. On this point,
however, some authors state the contrary, apparently basing
their views on a class of mounds mentioned by Prof. Forshey.<9>
But the very description given of these mounds, and the
statements as to the immense number of them,<10> seem to show
they are not the work of men.<11> We do not think the West, and
especially the North-west, has been carefully enough explored to
state where they begin. It is certain that the head waters of
the Mississippi and the Missouri were thickly settled with
tribes of this people, and some writers think that they spread
over the country by way of the Missouri Valley from the
North-west. Mr. Bancroft quotes from the writings of Mr. Dean,
to show the existence of mounds and inclosures on Vancouver
Island, and in British Columbia. And the statement is made that
a hundred miles north of Victoria there is a group of mounds
ranging from five to fifty yards in circumference, and from a
few feet to fifty feet in height.<12>
The inclosures, however, are described as being very similar to
those in Western New York, and are probably simply fortified
sites, common among rude people the world over, and such as were
often erected by Indians. The remains on the upper Missouri and
its tributaries are very numerous, and to judge from the brief
description given us of them, they must be very interesting.<13>
This section has, however, been too little explored to speak
with confidence of these works.
As showing how much care should be exercised in this matter, we
refer to the account given by Capt. Wilkes in his journal of the
United States exploring expedition. Speaking of the mounds on
the gravelly plains between the Columbia River and Puget Sound,
he tells us that the Butte Prairies are covered with small
mounds at regular distances asunder. Some of them are thirty
feet in diameter, six or seven feet above the level of the
ground, and many thousands in number. He opened some of them,
and found a pavement of round stones, and he thought he could
detect an arrangement of the mounds in groups of five, thus.
Illustration of arrangement of mounds.---------
It was his impression that they were the works of men, and had
been constructed successively and at intervals of several
years.<14> This observation of Capt. Wilkes is referred to by
many as evidence of the former existence of Mound Builders in
this section.
More careful research in recent times has established the fact
that these mounds were certainly not erected by human hands, and
no one else has been able to discover the supposed arrangement
in groups of five. The pavement of round stones is common to the
whole prairie.
But the greatest objection is the number of the mounds.
A population larger than could have found a living in the
country must have been required to erect them, unless we assume
that a great length of time was consumed in this work.
Some other explanation must be given for these mounds, as well
as for those mysterious ones mentioned by Prof. Forshey.
This cut gives us a fair idea of the scenery of this section and
the mounds.<15>
Illustration of Mound Prairie.-----------
Within the area we have thus defined are located the works of
the people we call the Mound Builders. What we wish to do is to
learn all about these vanished people. A great many scholars
have written about them, and large collections of the remains of
their handiwork have been made. There is, however, a great
diversity of opinion respecting the Mound Builders and their
culture. So we see we have a difficult subject to treat of.
In order to gain a clear understanding of it, we must describe
the remains more closely. About all we can learn of these people
is from a study of their monuments. We can not call to our aid
history or tradition, or rock-carved inscription, but must
resort to crumbling mounds, broken down embankments; study their
location, and observe their forms. To the studies in the field
we must add those in the cabinet, and examine the many objects
found in and above the mounds and earth-works, as well as the
skeletons of the builders of the works. Rightly used, we can
draw from these sources much valuable information of the people
whose council-fires blazed all along the beautiful valleys of
the Ohio and Mississippi rivers in times far removed from us.
Illustration of Mound and Circle.-----------
We will first speak of the simplest form of these works, the
ordinary conical mound. This is the one form found all over the
extensive area designated. They exist in great numbers on the
banks of the upper Missouri, as well as the river bottoms of the
South. This cut represents a very fine specimen of a mound, in
this instance surrounded by a circular embankment. We must not
forget that mounds are found all over the world. "They are
scattered over India, they dot the steppes of Siberia and the
vast region north of the Black Sea; they line the shores of the
Bosphorus and the Mediterranean; they are found in old
Scandinavia, and are singularly numerous in the
British Islands."<16>
The principle in human nature which leads to the erection of
mounds is living and active to-day. The shaft which surmounts
Bunker Hill is but a modern way of memorizing an event which in
earlier ages would have led to the erection of a mound, and the
polished monument which marks the resting place of some
distinguished man was raised for the same purpose as the mounds
heaped over the chiefs and warriors of another age. The feeling
which moves us to crown with steeples or spires our houses of
worship is evidently akin to that which induced older races to
erect a mound on which to place their temples, their idols, and
altars of sacrifice.
If mounds were the only works remaining of these ancient people,
we would not take so great an interest in them, and, as it is,
we are not to suppose that all the mounds are the works of those
people we call the Mound Builders. Recent investigation and
historical evidence unite in showing that some comparatively
recent Indian tribes formed and used mound structures.
Early explorers have left abundant testimony to show that in
many cases the Indians resorted to mound-burial. Thus, it seems
that it was the custom of the Iroquois every eighth or tenth
year, or whenever about to abandon a locality, to gather
together the bones of their dead and rear over them a mound.
To this custom, which was not confined to the Iroquois, are
doubtless to be ascribed the barrows and bone mounds which have
been found in such numbers in various parts of the country.<17>
Although it is well to bear these facts in mind, yet it is not
doubted that the larger number, and especially the more massive
ones, were erected by the same people who built the other
mysterious works, and so it is necessary that they be
carefully studied.
Illustration of Altar Mound.-------------------
In the valley of the Ohio there have been found a class of
mounds known as Altar Mounds. These, it should be stated, nearly
always occur in or near inclosures. This cut gives us a good
idea of mounds of this kind. Near the top is seen an instance of
what is called "intrusive" burial. After the mound was completed
it had been dug into and a body buried near the surface.
This burial was evidently later in time, and had no connection
with the purpose for which the mound was originally built.
We also notice in this mound the different layers of which it
was composed. These layers are of gravel, earth, and sand, the
latter being only a few inches thick. Mounds made in this manner
are called stratified mounds, and all altar mounds are probably
of this kind. The lines of stratification have been described as
curving so as to correspond with the shape of the mound, and
such we are told is the general rule.<18>
Illustration of Plan and Section of Altar.---------
The peculiar feature, however, is the altar at the bottom of the
mound, directly above the natural surface of the ground.
The small cut gives us a clear idea of the altar, the light
lines running around it showing the plan. These altars are
almost always composed of clay, though some of stone have been
discovered. They are of various shapes and sizes. We notice the
dish-shaped depression on the top of the altar. The clay of
which they are composed seems to have been moulded into shape
directly over the surface of the ground. Sometimes a layer of
sand was put down as a foundation. They are nearly always
thoroughly burned, the clay being baked hard, sometimes to the
depth of fifteen or twenty inches. This must have required
intense and long continued heat.
We are at once curious to know the object of this altar.
Within the basin-shaped depression are generally found all
manner of remains. Sometimes portions of bones, or fragments of
wood, arranged in regular order; pieces of pottery vessels, and
implements of copper and stone; spear-heads, arrow-heads, and
fragments of quartz and crystals of garnet. Pipes are a common
find, carved in miniature figures of animals, birds, and
reptiles. Two altar-mounds but recently examined near Cincinnati
had altars about four feet square that were loaded down
with ornaments.
One especially contained quantities of ornaments of stone,
copper, mica, shells, the canine-teeth of bears and other
animals, and thousands of pearls. They were nearly all
perforated, as if for suspension. Several of the copper
ornaments were covered with native silver which had been
hammered out into thin sheets and folded over the copper.
One small copper pendant seems to have been covered with a thin
sheet of hammered gold, as a small piece was still clinging to
it. This is the first example of finding native gold in the
mounds.<19> On this altar were also found masses of meteoric
iron, and ornaments of the same material. One piece of mica
showed the profile of a face.<20>
In all cases the articles found on the altars show the action of
fire. We seem justified, then, in supposing that after the altar
was formed, fires were lit on them, and into this fire were
thrown the various articles just enumerated. But what was all
this for? This will probably never he very clear to us, beyond
the fact that it was a religious rite. Portions of the human
skeleton have been found on these altars, and it has been
suggested that human victims were at times part of the
sacrifice; but as it is known that this people practised
cremation, it may be that the altars were sometimes used for
that purpose, the remains being afterwards gathered and
buried elsewhere.
After the offerings had been flung into the fire, while it was
yet glowing on the altar, earth or sand was heaped over them for
a few inches, then successive layers of earth and sand, or
ashes, clay, or gravel. Sometimes the altars were used several
different times, in which case a layer of clay several inches
thick was laid over the old altar. In one case three layers had
been burned in before the final addition of earth and sand were
heaped over it. These strange monuments of a by-gone people hint
to us of mysterious rites. We wish we had more positive
knowledge of the ceremonies they commemorated; but at present we
must rest satisfied with conjecture.
The next class of mounds are known as burial mounds, some of
which are stratified, and resemble the so-called altar mounds.
A mound explored in Butler County, Ohio, had in the center a
layer of clay an inch thick, which had been burned until it was
red. Underneath this was another layer of clay, beneath which
was found charcoal, burnt cloth, and charred bones. Mr. Foster
thinks that in this mound the body was placed on a rude altar,
fires were lit, and that while yet burning, clay was thrown over
it all, and that then fires were built all over the mound,
sufficient to burn the clay for an inch in thickness.<21>
We have also a description of a group of mounds explored near
the Mississippi River, in which there were evident signs of
cremation. At least in several mounds fires had been built close
above the bodies. But in cremation other victims may have been
burned to accompany the departed chiefs or warriors. In one
mound evidence of such a custom was observed.
In another mound the center was found to be a mass of burned
clay interspersed with calcined human bones. No less than ten or
fifteen bodies had been burned here. "They must have worshiped
some fierce ideal deity, and the ceremony must have been
considered of great importance to have required so many
victims." This may have been, however, nothing more than
simple cremation.<22>
Pidgeon has described mounds in Minnesota, in many respects like
the altar mounds. In one case he mentions there was an altar or
pavement of stone on the original surface of the ground, a few
feet above which was a layer of clay, showing the action of
fierce and long-continued fires. We furthermore are told that
cremation, especially of chiefs, was more or less common among
the Village Indians of North America, that similar usage was
observed among many of the tribes of Mexico, and that the Mayas,
of Yucatan, burnt the bodies of their lords, and built temples
over their remains. So it may be that the altar mounds are but
varieties of funeral mounds, the remains of the bodies burned
here being buried elsewhere.<23>
Illustration of Burial Mounds.-------------
The nations that celebrated their mysteries around these mounds
have long since departed; the altar fires long since burned low.
We are not sure that we understand their purport, but we are
certain they were regarded as of great importance, and we can
readily imagine that when the fires were lit on the altars,
gathering crowds stood round, and participated in the religious
observance, throwing into the fire their most valued ornaments,
in this manner paying their last respects to the departed chiefs
and great men of their tribe.
The true burial mounds are very numerous, an comprise by far the
larger number of mounds. They are to be found all over the Mound
Builders' territory, and are about the only class of remains
found in the prairie regions of the West. From the upper waters
of the Missouri and the great lakes on the north to the Gulf
States on the south, and from west of the Mississippi to the
Alleghenies of the East, in all this vast region they are the
prevailing class of remains, and occur by hundreds, and even
thousands, along the valleys. The mounds themselves are often
not very conspicuous; as a rule they are simply heaps of dirt
raised above the surface and rounded over, and from two or three
to fifteen or twenty feet high, although many are of much larger
size. They are seldom found on the lower, or recent river
terrace, but are common on the upper terrace, and are often
built upon the high bluffs bordering the streams, where a wide
stretch of country is exposed to view. Black-bird, an Omaha
chief, who died about the year 1800, desired to be buried on a
high bluff overlooking the Missouri, so that he might see the
boats passing up and down the river. Perhaps from a similar
superstitious wish the Mound Builders sometimes chose the sites
of their burial mounds where they could watch over their
country; or it may be that the monuments over the dead were
placed in such conspicuous positions that they might be readily
seen by the people.
The next cut represents an ordinary burial mound, which was
explored by tunneling in from one side. We notice there are no
different layers or stratifications in this case. In some cases,
at least, the building of such a mound occupied several years.
We can see where the dirt was thrown down in small quantities,
averaging about a peck, as if from a basket. In one case grass
had started to grow on the unfinished surface of the mound, to
be covered up by fresh dirt.<24>
Illustration of Burial Mounds.-------------------
In the majority of cases the mounds contain the remains of but
one individual, with various relics of a rude and barbarous
people. Where but one body was buried, the usual mode of
procedure seems to have been to first clear a space on the
surface of the ground; the body was then placed in the center of
this prepared place, and often a rude framework of timber was
placed around it, sometimes a stone chamber was built up.
Over this the mound was erected to the desired height.
This description would apply to nearly all of the many thousands
of burial mounds in the country.
In the cut a layer of charcoal is noticed near the top.
Nearly all mounds show evidence of the existence of fire during
some period of their construction. In some cases these fires
were fierce and long continued, as if the object had been to
cremate the body. It may have been a part of their religious
belief that it was necessary to keep fires blazing on the mound
for a short length of time to keep off evil spirits, or to
comfort the soul of the departed. Such at any rate was the
custom among some Indian tribes. We are told that among the
Iroquois, a "fire was built upon the grave at night to enable
the spirit to prepare its food."<25>
In some cases, many individuals were buried in the same mound.
These may be communal burials, such as we have already referred
to. Mounds of this kind have been examined near Nashville,
Tennessee. One mound alone was the burial place of over two
hundred persons. Pidgeon describes some triangular burial mounds
in Minnesota, differing in shape only from the ordinary circular
mounds that belong to this division. In general, burial mounds
are not very high, yet there are exceptions to this rule.
Illustration of Grave Creek Mound.-----------
This cut represents one of the largest of these mounds. It is
situated at the junction of Grave Creek and the Ohio River,
twelve miles below Wheeling, in West Virginia. It measures
seventy feet in height, and its base is nearly one thousand feet
in circumference. An excavation made from the top downward, and
from one side of the base to the center, disclosed the fact that
the mound contained two sepulchral chambers, one at the base and
one near the center of the mound. These chambers had been
constructed of logs, and covered with stone. The lower chamber
contained two skeletons, one of which is supposed to have been a
female. The upper chamber contained but one skeleton.
In addition to these, there were found a great number of shell
beads, ornaments of mica, and bracelets of copper.<26>
A moment's thought will show us what a great work such a mound
must have been for a people destitute of metallic tools and
domestic animals. The earth for its construction was probably
scraped up from the surface and brought thither in baskets.
A people capable of erecting such a monument as this, with only
such scanty means at their command, must have possessed those
qualities which would sooner or later have brought them
civilization.
Another very interesting mound of this class once stood in the
city of St. Louis. The rapidly growing city demanded its removal
in 1869. It was an oblong mound, one hundred and fifty feet long
by thirty in height. In its removal it was shown that it
contained a burial chamber seventy-five feet long, from eight to
twelve feet wide, and from eight to ten feet high, in which
about thirty burials had taken place. The surface of the ground
had first been leveled, then the walls raised to the desired
height, made firm and solid, and plastered with clay.
Timbers formed the roof, over which the mound had been raised to
the desired height.
Illustration of Cross-section St. Louis Mound.--------
In process of time the roof decayed and fell in, thus giving a
sunken appearance to the top of the mound. This view is a cross
section of the mound as it was revealed by the workmen.
We notice where the roof has fallen in, and the outline of the
interior chamber. This burial chamber was perhaps an exact model
of the cabins in which the people lived. Can it be that this
mound was the final resting place of some renowned chief, and
that the other bodies were those of his attendants sent to
accompany him to the other world? This is perhaps as reasonable
a conjecture as any. Certain it is that this tumulus and that at
Grave Creek were fit pyramids for the Pharaohs of the New World.
It is not to be supposed that the mounds were the sole
cemeteries of the people who built them. Like the barrows of
Europe, they were probably erected only over the bodies of the
chiefs and priests, the wise men, and warriors of the tribe.
The amount of work required for the erection of a mound was
too great to provide one for every person. The greater number of
the dead were deposited elsewhere than in mounds, but it is
doubtful whether we can always distinguish the prehistoric
burial places from those of the later Indians. An ancient
cemetery, discovered near Madisonville, Ohio, proved to be a
most interesting find, as it was thought to be a burial place of
the Mound Builders,<27> but it seems there is strong doubt on
this point. One writer thinks this was a cemetery of the Erie
tribe of Indians, and not very ancient in date.<28>
In Tennessee are to be found numerous burial places known as the
stone-grave cemeteries. Stone graves of a similar character are
found in Kentucky, Ohio, and Missouri. These are as yet but few
facts which can be used as indicating that all the stone graves
are of one people. Many of these cemeteries are of great
antiquity, while similar stone graves are of quite recent date.
In some places the cemeteries cover very large areas.
Illustration of Terraced Mound.-------------
We have now to describe a class of mounds that are always
regarded with great interest, as a number of our scholars think
they see in them the connecting link between the remains in this
country and those of Mexico and the South. These are generally
known as "temple mounds," from the common impression that they
were sites of temples or public buildings. In general terms,
mounds of this class are distinguished by their large size and
regularity of form, and they always have a flat or level top.
On one side there is generally a graded way leading up to the
summit, in some instances several such methods of approach.
Sometimes the sides of the mound are terraced off into
separate stages.<29>
We have already noticed that different sections of country are
distinguished by different classes of mound remains. In the
present State of Ohio are found many altar mounds and
inclosures. In the West are large numbers of burial mounds, but
the so-called temple mounds are most numerous in the South.
At one place in Wisconsin is found a low embankment inclosing
four low mounds with leveled tops. But the resemblance between
these and the regular temple mounds is certainly slight. Only a
few instances of these flat-topped mounds are found in Ohio.
Of these the still existing "elevated squares" at Marietta are
good examples.
Illustration of Elevated Square, Marietta.-----------
This cut represents the mound preserved in the park at Marietta.
It is ten feet high, one hundred and eighty-eight feet long, by
one hundred and thirty-two feet wide. The platform on the top
has an area of about half an acre. Graded ways lead up on each
of the four sides. These grades are twenty-five feet wide, and
sixty feet long.<30>
As we approach the Gulf States, these platform mounds increase
in number. The best representative of this class, the most
stupendous example of mound builders' work in this country, is
situated in Illinois, not far from St. Louis. The mound and its
surroundings are so interesting that they deserve special
mention. One of the most fertile sections of Illinois is that
extending along the Mississippi from the Kaskaskia to the
Cahokia river, about eighty miles in length, and five in
breadth. Well watered, and not often overflowed by the
Mississippi, it is such a fertile and valuable tract that it has
received the name of the "Great American Bottom." It is well
known that the Mound Builders chose the most fertile spots for
their settlements, and it is therefore not surprising to find
the evidence that this was a thickly settled portion of their
territory. Mr. Breckenridge, writing in 1811, says: "The great
number of mounds, and the astonishing quantity of human bones,
everywhere dug up or found on the surface of the ground, with a
thousand other appearances, announces that this valley was at
one time filled with habitations and villages. The whole face of
the bluff, or hill, which bounds it on the east, appears to have
been a continuous burying ground."<31>
Mounds are numerous in this section. We learn that there are two
groups of mounds or pyramids, one about ten miles above the
Cahokia, and the other about the same distance below it, more
than one hundred and fifty in all. Speaking of the group above
the Cahokia, Mr. Breckenridge says: "I found myself in the midst
of a group of mounds mostly of a circular shape, and, at a
distance, resembling enormous hay-stacks scattered through a
meadow. One of the largest which I ascended was about two
hundred paces in circumference at the bottom, the form nearly
square, though it had evidently undergone considerable
alteration from the washing of rains. The top was level, with an
area sufficient to contain several hundred men." He represents
the view from the top of the mound to be a very extensive and
beautiful one. From this elevation he counted forty-five mounds
or pyramids, besides a great number of small artificial
elevations. This group was arranged in the form of a semicircle,
about a mile in extent, the open space being on the river.
Illustration of Cahokia Mound.--------------------
Three miles above occurs the group in which is found the famous
big mound.<32> This cut gives us a good idea of the mound as it
was in its perfect state. All accounts given of this mound vary.
From a cut of the model, as prepared by Dr. Patrick, the area of
the base is a trifle over fifteen acres.<33> The ascent was
probably on the south side of the mound, where the little
projection is seen. The first platform is reached at the height
of about fifty feet. This platform has an area of not far from
two and four-fifth acres. Large enough for quite a number of
houses, if such was the purpose for which this mound was
erected. The second platform is reached at about the height of
seventy-five feet, and contains about one and three-fourth
acres. The third platform is elevated ninety-six or ninety-seven
feet, while the last one is not far from one hundred feet above
the plain. The area of the last two is about three-fourths of an
acre each. The areas of all the platforms are not far from six
acres. We require to dwell on these facts a moment before we
realize what a stupendous piece of work this is. The base is
larger than that of the Great Pyramid,<34> and we must not lose
sight of the fact that the earth for its construction was
scraped up and brought thither without the aid of metallic tools
or beasts of burden, and yet the earth was obtained somewhere
and piled up over an area of fifteen acres in one place to a
height of one hundred feet, and even the lowest platform is
fifty feet above the plain. Some have suggested that it might be
partly a natural elevation. There seems to be, however, no good
reason for such suggestions.
What motive induced the people to expend so much labor on this
mound? It is not probable that this was a burial mound, though
it may ultimately prove to be so. The most probable supposition
is that the mound was erected so as to secure an elevated site,
perhaps for purpose of defense, as on these platforms there was
abundant room for a large village, and an elevation or height
has always been an important factor in defenses. In this
connection, Prof. Putnam has called our attention to a fact
which indicates that a very long time was occupied in the
construction of the mound, and further, that a numerous
population had utilized its platforms as house sites--that is,
that "everywhere in the gullies, and over the broken surface of
the mounds, mixed with the earth of which it is composed, are
quantities of broken vessels of clay, flint chips, arrow-heads,
charcoal, bones of animals, etc., apparently the refuse of a
numerous people." The majority of writers, however, think that
this elevated site, obtained as the result of so much labor, was
utilized for important public buildings, presumedly the temple
of their gods, and no one can help noticing the similarity
between this structure and those raised by the ancient Mexicans
for both religious purposes and town sites.
Mr. Foster thinks that "upon this platform was reared a
capacious temple, within whose walls the high-priests gathered
from different quarters at stated seasons, celebrated their
mystic rites, while the swarming multitudes below looked up with
mute adoration.<35> Mr. Breckenridge, whose writings we have
already referred to, at the time of his first visit, "everywhere
observed a great number of small elevations of earth, to the
height of a few feet, at regular distances apart, which appeared
to observe some order: near them pieces of flint and fragments
of earthen vessels." From this he concludes that here was a
populous town, and that this mound was a temple site. It is
doubtful whether we shall ever pierce the veil that lies between
us and this aboriginal structure. The pyramids of the Old World
have yielded up their secret, and we behold in them the tombs of
Egypt's kings. But this earthen pyramid on the western prairie
is more involved in mystery, and we do not know even its
builders. If the result of religious zeal, we may be sure that a
religion which exacted from its votaries the erection of such a
stupendous piece of work was one of great power.
As before remarked, "temple mounds" increase in numbers and
importance as we go south. "In Kentucky they are more frequent
than in the States north of the Ohio River, and in Tennessee and
Mississippi they are still more abundant.<36> We also learn that
they are often surrounded, or nearly so, with moats or ditches,
as if to fortify their location. Our next cut illustrates such
an arrangement--a circular wall of earth four feet high and two
thousand three hundred feet in circumference, incloses four
mounds, two of which are temple mounds. According to the late
Prof. Forshey, temple mounds abound in Louisiana. He described a
group situated in Catahoola County, in which the principal
mound has a base of more than an acre, a height of forty-two
feet, and the upper platform an area of nearly one-third of an
acre. The smaller mounds are arranged around this larger one.
This group is defended by an embankment. From this point for a
distance of twenty miles along the river, are scattered similar
groups of mounds; in all cases the smaller ones arranged around
the larger one, which is presumably the site of a temple.
Illustration of Temple Mounds inclosed in a Circle.------
A digression right here may not be devoid of interest. We are
not sure but that the dim, uncertain light of history falls on
the origin of this group of mounds. When the French first
commenced their settlement in the lower Mississippi Valley, the
Natchez Indians was the most powerful tribe in all that section.
In the course of time, wars ensued between them and the French,
and in the year 1730 they fled into Upper Louisiana, and settled
at the place where these mounds are now found. But the French
followed them a year or so afterwards, and nearly exterminated.
them. Some of our scholars think that they erected these
mounds.<37> The historian of that epoch simply says they had
"built a fort there." It is however questioned whether they had
time to build works of such magnitude. But they were both a
mound-building and a mound-using people, and we are not prepared
to say how long it would take them to do the work, until we know
the number engaged, methods employed, and other
considerations.<38> If they did not build these works, they
doubtless cleared them of trees and utilized them; and this
place was therefore the scene of the final downfall of the
Natchez--a people we have every reason to regard as intimately
connected with the prehistoric mound-building tribes.
The largest temple mound in the South is near Seltzertown,
Mississippi. Its base covers about six acres, and it rises forty
feet. This slope was ascended by means of a graded way.
The summit platform has an extent of nearly four acres. On this
platform three other mounds had been reared--one at each end,
and a third in the center. Recent investigation by the Bureau of
Ethnology have shown that the base of this mound is a natural
formation. Lumps of sun-dried, or partially burnt clay, used as
plastering on the houses of the Mound Builders, gave rise to a
sensational account of a wall of sun-dried bricks two feet
thick, supporting the mound on the northern side.<39> The famous
Messier Mound, in Georgia, is said to reach a height of
ninety-five feet. But a large part of this elevation is a
natural eminence; the artificial part is only a little over
fifty feet.
Illustration of Etowah Mound, Georgia.-----------
A work of unusual interest occurs on the Etowah River, Georgia.
This cut gives us a plan of the work. We notice, first of all,
the moat or ditch by which they fortified their position.
The ditch is still from five to twenty-five feet deep, and from
twenty to seventy-five feet wide. It connects directly with the
river at one end, but stops short at the other. It surrounds
nearly fifty acres of land. At two points we notice reservoirs,
each about an acre in size, and an average depth of not less
than twenty feet. At its upper end is an artificial pond.
This ditch, with its reservoirs and pond, is no slight work.
The large mound seen in the center of the space is one of the
largest of the temple mounds. Its shape is sufficiently shown in
the cut. The height of the mound is sixty-five feet. We call
especial attention to the series of terraces leading up the
south side of the mound. Graded ways afford means of access from
one terrace to the other. A pathway is also seen on the
eastern side.
To this group of works an interest attaches similar to that of
the group of works mentioned in Louisiana. We are not certain
but that we catch a glimpse of it while it was yet an inhabited
Indian town. This is contained in the brief accounts we have of
the wanderings of the unfortunate De Soto and his command. One
of the chroniclers of this expedition La Vega, describes one of
the towns where the weary Spaniards rested, and which we are
sure was somewhere in Northern Georgia, in such terms,
mentioning the graded way leading to the top, that Prof. Thomas,
who has spent some time in this investigation, thinks his
description can apply only to the mound under consideration.<40>
Whether this conclusion will be allowed to stand, remains to be
seen. But, if true, then the darkness which rests upon this
aboriginal structure lifts for a moment and we see around it a
populous Indian town, able to send five hundred warriors to
battle. The Spaniards marched on to sufferings and death, and
darkness again closed around the Etowah Mound. When the
Europeans next beheld it around it was the silent wilderness;
the warriors had departed; the trees of the forest
overspread it.
We have now described the principal mound structures, and shown
the different classes into which they are divided. But a large
class of mounds are found scattered all through the Mound
Builders' territory that were probably used as signal mounds.
Burial mounds were also often used for this purpose.<41>
This was because their location was always very favorable for
signal purposes. Signaling by fire is a very ancient custom.
The Indians on our western plains convey intelligence by this
means at the present day. Some tribes use such materials as will
cause different shades of smoke, using dried grass for the
lightest, pine leaves for the darkest, and a mixture for
intermediate purposes. They also vary the signal by letting the
smoke rise in an unbroken column, or cover the fire with a
blanket, so as to cause puffs of smoke. The evidence gathered
from the position of the mounds, and traces of fire on their
summit, is that the Mound Builders had a very extensive system
of signal mounds.
Illustration of Hill Mounds.---------------
To illustrate this system, we would state that the city of
Newark, Ohio, was the site of a very extensive settlement of the
Mound Builders. This settlement was in a valley, but on all the
surrounding hills were located signal mounds. And it is further
stated that lines of signal mounds can be traced from here as a
center to other and more distant points. The large mound at Mt.
Vernon, twenty miles to the north, was part of this system.
As the settlements of the Mound Builders were mostly in river
valleys, we would expect to find all along on the bluffs
fronting these valleys traces of signal mounds. In the Scioto
Valley, from Columbus to Chillicothe, a distance of about forty
miles, twenty mounds "may be selected, so placed in respect to
each other that it is believed, if the country was cleared of
forests, signals of fire might be transmitted in a few minutes
along the whole line." Some think the chain is much more
extensive than this, and that the whole Scioto Valley, from
Delaware County to Portsmouth, was so provided with mounds
that signals could be sent in a very few minutes the
whole distance.<42>
Illustration of Miamisburg Mound.----------
The valley of the Miami River was equally well provided with
signal mounds. This great mound, at Miamisburg, Ohio, rising to
the height of sixty-eight feet, was one of the chain by which
signals were transmitted along the valley. Not only was each
river valley thus provided, but there is evidence that
communication was established between different river systems,
so we can easily see how quickly the invasion of their country
by an enemy from any quarter would become known in widely
scattered sections. Immediately across the river from
Chillicothe, Ohio, on a hill nearly six hundred feet high, was
located a signal mound. A fire built upon it would be visible
twenty miles up the valley, and an equal distance down. It would
be also visible far down the valley of Paint Creek. Some think
that such a system of lofty observatories extended across the
whole State of Ohio, of Indiana, and Illinois, the Grave Creek
mound, on the east, the great mound at Cahokia, on the west, and
the works in Ohio filling up the line. We do not believe,
however, it is safe to draw such conclusions. It is doubtful
whether there was any very close connection between the tribes
in these several sections.
In the State of Wisconsin are found some of the most interesting
remains of the Mound Builders. They are so different from the
ordinary remains found elsewhere that we must admit that the
people who built them differed greatly from the tribes who built
the great temple mounds of the South, or the earthworks of Ohio.
The remains in Wisconsin are distinguished not by their great
size or height, but by their singular forms. Here the mound
building instincts of the people were expressed by heaping up
the earth in the shape of animals. What strange fancy it was
that led them to mould the figures on the bluffy banks of the
rivers and the high lands about the lakes of their country, we
shall perhaps never know. That they had some design in this
matter is, of course, evident, and if we would try and learn
their secret, we must address ourselves to a study of
the remains.
Effigy mounds are almost exclusively confined to the State of
Wisconsin. We, indeed, find effigy mounds in other sections, but
they are of rare occurrence.<43> They, however, show that the
same reasons, religious, or otherwise, exists in other
localities, while in the area covered by the southern portion of
the State of Wisconsin it found its greatest expression.
This cut affords us a fair idea of effigy mounds. Here are seen
two animals, one behind the other. On paper we can readily see
the resemblance. Stretched out on the ground, and of gigantic
proportions, the resemblance is not so marked, and some might
fail to notice it at first sight. Either of those figures is
over one hundred feet long, and about fifteen feet wide.
With few exceptions, effigy mounds are inconsiderable in height,
varying from one to four feet. These mounds have been carefully
studied of late years, and there is no doubt that in many
instances we can distinguish the animals represented.
Illustration of Effigy Mounds.------------------
We learn, then, that tribes formerly living in Wisconsin had the
custom of heaping up the earth in the shape of the various
animals peculiar to that section. But no effigies are found of
animals that have since become extinct, or of animals that are
to be found only in other lands.
Our next cut represents the famous elephant mound of Wisconsin,
on the strength of which a number of fair theories have been
given relating to the knowledge of the mastodon by the builders
of the mound, and its consequent antiquity. It now bears some
resemblance to an elephant, but we learn that the trunk was
probably produced by the washing of the banks and, from the
same cause, a projection above the head, supposed to represent
horns, has disappeared. Taking these facts into consideration,
it is quite as likely that it represented a buffalo.<44>
One writer even thinks he found a representation of a camel, but
the fact is, the more these effigy mounds are studied, the more
certain are we that they are representations of animals formerly
common in that region.
Illustration of Elephant Mound and Emblematic Mounds.--------
The manner in which they represented the various animals is full
of interest to us. It has been discovered that they worked on a
system. The last cut represents a group of three animals
discovered a few miles from the Blue Mounds in Dane County.
We notice at once a difference between the central animal, with
a tail, and the other two. It will also be observed that the
animals are represented in profile, with only two projections
for legs. They are never separated so that we can distinguish
the two front and the two hind feet. Animals so figured are the
bear, fox, wolf, panther, and others. Grazing animals, such as
the buffalo, elk, and deer, are represented with a projection
for horns. In the last cut the other two animals are buffaloes.
In various ways the particular kind of animal can nearly always
be distinguished.<45>
Illustration of Grazing Elks. Fox in the distance.------
The preceding cut represents two elks grazing, and a fox in the
distance. The long embankments of earth at one side are
considered by Mr. Peet as in the nature of game drives. But we
call attention to the expressiveness with which these figures
are delineated. What could be more natural than the quietly
grazing elks, with the suspicious prowling fox in the distance.
In the cut we also see two cross-shaped figures. This was their
method of representing birds, a projection on each side of a
central body denoting wings. These figures are often
very expressive.
Illustration of Eagle Mound.-----------------------
In this cut we have no difficulty in recognizing an eagle. It is
represented as soaring high in the air. On the bluffs above it
is a wolf effigy, and several conical and long mounds. In the
cut preceding this the eagle and the hawk are hovering over the
feeding elks, while in this cut a flock of hawks are watching
some buffaloes feeding in the distance. This group of effigies
was found on the banks of the Kickapoo River.
Illustration of Hawks and Buffaloes.------------
Our next cut represents a wild goose with a long neck and beak
followed by a duck with a short neck, flying towards the lake.
Illustrations of Goose and Duck.-----------
Water-loving animals, such as salamanders and turtles, are
represented in still another way, two projections on each side
of a central figure. The next following cut represents a turtle.
The tail was not always added. The salamander closely resembles
the turtle, but notice the difference in the body, and still
different is the cut of the musk-rat (see later). Fishes are
figured as a straight embankment of earth tapering to a point.
Illustration of Turtle.----------------
The same system that was observed in the location of signal
mounds is to be noticed in the arrangements of these groups of
effigy mounds. They are not alone. One group answers to another
on a distant hill, or is in plain view of another group in the
valley below. Distant groups were so related, each commanding a
wide extent of country, and thus group answers to group, and
mound to mound, for miles away, making a complete system
throughout the region.
Illustration of Salamander and Musk-rat.---------
We notice this as to the location of the mounds. When we examine
the mounds themselves we observe no little skill in the way they
represent the animals. They often impressed on them something
more than mere animal resemblances. "There are groups where the
attitudes are expressive of a varied action. Certain animals,
like the weasel or mink, being seen with a bird so near that,
apparently, it might be caught by a single spring; and still
others, like the wolf or wild-cat, are arranged head to head, as
if prepared for combat; and still others, like the squirrel or
coon, are in the more playful attitudes, sometimes apparently
chasing one another over hill or valley; and again situated
alone, as if they had just leaped from some tree, or drawn
themselves out of some den or hole."<46>
Illustration Man-shaped Mound.-------------------
Nor is the effigy of the human form wanting. It is found in
several localities throughout the State. This cut shows us one
such effigy. This was the beginning of a long train of animal
mounds, presumably representing bears, found near the Blue
Mounds, Wisconsin.<47> We can not observe that any more
importance was ascribed to the effigy of a human being than to
that of an animal.
In casting about for suitable explanation for the erection of
these animal mounds, we find ourselves lost in conjecture as to
the motive which induced these people to prepare these earthen
effigies. We may be sure that it was for some other reason than
for amusement, or to give exercise to an artistic feeling.
Only in very few instances do we detect any arrangements which
would imply that they were in the nature of defenses. In some
cases the effigies are so arranged as to form a sort of
inclosure, some portion of the figure being prolonged to an
unusual extent and thus inclosing a space that may have been
utilized for a village site. This group on the Wisconsin River
illustrates this point. Here the area thus partially inclosed,
is about an acre. It is a singular fact that these inclosures
are almost always triangular in shape.<48> But it is manifest
that a simple earth wall would serve for defense much better
than these forms. They probably were not burial mounds, as few
contain human remains, and it is not yet certain that these
remains were not intrusive burials.<49> It seems, therefore that
they must have been in some manner connected with the religious
life of the people.
Illustration of Emblematic Mound Inclosure.--------
If we examine the various groups scattered throughout the State,
this belief is strengthened. It is found, for instance, in
nearly every group, that some one effigy is the principal one,
and is placed in a commanding position, about which the other
forms are arranged. It is also thought that the same effigy is
the principal or ruling effigy over a wide district.
In illustration of this, it can be stated that in the
south-eastern part of the State the turtle is always the ruling
effigy. In any group of effigies it is the principal one.
It seems to watch over and protect the others. In subordination
to it are such forms as the lizard, hawk, and pigeon. Passing to
the North, the turtle is no longer the important figure. It is
replaced by the wolf, or wild-cat. This is now the principal
form, and if the turtle is sometimes present, it is of
less importance.
So marked is the fact we have just stated that Mr. Peet says,
"that sometimes this division assumes almost the character of a
river system, and thus we might trace what seems to be the
beginning in this country of that which prevailed on classic
soil and in Oriental regions--namely, river gods and tutelar
divinities of certain regions, each tribal divinity having its
own province, over which it ruled and on which it left its own
form or figure as the seal of its power and the emblem of
its worship."<50>
Looking for some explanation of this, we may find a key in the
known customs of various Indian tribes, and the lower races of
men. It is known that a tribe of Indians is divided into smaller
bands, which are called gens or clans. A gens may consist of
several hundred persons, but it is the unit of organization.
It takes the place of a family among civilized people.
These various bands are generally named after some animal.
In the beginning these names may have been of no special
significance, but in course of time each band would come to
regard themselves as descendants of the animal whose name they
bore. Hence the animal itself would be considered sacred in
their eyes, and its life would seldom be taken by members of
that gens.
The animal thus honored by the gens was, in the Indian dialect,
the totem of the clan. This organization and custom we find
running all through the Indian tribes. In many tribes the
Indians were wont to carve a figure of their totem on a piece of
slate, or even to carve a stone in the shape of the totem, which
carved or sculptured stone they wore as an ornament, or carried
as a charm to ward off evil and bring them good luck.<51>
We need only suppose that this system was very fully developed
among the Mound Builders of Wisconsin, to see what important
bearing it has on these effigy mounds.
A tribe located on one of the fertile river valleys of Wisconsin
was composed of various gens or clans. On some common point in
proximity to their villages, or some spot which commanded a wide
view of the surrounding country, each gens would rear an effigy
of its totem, the animal sacred to them. In every tribe some
gens would be the most powerful, or for some cause the most
respected, and its totem would be given in the largest effigy,
and would be placed in the most commanding position. In a
different locality some other tribe would be located, and some
other totem would be regarded as of the most importance.
In this light effigy-mounds are not mere representatives of
animal forms. They are picture-writings on a gigantic scale, and
are the source of much true history. They tell us of different
tribes, the clans which composed them, the religious beliefs,
and the ruling gens of the tribe. Contemplating them, we seem to
live again in the far-off past. The white man disappears; waving
forests claim their ancient domain, and the rivers, with a more
powerful current, roll in their olden channels. The animals
whose forms are imaged here, go trooping through the forest or
over the fertile bottom lands. The busy scenes of civilization
give place to the placid quiet of primeval times, and we seem to
see peaceful tribes of Mound Builders paying a rude veneration
to their effigy-gods, where now are churches of a more
soul-satisfying religion.
But there is still another point to be learned from an
examination of these ancient mounds. Not only are they totems of
the tribes, but they were looked on in some sense as being
guardian divinities, with power to protect the homes of the
tribe. This is learned by studying the location in which they
are placed. They occupy all points of observation. In other
parts of the Mound Builders' country, wherever we find
signal-mounds we find corresponding positions in Wisconsin
occupied by groups of effigy-mounds, or if one only is present,
it is always the one which, from the considerations we have
stated, was regarded as the ruling effigy of that section. It is
as if their builders placed them as sentinels to guard the
approaches to their homes, to give warning of the arrival of
hostile bands. This is further borne out by finding that mounds
placed in such positions frequently show evidence of the action
of intense fire, and so we conclude they were used as signal
stations also. So we need not doubt but that the region thus
watched over by these effigy-mounds, group answering to group
along the river banks, or in the valleys below, was at times lit
up by the signal fires at night; or the warning column of smoke
by day betokening the presence of dancer.<52>
Illustration of Bird Mound, surrounded by a Stone Circle.---
Before leaving the subject of effigy-mounds, we must refer to
some instances of their presence in other localities. This cut
is an eagle effigy discovered in Georgia. Only one other
instance, also occurring in Georgia, is known of effigy-mounds
in the South. Measured from tip to tip of the wings, the bird,
in this case, is one hundred and thirty-two feet. This structure
is composed of stones, and a singular feature is the surrounding
circle of stone.<53>
Illustration of Big Serpent Mound.-------------------
Several examples of effigy-mounds are found in Ohio. The most
notable one is that known as the Great Serpent Mound, in Adanis
County. We give an illustration of it. The entire surrounding
country is hilly. The effigy itself is situated on a tongue of
land formed by the junction of a ravine with the main branch of
Brush Creek, and rising to a height of about one hundred feet
above the creek. Its form is irregular on its surface, being
crescent-shaped, with the point resting to the north-west.
We give in a note some of the dimensions. The figure we give of
this important effigy is different from any heretofore
presented. We are indebted for the plan from which the drawing
was made to Rev. J. P. MacLean, of Hamilton, Ohio. Mr. MacLean
is a well-known writer on these topics. During the Summer of
1884, while in the employ of the Bureau of Ethnology, he visited
the place, taking with him a thoroughly competent surveyor, and
made a very careful plan of the work for the Bureau. All the
other figures published represent the oval as the end of the
works. Prof. Putnam, who visited the locality in 1883, noticed,
between the oval figure and the edge of the ledge, a slightly
raised, circular ridge of earth, from either side of which a
curved ridge extended towards the sides of the oval figure.
Mr. MacLean's researches and measurements have shown that the
ridges last spoken of are but part of what is either a distinct
figure or a very important portion of the original figure.
As figured, it certainly bears a very close resemblance to a
frog, and such Mr. MacLean concludes it to be.
There is both a similarity and a difference between this work
and those of Wisconsin. The fact that it occurs isolated, the
other effigies in Ohio being many miles away, shows that some
special purpose must have been subserved by it. There the great
numbers gave us a hint as to their purpose. In this case,
however, nearly all observers conclude that it was a religious
work. Mr. MacLean, after describing these three figures,
propounds this query: "Does the frog represent the creative, the
egg the passive, and the serpent the destructive power of
nature?" Not a few writers, though not acquainted with the
presence of the frog-shaped figure, have been struck with the
combination of the egg and the serpent, that plays such an
important part in the mythology of the Old World. We are told
that the serpent, separate or in combination with the circle,
egg, or globe, has been a predominant symbol among many
primitive nations. "It prevailed in Egypt, Greece, and Assyria,
and entered widely into the superstitions of the Celts, the
Hindoos, and the Chinese." "Wherever native religions have had
their scope, this symbol is sure to appear."<54>
Even the Indians have made use of this symbol. On Big Medicine
Butte, in Dakota Territory, near Pierre, is a train of stones
arranged in the form of a serpent, which is probably the work of
the Sioux Indians. Around about on the hill is the
burying-ground of their chiefs. This was to them sacred ground,
and no whites were allowed near. The stones are about the size
of a man's head, and are laid in two rows, from one to six feet
apart. The length in all is three hundred and fifty feet, and at
the tail, stones, to represent rattles, are rudely carved.
The eyes are formed by two big red bowlders. No grass was
allowed to grow between the two rows of stone.<55>
It seems reasonable to suppose that the few isolated effigy
mounds we have outside of Wisconsin were built to subserve a
different purpose than those in that State. Mr. Peet has made
some remarks on their probable use that seem to us to cover the
ground, and to do away with any necessity of supposing on the
part of its builders an acquaintance with Old World mythologies.
Nature worship is one of the earliest forms of worship.
The prominent features of a landscape would be regarded as
objects of worship. Thus, for example, the island of Mackinac
resembles in its outline the shape of a turtle; so the island
was regarded as sacred to the turtle, and offerings were made to
it. A bluff on the same island at a distance resembles a rabbit;
accordingly, it was called by that name, and offerings were made
to it. It is quite natural that the effigy-mound builders should
seek to perpetuate by effigy some of these early traditions.
In the case of the Big Serpent mound this point is worth
considering. The ridge on which it stands is not only in the
midst of a wild, rough region, but is so situated that it
commands a wide extent of country. In shape this tongue of land
is also peculiar. It is a narrow, projecting headland, and would
easily suggest the idea of a serpent or a lizard. "This, with
the inaccessibility of the spot, would produce a peculiar
feeling of awe, as if it were a great Manitou which resided
there; and so a sentiment of wonder and worship would gather
around the locality. This would naturally give rise to a
tradition, or would lead the people to revive some familiar
tradition and localize it."<56> The final step would be to make
an effigy.
It seems to us very hazardous to draw any conclusions as to the
religious beliefs of the Mound Builders from this effigy, or
combinations of effigies. It also seems to us reasonable to
suppose that but one figure was intended to be represented.
A very slight prolongation of the serpent's jaws and the limbs
of the frog would connect them, in which case we would have some
amphibious creature with an unduly extended tail, or perhaps a
lizard. We must remember that the whole figure has been plowed
over once or twice, so that we are not sure of the original
outlines. We can not tell why they should represent a portion of
the body as hollow, but neither can we tell why the head of the
supposed serpent should be represented as hollow. We do not find
any important earth-works near here. The hill on which it is
placed commands a very extensive view of the surrounding
country. Within the oval a pile of stones showed evidence of a
long-continued fire, which would indicate that this was also a
signal-mound. Prof. Putnam thinks it probable that there was a
burial place between it and the large conical mound not
far away.<57>
In the vicinity of Newark, Ohio, are two examples of effigy
mounds. This cut represents what is called the alligator mound,
but it is probably the effigy of a lizard. The position which
this mound occupies is significant. It is on the very brow of a
hill about two hundred feet high, which projects out into a
beautiful valley. The valley is not very wide. Directly across
was a fortified camp, in the valley below it was a circular
work, and a short distance below on another projecting headland
was a strongly fortified hill. The great works at Newark were
six miles down the valley, but were probably in plain view.
That it was perhaps a signal station, is shown by the presence
of traces of fire.
Illustration of Alligator Mound.------------
The length of this effigy is two hundred and five feet, the
breadth of the body at its widest part, twenty feet, average
height about four feet.<58> The effigy mounds of Wisconsin, and
the other few examples mentioned, are among the most interesting
objects of aboriginal work. Except in a few favored instances,
they are rapidly disappearing. To the leveling influence of time
is added the assistance of man, and our knowledge of them will
soon be confined to existing descriptions, unless something is
at once done to preserve them from destruction.
Interesting mementos of a vanished race, we turn from their
contemplation with a sigh of regret that, in spite of our
efforts, they are still so enwrapped in doubt.
Mounds and effigies by no means complete the description of
Mound Builders' remains. One of the most interesting and
mysterious class of works is now to be described.
Early travelers in Ohio came here and there upon embankments,
which were found to inclose tracts of land of various sizes.
It was noticed that the embankments were often of the form of
perfect circles, or squares, or sometimes octagons, and very
often combinations of these figures. It was further evident that
the builders sought level, fertile lands, along the various
river courses. They very seldom built them on undulating or
broken ground. Often have the very places where civilized man
has laid the foundation of his towns proved to be the sites of
these ancient works of the Mound Builders, and thus it has
happened that many of the most interesting works of antiquity
have been ruthlessly removed to make way for the crowded streets
and busy marts of our own times.
The larger number of inclosures are circular, often of a small
size. Where they occur separately they either have no gateway,
or but one. Sometimes the circles are of very large size,
surrounding many acres. Sometimes, though not very often, a
ditch was also dug inside the embankment. This last circumstance
is by many regarded as a strong proof that the primary object of
these circles was not for defense.<59> But an inclosure of this
kind, even with the ditch on the inside, if surmounted by a row
of pickets or palisades, would prove a strong position against
Indian foes armed with bow and arrow. The Mandans constructed
defenses of this kind around their villages.<60> As to the
original height of the walls, in the majority of cases it was
not very great, generally from three to seven feet.
It is estimated that in Ohio alone there are fifteen hundred
inclosures, but a large number of them have nothing especially
worthy of mention. Some, however, are on such a large scale that
they call from all more than a passing glance. In contemplating
them, we feel ourselves confronted by a mystery that we can not
explain. The ruins of the old world excite in us the liveliest
feeling of interest, but we know their object, their builders,
and their probable antiquity. The mazy ruins at Newark, and
other places in Ohio, also fill the mind with astonishment, but
in this case we are not certain of their antiquity, their
builders are unknown, and we can not conjecture with any degree
of certainty as to their use. Before so many uncertainties
imagination runs riot, and we are inclined to picture to
ourselves a scene of barbaric power and magnificence.
Illustration of High Bank Works.-------------------
One beautiful specimen of this work is found in this cut.
It occurs on the right bank of the Scioto river, five miles
below Chillicothe. Here we notice a combination of the octagon
and the circle. The areas of each are marked. The octagon is
nine hundred and fifty feet in diameter. and nearly regular in
shape. In 1846 its walls were eleven or twelve feet high, by
about fifty feet base. It will be noticed that there is a gate
at or near each angle of the octagon except one, and in front of
that angle was a pit, from which some of the earth to form the
walls was taken. Facing each gateway a mound was placed, as if
to guard the entrance.
The circle connected with the octagon is perfect in shape, and
is ten hundred and fifty feet in diameter. Its walls were only
about half the height of the octagon. We notice some other small
circular works in connection with the main work. In this case
the parallels are not very regular, and seem to be connected
with one or more circular works. In a work situated but a few
miles from the one here portrayed, the parallels extend in one
direction nearly half a mile, only one hundred and fifty feet
apart. They terminate on the edge of a terrace. The object of
such parallels is as yet unknown. In some cases, after extending
some distance, they simply inclosed a mound.
It is easy enough to describe this work and give its dimensions,
but who will tell us the object its builders had in mind?
The walls themselves would afford but slight protection and if
they were for defense, must have been surmounted with palisades.
Works that were undoubtedly in the nature of fortified camps,
are found in this same section, and one of the strongest was
located not more than twelve miles away; but such defensive
works differ very greatly in design from regular structures such
as we are now describing. A very eminent scholar, Mr. Morgan,
has advanced the theory that the walls were the foundations on
which communal houses, like the Pueblos of the West, were
erected.<61> But this is mere theory. All traces of such
habitations (if they ever existed) are gone, the usual
debris which would be sure to accumulate around
house-sites, is wanting, and the walls themselves seem unfit for
such purpose.<62>
They may have been embankments surrounding towns and cultivated
fields, but little has yet been found which can be cited as
proofs of residence within the area so inclosed. We should not
be surprised, however, if such would ultimately prove to be the
case, since we now know that the Mound Builders of Tennessee did
fortify their villages by means of embankments and ditches.<63>
A number of writers think that these regular inclosures were in
some way connected with the superstitions of the people.
In other words, that they were religious in character.
Mr. Squier remarks, "We have reason to believe that the
religious system of the Mound Builders, like that of the Aztecs,
exercised among them a great, if not a controlling, influence.
Their government may have been, for aught we know, a government
of the priesthood--one in which the priestly and civil functions
were jointly exercised, and one sufficiently powerful to have
secured in the Mississippi Valley, as it did in Mexico, the
erection of many of those vast monuments, which for ages will
continue to challenge the wonder of men. There may have been
certain superstitious ceremonies, having no connection with the
purpose of the mound, carried on in inclosures especially
dedicated to them."<64> Another late writer to whom we have
several times referred, tells us there is no doubt but what a
"religious view" was the controlling influence in the erection
of these works, and that they express a "complicated system of
symbolism," that we see in them evidence, of a most powerful and
wonderful religious system.<65> Still such assertions are easier
made than proven, and until we know somewhat the purpose for
which they were used, how are we to know whether they were
sacred or not?
Casting conjectures, for the moment, aside, let us learn what we
can from the works themselves. From their large extent they
could only be reared by the expenditure of great labor.
This implies some form of government sufficiently centralized
and powerful to control the labors of large bodies of men.
Moreover, they were sufficiently advanced to have some standard
of measurement and some way of measuring angles. The circle, it
will be remembered, is a true circle, and of a dimension
requiring considerable skill to lay out. The sides of the
octagon are equal, and the alternate angles coincident.
Every year the plow sinks deeper into these crumbling
embankments, and the leveling forces of cultivation are
continually at work, and the time is not far distant when the
curious traveler will with difficulty trace the ruins of what
was once, to the Mound Builders, a place of great importance.
Illustration of Square and Circle Embankment.-----------
The more usual combination was that of a square and a circle. An
example is given in this cut, which is a plan on a very small
scale, of works which formerly existed in Circleville.
One peculiar feature about this work was that a double wall
formed the circle, with a ditch between the two walls. In the
next cut we notice a peculiar combination of these two figures.
The square is inclosed within the circle. Whatever we may
ultimately decide as to the larger works, it would seem as if
this could only be explained as in the nature of a religious
work. We can see no reason for constructing a defensive work, or
inclosing a village, or erecting foundations for houses of such
a shape as this. They must have been in some way connected with
the superstitions of the people.
Illustration of Square inscribed in a Circle.--------
A peculiar feature is also noticed in reference to some of the
smaller circles in this section. The cut below illustrates it.
The circle has a ditch interior to the embankment, and also a
broad embankment of about the same height with the outer wall,
interior to the ditch, running about half-way around the circle.
A short distance from the circle was one of those elevated
squares, one hundred and twenty feet square at the base, and
nine feet high.<66> It may be that this square was the
foundation on which stood a temple, in which case the circle
might have been dedicated to religious purposes also.
Illustration of Circle and Ditch.------------
The great geometrical inclosures are especially numerous in the
Scioto Valley. All the works we have described were in the near
neighborhood of Chillicothe, and works as important as these are
scattered all up and down the valley. We must also recall how
well provided this valley was with signal mounds. All
indications point to the fact that here was the location of a
numerous people, ready to defend their homes whenever the
warning fires were lit. Although Mound Builders' works are
numerous in the valley of the two Miami Rivers, Cincinnati being
the site of an extensive settlement, yet they were not such
massive structures as those in the Scioto. This would seem to
indicate that these valleys were the seats of separate
tribes.<67> But this Eastern tribe must have occupied an
extensive territory, since works of the most complicated kind
are found at Newark.
All indications point to the fact that near this latter place
was a very important settlement of the Mound Builders.
Several fortified works exist a few miles up the valley;
signal-mounds are to be seen on all heights, commanding a wide
view, and the famous alligator mound is placed, as if with the
design of guarding the entrance to the valley. No verbal
description will give an idea of the works, so we refer at once
to the plan. This will give us a good idea of the works as they
were when the first white settlers gazed upon them. They have
nearly all been swept away by modern improvements, excepting the
two circular works and the octagon. Here and there fragments of
the other works can still be traced.
Illustration of Mound Builders' Works, Newark, Ohio.-------
Two forks of the Licking River unite near Newark; the bottom
between these rivers comprising several square miles, was
occupied by these ancient earth-works. By reference to the plan,
we see the works consisted of mounds of various sizes, parallel
walls, generally of a low elevation, small and low embankments,
in the form of small circles and half-circles. There are also
several large works consisting of a circle and octagon combined,
one large circle, and a parallelogram. "The circular structure
at 'E,' is undoubtedly one of the best preserved and most
imposing in the State. There are many inclosing larger areas,
but none more clearly defined. As this is now included in the
fair-grounds of Licking County, it is preserved from
destruction, and will remain a monument of aboriginal work long
after all traces of the others have disappeared. "At the
entrance, which is towards the east, the ends of the walls curve
outwards for a distance of a hundred feet, leaving a passage way
eighty feet wide between the deep ditches on either hand."
From this point the work, even now presents an impressive
appearance. The walls are twelve feet in perpendicular height,
and about fifty feet base. There is a ditch close around it on
the inside, seven feet deep by thirty-five feet wide. The area
inclosed is about thirty acres.
Illustration of Eagle Mound.--------------------
In the center is an effigy-mound, represented by this cut.
It represents a bird on the wing, and is called the Eagle Mound.
The long mound in the body of the bird has been opened, and it
was found to contain an altar, such as has been already
described. Was this a place of sacrifice, and did this wall
inclose a sacred area? Our question remains unanswered. We can
dig in the mounds, and wander over the embankments, but the
secret of the builders eludes us.
A mile to the north-west of the part of the work just described
are the Octagon and works in connection with it. The Octagon is
not quite regular, but the sides are very nearly equal. At each
angle is a gateway, interior and opposite to which is a mound,
as if to guard the opening. The cut gives a view of the Octagon,
looking in through one of these gateways. At present, however,
but a small portion is in the forest. Most of it is under
cultivation, but the work can still be easily traced, and is one
of the best preserved in the State. A portion of it, still in
the forest, presents the same appearance to-day as it did to the
first explorer. When a stranger for the first time wanders along
the embankment and ascends the mounds, he can not fail to
experience sensations akin to those of the traveler when he
comes upon the ruins of some Old World city. We wish that for a
brief space of time the curtain of the past would up-roll, and
let us view these works while yet their builders
flourished here.
Illustration of Gateway of Octagon.--------------
Connected with the Octagon by parallel walls three hundred feet
long and placed sixty feet apart, is the smaller circle, "F."
This is a true circle, and is upwards of half a mile in
circumference. A portion of it lying in the woods, still retains
its primitive form, but the larger part is now under
cultivation. There is no difficulty, however, in tracing its
entire length. The most interesting feature in connection with
this part of the work is immediately opposite the point of
entrance from the octagon, and is represented in our next cut.
At this point it seems as if the builders had started to make
parallel walls, but afterwards changed their design and threw
across the opening a large mound. From this mound a view of the
entire embankment could be obtained. It is called the
Observatory Mound. It has been so often dug into that it is now
really in ruins, but is still too steep to be plowed over.
Illustration of Observatory Mound, Newark Works.--------
It is scarcely necessary to describe the works further, except
to state that three lines of parallel embankments lead away from
the octagon. Those extending south have been traced for upwards
of two miles, and are gradually lost in the plain. It was the
opinion of Mr. Atwater, one of the earliest investigators, that
these lines connected with other works thirty miles away, in the
vicinity of Lancaster.<68> Small circles are numerous in
connection with these works. It has been suggested by several
that they mark the sites of circular dwellings. The larger ones,
indicated by the letter "G," are more pretentious. They have the
ditch and embankment, which we have already described.
Many interesting coincidents in dimensions will be perceived
between portions of this work and those described in the
Scioto valley.<69>
Although we have devoted considerable space to this branch of
the Mound Builders' work, we must still find space to describe
the works at Marietta, which possessed some singular features.
This cut gives us a correct plan of the works as they were when
in 1788 the first settlers arrived at the mouth of the Muskingum
to lay out their town. The growth of the beautiful town of
Marietta has completely destroyed these works, except the
elevated squares, A and B, the large mound and inclosing circle
at X, with a portion of the adjoining embankments, and a small
fragment of the parallel walls forming what has been called the
"Graded Way." The elevated squares are the finest examples of
"temple" mounds remaining in the Ohio Valley. The circle and
ditch with the conical mound inclosed is also a fine example of
that class of works. From the summit of the mound an extensive
view is to be had both up and down the Ohio.
Illustration of Works at Marietta, Ohio.-------------
The gateways of the smaller square were guarded by mounds, which
were wanting in the larger one. We would call especial attention
to the two embankments which led from the larger square towards
the river. They were six hundred and eighty feet long, and one
hundred and fifty feet apart.<70> Some have supposed these walls
were designed to furnish a covered way to the river. But as
Mr. Squier remarks, we would hardly expect the people to go to
the trouble of making such a wide avenue for this purpose, nor
one with such a regular grade. Besides, the walls did not reach
the river. The work seems to be simply a passage way, leading
from one terrace to the other, but why the builders should have
made such a massive work, we can not explain. It has been called
the "Sacred Way," and this name may possibly be applicable, but
it is only conjectural. Some twenty years ago these two massive
and beautiful embankments were still preserved, thanks to the
care of the early settlers, who planned a street to pass between
them, which was named the Via Sacra. These words still
remain on a corner signboard; but alas for sentiment! the banks,
so long revered, have been utilized for brick-working.
Illustration of Graded Way, Piketon, Ohio.------------
Several instances of these graded streets or ways have been
found in connection with the Mound Builders' works.
Sometimes they lead from one terrace to another, sometimes
directly to the water. One of the latter kind formerly existed
near Piqua, Ohio.<71> This cut is a view of a graded way near
Piketon, Ohio. In this case, though the difference in level
between the second and third terrace is but seventeen feet,
these ancient people laid out a graded ascent some ten hundred
and eighty feet long, by two hundred and ten feet average width.
The earth was thrown out on either side, forming embankments.
From the left hand embankments, passing up to the third terrace,
there could formerly be traced a low embankment running for
fifteen hundred feet, and connected with mounds and other walls
at its extremity.
Some have supposed that formerly the river flowed at the
extremity of this graded way, and a passage way to the water was
thus furnished. Squier says, in this connection: "It is
sufficient to observe that the river now flows half a mile to
the left, and that two terraces, each twenty feet in height,
intervene between the present and the supposed ancient level of
the stream. To assent to this suggestion, would be to admit an
almost immeasurable antiquity to the structure under
consideration." The casual observer would say that it was
intended to afford an ascent from one terrace to the other.
But as the height was only seventeen feet, we can not see why it
was so necessary to have a long passage way of easy grade from
one terrace to the other. It was evidently built in connection
with the obliterated works on the third terrace.
This interesting remain is now utilized as a turnpike, and the
passing traveler but little recks he is going over one of the
most ancient causeways in the land. It may be that ceremonious
processions, with stately tread, utilized this causeway in years
long since elapsed. Speculation, always an unsafe guide to
follow, is especially so in this case, and so we leave this
memento of a vanished people as much an enigma to us as to its
first explorers.
We have described but a few of the sacred inclosures of Ohio,
but enough have been given to give us a fair idea of all.
We wish now to call attention to another class of remains.
We have seen how the works we have been describing are lacking
in defensive qualities. This becomes more marked, when we learn
there are works, beyond a doubt, defensive in character, in
which advantage is taken of all circumstances which would render
the chosen retreat more secure. In the first place, strong
natural positions were selected. They chose for their purpose
bluffy headlands leading out into the river plain. A people
surrounded by enemies, or pressed by invaders, would naturally
turn their attention to such heights as places susceptible of
defense. Accordingly, it does not surprise us to find many
heights occupied by strong and complicated works. Generally the
approaches to them were rugged and steep on all but one or two
sides, and there they are guarded by walls of earth or stone.
A fine example of a fortified hill was discovered in Butler
County, Ohio, a few miles below the town of Hamilton. This hill
is the highest one in the immediate vicinity. By reference to
the figure, we see that on all sides, except towards the north,
the approach was steep and precipitous, almost inaccessible.
Illustration of Fortified Hill, Hamilton, Ohio.--------
The wall is not of regular shape. It runs around on the very
brow of the hill, except in one or two places, where it cuts
across a ridge. In 1843 this wall was still about five feet high
and thirty-five feet base. The earth and stone of which the wall
is made were evidently gathered up from the surface of the hill.
In some places holes had been excavated, probably for the double
purpose of securing materials for the wall, and providing
reservoirs for water against a time of need. There are but four
openings in the wall, and each is very carefully guarded.
The complicated walls guarding the main entrance to the north
are especially noticeable. There are no less than four inner
walls besides the crescent shaped embankment on the outside.
The signal mound was about five hundred feet to the north of the
main opening. The stones on the surface of the mound all show
the action of fire.
If we were uncertain of the uses of the other class of
inclosures, which have been named Sacred Inclosures, we have no
need to hesitate as to the character of this work. Every thing
in reference to it betokens that it was a defensive work.
The valley of the Big Miami, in which it occurs, was a favorite
resort of the Mound Builders. On the opposite side of the river,
to the south, was a square and an ellipse combined, and several
other large works were ranged along the river in the course of a
few miles. We need scarcely doubt that this was a citadel in
times of need, and that when warning columns of smoke or flaming
fires showed the approach of an enemy, the old and the sick, the
women and the children, fled hither for protection, while the
warriors went forth to battle for their homes.
We will call attention to but one more of these fortified hills,
but this is on a magnificent scale. It is known as Fort Ancient,
and is situated on the Little Miami River, about forty miles
east of Cincinnati. It was not only a fort, but was also a
fortified village site, and has some features about it which are
regarded as of a religious nature. The hill on which it stands
is in most places very steep towards the river. A ravine starts
from near the upper end on the eastern side, gradually deepening
towards the south, and finally turns abruptly towards the west
to the river. By this means nearly the whole work occupies the
summit of a detached hill, having in most places very steep
sides. To this naturally strong position fortifications were
added, consisting of an embankment of earth of unusual height,
which follows close around the very brow of the hill. This
embankment is still in a fine state of preservation, but is now
annually exposed to cultivation and the inroads of cattle, so
that it will not be long before it will be greatly changed if no
effort be made to preserve it.
Illustration of Fort Ancient, Little Miami River.-------
This wall is, of course, the highest in just those places where
the sides of the hill are less steep than usual. In some places
it still has a height of twenty feet. We notice the wall has
numerous breaks in it. Some of these are where it crosses the
ravines, leading down the sides of the hill. In a few cases the
embankment may still be traced to within a few feet of a
rivulet. Considerable discussion has ensued as to the origin and
use of these numerous gateways. Mr. Squier thinks that these
openings were occupied by timber work in the nature of
blockhouses which have long since decayed. Others, however,
think that the wall was originally entire except in a few
instances, and that the breaks now apparent were formed by
natural causes, such as water gathering in pools, and musk-rats
burrowing through the walls, and we are told that such an
opening was seen forming in the year 1847.<72> No regular ditch
exists inside the wall, the material apparently being obtained
from numerous dug holes.
It will be seen that the works could be naturally divided into
two parts, connected by the isthmus. More than one observer has
pointed out the resemblance in general outline of this work to a
map of North and South America, but of course the resemblance,
if any, is entirely accidental. Mr. Peet has called attention to
the resemblance which the walls of the lower inclosure bear to
two serpents, their heads being the mounds, which are separated
from the body by the opening which resembles a ring around the
neck. Their bodies are the walls, which, as they bend in and
out, and rise and fall, much resembles, he thinks, two massive
green serpents rolling along the summit of this high hill.
If any such resemblance occurs, we think it purely accidental.
In relation to the wall across the isthmus, it has been thought
to have been the means of defending one part of the work should
an enemy gain entrance to the other. It has also been supposed
that at first the fort was only built to the cross wall on the
isthmus, and afterwards the rest of the inclosure was added to
the work.
The total length of the embankment is about five miles, the area
enclosed about one hundred acres. For most of this distance the
grading of the walls resembles the heavy grading of a railroad
track. Only one who has personally examined the walls can
realize the amount of labor they represent for a people
destitute of metallic tools, beasts of burden, and other
facilities to construct it.
Now, what was the object of this work? We think it was not
simply a fort, but rather a fortified village. That it must have
required the work of a numerous body of people, is undoubted,
and if they lived elsewhere, where are the works denoting such a
fact? We would further suggest that, if this was the seat of a
tribe, each of the two divisions might have been the location of
a phratry of the tribe, by a phratry, meaning the subdivision of
a tribe. We would call especial attention to the two mounds seen
just outside of the walls at the upper end. From these mounds
two low parallel walls extended in a north-easterly direction
some thirteen hundred and fifty feet, their distant ends joining
around a small mound. As this mound was not well situated for
signal purposes, inasmuch as it did not command a very extensive
view, and as the embankments would afford very little
protection, unless provided with palisades, it seems as if the
most satisfactory explanation we have is that it was in the
nature of a religious work.
Mr. Hosea thinks he has found satisfactory evidence that between
these walls there was a paved street, as he discovered in one
place, about two feet below the present surface, a pavement of
flat stones.<73> From this, as a hint, he eloquently says:
"Imagination was not slow to conjure up the scene which was once
doubtless familiar to the dwellers at Fort Ancient. A train of
worshipers, led by priests clad in their sacred robes, and
bearing aloft the holy utensils, pass in the early morning, ere
yet the mists have risen in the valley below, along the gently
swelling ridge on which the ancient roadway lies. They near the
mound, and a solemn stillness succeeds their chanting songs; the
priests ascend the hill of sacrifice and prepare the sacred
fire. Now the first beams of the rising sun shoot up athwart the
ruddy sky, gilding the topmost boughs of the trees. The holy
flame is kindled, a curling wreath of smoke arises to greet the
coming god; the tremulous bush which was upon all nature breaks
into vocal joy, and songs of gladness bursts from the throats of
the waiting multitude as the glorious luminary arises in majesty
and beams upon his adoring people. A promise of renewed life and
happiness. Vain promise, since even his rays can not penetrate
the utter darkness which for ages has settled over this people."
Thus imagination suggests, and enthusiasm paints a scene, but,
from positive knowledge, we can neither affirm nor deny
its truth.
Most of the works of the Mound Builders are noticeable for their
solidity and massiveness. We see this illustrated in the great
walls of Fort Ancient. Some of our scholars think this is a
distinguishing feature of the Mound Builders' work.<74> It seems
to us that it is difficult to make this a distinguishing
feature, as we have no means of knowing how much "massiveness"
is required in a work to entitle it to be considered a work of
the Mound Builders. Should this distinction be established,
however, we have to notice that while in the western part of the
State of Ohio the Mound Builders' inclosures are more often of
the defensive sort, the type changes to the eastward, where, as
in the Scioto Valley, we find the so-called sacred inclosures in
larger numbers. In the State of Ohio, then, there were at least
two well defined types of works by the Mound Builders. But if we
split the Mound Builders up into tribes, where shall we draw the
line between them and our later Indians?
Illustration of Fortified Headland, Northern Ohio.------
Illustration of Inclosures, Northern Ohio.--------
Scattered through Ohio, but especially abundant in the northern
part of the State, is a class of works which has excited
considerable comment. This cut illustrates a work of this kind.
It was located near where Cleveland now stands. The defense
consists mainly in the location. The wall seems to have been
rather of a secondary affair. The hill was too steep to admit
approach to it except from the rear, where the double wall was
placed. With both of these works a ditch was dug outside the
wall. These works did not always consist simply of fortified
headlands. This cut is of a portion of the works formerly
existing near Norwalk, Ohio. The circular work, D, is shaped
much like the sacred inclosures, though not on so large a scale.
In the larger work, at B, we notice a truncated mound. The ditch
is on the outside of the circles. This cut is of a work formerly
on the banks of the Black River. Here we have a square
inclosure, defended by two embankments and a ditch.
Illustration of Square Inclosure, Northern Ohio.-------
This class of works was formerly common not only in Ohio and Western New York, but they were also to be observed in other sections of the country. They existed alike in the valley of the two Miami Rivers, and in that of the Scioto. They were also found throughout the South. Even Wisconsin, the home of the effigy Mound Builders, is not destitute of this class of remains. The peculiar interest attaching to them arises from the fact that in some places, at least, we have good reason to assign their construction to Indian tribes. Those of Western New York were very thoroughly studied by Mr. Squier. When he commenced his investigations, he was under the impression that he was dealing with the remains of a people very similar, at least, to those who built the massive works in the Ohio Valley and elsewhere, but he was led to the conviction that they were the works of the Iroquois Indians, and as further proof that such was the case, we are told that since the palisades that once inclosed places known to be villages of the Iroquois have disappeared, there is no difference to be observed between the
appearance of the ruins of such a village site and any of the
earthworks in Western New York. But we have just stated that the
remains last mentioned are identical with those found in
Northern Ohio, and indeed over a wide extent of country.
The conclusion seems to be, then, that one large class of works
in many points resembling Mound Builders' works, found widely
distributed throughout the Mississippi Valley, were really the
works of Indians.<75> But we are approaching a subject we do not
wish to discuss just yet. We simply point out that not all the
remains of prehistoric people in the Mississippi Valley are
referable to the Mound Builders.
We have tried to point out the more important works that are
ascribed to them. It must of necessity occur in a work of this
nature that the review should be very brief, yet we have touched
on the different classes of their works. But before leaving this
part of our field we must mention some anomalous works, and
refer to others which, if they can be relied on as works of the
same people, certainly imply a great advance on their part.
Our next cut is named by Mr. Pidgeon the "Sacrificial Pentagon."
Writing in 1850, he states, "This remarkable group . . . has
probably elicited more numerous conjectures as to its original
use than any other earth-work yet discovered in the valley of
the Mississippi. . . . It is situated on the west highlands of
the Kickapoo River, in Wisconsin."<76> Mr. Pidgeon claims to
have discovered two of these pentagons. We are not aware that
any one else has verified these discoveries, and it is difficult
to decide what value to give to his writings. He claims to have
made extensive researches around the head-waters of the
Mississippi as early as 1840, and there to have met an aged
Indian--the last of his tribe--who gave him many traditions as
to the mounds in that locality. Most of our scholars think his
writings of no account, whatever, and yet Mr. Conant says, "He
seems to have been a thoroughly conscientious and careful
observer, faithfully noting what he saw and beard."<77>
Illustration of Sacrificial Pentagon.-----------------
We will briefly describe a few of the earth-works he mentions,
notice their singular form, and give an outline of the
traditions in regard to them, leaving the reader to draw his own
conclusions. Of this work the outer circle is said to have been
twelve hundred feet in circumference, the walls being from three
to five feet in height; width on the ground from twelve to
sixteen feet. The walls of the pentagon were from four to six
feet high. The inner circle was of very slight elevation. The
central mound was thirty-six feet in diameter. This singular
arrangement of circle, pentagon, and mounds, is traditionally
represented to have been a sacred national altar--the most holy
one known to tradition--and no foot, save that of a priest,
might pass within the sacred walls of the pentagon after its
completion. The sacrifice offered on this altar was that of
human life. Twice each year the offering was made.<78>
The work represented in the figure below is stated to have been
in the near neighborhood of the former, and to have been
intimately connected with it. Mr. Pidgeon claims to have found
five of these circles and two pentagons. So far as we know, he
is the only authority for their occurrence, no one else having
been so fortunate as to have found them. This is surely a
singular work, and we can not fail to recognize in it a
representation of the sun and the moon. In excavating in the
central mound, we are assured that small pieces Of mica were
found abundantly mixed with the soil. "Had the surface-soil been
removed with care, and the stratum beneath been washed by a few
heavy showers of rain, so thoroughly studded was it with small
particles of mica, that under the sun's rays it certainly would
have presented no unapt symbolic representation of
that luminary."<79>
Illustration of Festival Circle.---------------------
Our next figure is another singular arrangement of
crescent-shaped works and mounds. Lapham says that
crescent-shaped works are found in Wisconsin. Pidgeon says that
crescent works are found in Illinois, but works arranged as
shown in this wood-cut he found in but four places in Wisconsin.
Could we verify this author's statements, this illustration and
the preceding one would be very good evidence of the prevalence
of sun-worship among the effigy Mound Builders of Wisconsin.
This would be nothing singular, since the Indian race almost
universally reverenced the sun.<80>
Illustration of Crescent Works.---------------------
The figure below represents a group of works which, we are told,
were of a class formerly abundant in Missouri and Iowa.
The embankments are stated to be of varying heights, but all of
the same length. They do not quite meet, but a mound defends the
opening. Sometimes a square is so represented, and sometimes but
two walls.
Illustration of Triangular Works.--------------
A singular statement is made in reference to a nice proportion
said to be observed between the heights of the embankments and
walls. In this case, for instance, the heights of the
embankments are, three, four, and five feet; the sum of these,
twelve feet, was the exact height of the central mound.
Furthermore, the square of the sum of the heights of three
embankments gives us one hundred and forty-four feet, which is
the length of the embankments. We are gravely assured that this
same nice proportion is always observed in works of this kind.
The embankments being always of equal length, but of varying
heights, still the sum of these heights, whether three or four
sides, being always equal to the height of the central
mound.<81> We do not know of any specimen of this class of works
now existing. If this early explorer's account be reliable, then
we have in works of this class very good evidence that some of
their inclosures were in the nature of sacred inclosures.
The trouble is to verify Mr. Pidgeon's account. There is a good
deal that is strange and marvelous in reference to the Mound
Builders, and we must use judgment as to what is told us, unless
we are sure there is no mistake, or unless the reports are
vouched for by many observers.
We wish to call attention to some singular works in Missouri,
which would imply that the Mound Builders were possessed of no
little engineering skill. We have every indication that near New
Madrid was a very extensive settlement. The works consist of
inclosures, large and small mounds in great numbers, and
countless residence sites. One of fifty acres was noticed, which
had evidently been inclosed by earthen walls. In some places in
the forest, where this wall had been preserved, its height was
found to be from three to five feet, and its base width fifteen
feet.<82> But the suggestive features about these works are
noticed along the edge of the swamp near which they stood.
This swamp in 1811 was a lake, with a clear, sandy bottom.
It is not at all doubted but that it was at one time the bed of
the Mississippi River, and probably this town stood on its
banks. The river is now some eighteen miles away. It must
suddenly have changed its course, leaving behind it a lake,
which, in course of time, became a swamp.
But along the shores of this ancient lake, "in front of the
inclosure, small tongues of land have been carried out into the
water, from fifteen to thirty feet in length, by ten, or fifteen
in width, with open spaces between, which, small as they are,
forcibly remind one of the wharfs of a seaport town. The cypress
trees grew very thickly in all the little bays thus formed, and
the irregular, yet methodical, outlines of the forest, winding
in and out close to the shore of these tongues of land, is so
marked as to remove all doubt as to their artificial origin.<83>
The suggestion is made in view of these wharfs, that the Mound
Builders must have had some sort of boats to navigate the waters
of the lake.
And the singular part is, that right in this neighborhood are
many evidences of a system of canals. A glance at the map will
show that the portion of Missouri around New Madrid, and to the
south of it, is dotted with swampy lakes and sluggish bayous.
The evidence is to the effect that the ancient inhabitants
connected these bayous and lakes with artificial canals, so as
to form quite an extended system of inland water-ways.
Right east of the town of Gayoso, we are told that a canal had
been dug that now connects the Mississippi with a lake called
Big Lake. A bayou running into this lake was joined by a canal
with Cushion Lake.
From this last lake, by means of bayous and lakes, a clear
course could be pursued for some miles north, where finally
another canal was cut to join with the Mississippi a few miles
below New Madrid. The entire length of this water way was some
seventy miles, but we are not told how much of it was
artificial, neither are the dimensions given. Prof. Swallow
speaks of a canal "fifty feet wide, and twelve feet, deep."
Whether this was one of this series or not, we do not know.<84>
This is indeed a singular piece of work. It would be more
satisfactory if we had more definite information in regard to
the same.
With our present knowledge of the state of society among the
Mound Builders, as made evident by the remains of their
implements and ornaments, we are not justified in believing this
part of a system of internal navigation. We have already seen
that further south they sometimes surrounded their village sites
with a wide and deep moat or ditch, as was observed around the
inclosure containing the great mound on the Etowah. We are
inclined to believe that a more careful survey would greatly
modify the accounts we have of these canals, if it did not, in
fact, show that they were the works of nature. According to a
writer in the American Antiquarian,<85> the whole lower
part of the Mississippi Valley was abundantly supplied with
canals, irrigating ditches, and evidences of a high
intelligence. He speaks of observing the presence of an
extensive canal a little north of the section we have described.
He asserts they were dug to convey the surplus waters of the
Mississippi in times of flood to the White and St. Francis
Rivers, thus preventing disastrous overflows. It is needless to
caution the reader against such conclusions. Our information in
regard to those canals is far too limited to support the
views advanced.
This finishes our examination of the works of the Mound
Builders. Except in the case of the more massive works, they
have become obliterated, but here and there are left traces of
the former presence of these now vanished people. The antiquary
muses over the remains of their inclosures, their fortified
places, their effigies and mounds. By the combined efforts of
scholars in many departments, we may yet hope that the darkness
now enshrouding this race may be dissipated, but at present our
positive knowledge is very limited indeed. It is as if we were
asked to reconstruct a picture which had faded in the lapse of
time so that only traces here and there are visible.
Here, perhaps, a hand is seen; there a piece of foliage; in one
place something we think representing water, in another a patch
of sky, or a mountain peak. Until a key is found which shall
show us how to connect these scattered parts, our efforts are
useless, since many pictures could be formed, but we have no
surety we are right. So we may form mental conceptions of the
Mound Builders, but they are almost as varied as the individual
explorers. Science may yet discover the key which will enable us
to form a clear mental conception of the race which flourished
here many years ago, and left their crumbling memorials to
excite the curiosity of a later people.
We must now turn our attention to another branch of inquiry and
learn what we can of the culture of the Mound Builders. This is
to be determined by an investigation of the remains of their
implements, weapons, and ornaments. When we know the skill with
which they manufactured these articles, and gain an insight into
some of their probable customs, we shall know where to place
them in the scale of civilization. What we have learned of their
works has already convinced us that we are dealing with a people
considerably above the scale of Savagery. The nice proportion
between the parts, the exact circles and coincident angles show
considerable advance in mechanical skill. The character of the
works indicates that the people had permanent places of abode,
and were not subject to the vicissitudes of a hunter's state of
life for subsistence. This implies that we are dealing with a
people living in village communities, practising agriculture and
many other arts, and therefore entitled to rank in the middle
status of Barbarism corresponding to the Neolithic inhabitants
of Europe.<86> We will now see how far this conclusion is
sustained by an examination of the remains of the handiwork of
the people.
Illustration of Arrow Points.-----------------
Implements of stone are of course abundant. But men, when in the
culture of the Stone Age, having a common material to work upon,
and under the pressure of common needs, have everywhere provided
similar forms. For this reason it is hard to find distinctive
points of difference between implements of stone of Mound
Builders' work and a series of similar implements the work of
Indians. We are assured, however, that when examining a series
of each, those of the Mound Builders display a superior
finish.<87> The preceding wood-cut represents a collection of
arrow-points found in the mounds, but they are not particularly
so distinguishable from specimens found on the surface.
Great numbers of arrow-points are occasionally found on altars.
Here we have a view of one of the stone axes fashioned by the
hands that heaped the mounds. It is certainly a very
fine specimen.
Illustration of Ax found in a Mound.------------
The Mound Builders must have had all the varieties of stone
implements common to people in their stage of culture, such as
axes, fleshers, and chisels. They also must have possessed
mortars and pestles for grinding corn, and some implements
did duty as hoes and spades. We represent in a group a
collection of weapons and implements from the mounds and stone
graves of Tennessee. All these articles are finely finished.
One of the axes has a hole bored through it. One of them is
further provided with a stone handle, and is characterized as
being the "most beautiful and perfect stone implement ever
exhumed from the aboriginal remains within the limits of the
United States."
Illustration of Weapons of Stone from Tennessee. (Smith Inst.)--
People in the culture of the Stone Age make but very rare use
of metal, as metals are to them simply varieties of stone, much
less useful for their purpose than the different kinds of
flints, except for ornaments. From the altar mounds, near
Cincinnati, were taken ornaments of silver, copper, iron and
traces of gold, all of which had been worked into their present
shape by simply hammering. The iron, it should be remarked, was
meteoric iron, which can be hammered as easily as native copper.
We have already remarked that about the only native iron is
obtained from such sources. Copper was utilized for a great
variety of purposes.
Illustration of Copper Ax.-------------------
We give a cut of a copper ax found in one of the Ohio mounds.
Copper axes have lately been found quite frequently in mounds
near Davenport, Iowa, and in most cases before being deposited
in the mounds, they had been wrapped in cloth. Copper ornaments
are a more common find. Bracelets, beads, and ear ornaments are
numerous. Our next cut represents some very fine bracelets found
in a mound near Chillicothe, Ohio, Copper tools and weapons have
been found quite frequently on the surface, but we are not sure
in this case whether they are not the work of recent Indians.
The early explorers noticed the presence of copper ornaments
among the Indians. "When Henry Hudson discovered, in 1609, the
magnificent river that bears his name, he noticed among the
Indians of that region pipes and ornaments of copper."
The account says: "They had red copper tobacco pipes, and other
things of copper they did wear about their necks."<88>
De Soto also noticed among the Southern Indians axes of copper.
Other accounts could be quoted showing that the Indians were
well acquainted with copper.<89> The fact is, in this matter
also, it is impossible to draw a dividing line between relics of
the Mound Building tribes and the Indians. However, the Mound
Builders were certainly acquainted with copper, but to their
minds it was only a singular stone, one that they could hammer,
into a desired shape.
Illustration of Copper Bracelets.-------------------
Where did they obtain their copper? We are all aware that in
this country great supplies of pure copper exist near the
southern shore of Lake Superior, and there is a peculiarity
about the copper found there, that is, the presence of small
pieces of silver with the copper. This is a very singular
mixture, and we are not aware of its occurrence elsewhere.
It would trouble the best chemists to explain it. From this fact
we are enabled to identify articles of copper derived from that
source, and to that region we can trace the copper from which
are formed most of the copper implements and ornaments found in
this country. It is also noticeable that the nearer we get to
this region the more numerous are the finds of articles of
copper. More are reported from Wisconsin than the rest of the
United States put together.
This leads us to a very interesting subject. In 1848 Mr. S. 0.
Knapp, agent of the Minnesota Mining Company on the northern
peninsula of Michigan, discovered that the modern miners were
but following in the footsteps of some ancient people who had
mined for copper there some time now far past. The general
conclusion is that these old miners were Mound Builders, but
here the evidence of their presence is not found in the
existence of mounds and earthworks, but of pits and excavations,
which, by the slow accumulation of years, had become filled to
near the surface with debris of various kinds. Many had
noticed these little pits and depressions without suspecting
they had aught to do with the presence of man. The hollows made
by large trees, overturned by the wind, frequently left as well
marked depressions as these excavations.
We have abundant proof that these old miners were practical
workmen. They evidently did not neglect the most trifling
indication of metals. They made thorough research and discovered
the principal lodes. Our present day miners have long since
learned to regard the presence of these ancient pits as
excellent guides in this matter. With modern appliances they
penetrate far beyond the power of the old workmen. At the
Waterbury mine there is in the face of the vertical bluff an
artificial opening, which is twenty-five feet wide, fifteen feet
high, and twelve feet deep. The materials thrown out in digging
had accumulated in front, and on this forest trees common to
that region were growing of full size. Some of the blocks of
stone which were removed from this recess would probably weigh
two or three tons, and must have required the use of levers to
move them. Beneath the surface rubbish was discovered the
remains of a cedar trough, by which the water from the mines was
conducted away. Wooden bowls were found, which were probably
used to dip the water from the mine into this trough.
Near the bottom of the pit, shovels, made of cedar, were found,
shaped much like a canoe paddle, but showing by their wear that
they were used as shovels. Although they appeared solid while in
water, yet, on drying, they shrunk up, and were with difficulty
preserved. A birch tree, two feet in diameter, was observed
growing directly over one of these shovels. No marks of metallic
tools were observed anywhere about this large pit.
Illustration of Ancient Mine, Michigan.-----------
In this case they constructed a sort of a cave, but in many
cases they mined open to the air, that is, they simply dug
trenches or pits. A row of these ancient pits, now slight
depressions, indicate a vein. What they seem to have especially
sought after was lumps of copper that they could easily manage
and fashion by hammering. They had not discovered the art of
melting. When they found an unusually large piece, they broke
off what they could by vigorous hammering. In one case they
found a mass weighing about six tons of pure copper. They made
an attempt to master this piece. By means of wedges they had got
it upon a cob-work of round logs or skids, six or eight inches
in diameter, but the mass was finally abandoned for some unknown
reason after breaking off such pieces as they could until the
upper surface was smooth. This mass rested on the framework of
logs while the years came and went, until, after the lapse of
unknown time, the white men once more opened the old mine.
On the rubbish in front of this mine was standing the stump of a
pine tree ten feet in circumference. These ancient mines are
found not only on the main-land, but on the islands off the
coast as well. The only helps they seem to have employed was
fire, traces of which are found everywhere, and stone mauls and
axes. The mauls consist of oblong water-worn bowlders of hard
tough rock, nature having done every thing in fashioning them
except to form the groove, which was chiseled out around the
middle. Some copper implements were also found.
Col. Whittlesey, from whose writings we have drawn the
foregoing, concludes that these mines were worked by the Mound
Builders. As he finds no traces of graves or houses, or other
evidence of a protracted stay, he thinks they were worked only
through the Summer season of the year by bands of workmen from
the south.
As to what caused the abandonment of the works we do not know.
It might have been an impulse of their race hurrying them on to
some distant migration; or, more probably, pressed by foes from
without, they were compelled to abandon their ancient homes.
Whatever the cause was, nature resumed her sway. Forest trees
crept up to and grew around the mouths of the deserted mines.
Col. Whittlesey concludes from the group of trees growing on the
top of the rubbish heap that at least five hundred years passed
away before the white man came from the south to resume the work
of his ancient predecessor.<90>
It is not, however, proven that the Mound Builders were the sole
workers of these ancient mines. It is known that the Indians
mined for flint. Some of the excavations for this purpose, in
what is known as Flint Ridge, in Muskingum County, Ohio, are as
marked as the traces of ancient mining in Michigan.
Similar appearances are recorded in Missouri. As copper was in
demand among the Indians, and as it is probable that they
obtained much of it from the North, they may have continued to
work the ancient copper mines until comparatively recent times.
Mr. Lapham believes that the progenitors of the Indian tribes
found dwelling in the regions near these mines, carried on
mining operations there. Dr. Rau thinks it probable that small
bands of various Northern tribes made periodical excursions to
the locality, returning to their homes when they had supplied
themselves with sufficient quantities of the much-desired metal.
The fact that many of the modern Indian tribes knew nothing
about these mines is not of much weight, when we reflect how
easily a barbarian people forget events, even those of a
striking nature.
We are apt to judge the culture of a people by the skill they
display in works of arts. The article on which the Mound Builder
lavished most of his skill was the pipe. This would show that
with them, as with the modern Indians, the use of the pipe was
largely interwoven with their civil and religious observances.
In making war and in concluding peace, it probably played a very
important part. "To know the whole history of tobacco, of the
custom of smoking, and of the origin of the pipe, would be to
solve many of the most interesting problems of
American ethnology."<91>
The general decoration consisted in carving the bowl of the pipe
into the shape of some animal or bird. In some instances we have
carved representations of the human head. Such as these are of
particular interest and value, as they are probably faithful
representations of the features of the Mound Builders. This is a
fine specimen found in one of the altar mounds in Ohio. The
method of wearing the hair is worthy of notice. The holes placed
in a row encircling the forehead and coming down as low as the
ears, were once filled with pearls. In some they still remained
when found, though they had been burned in the fire. The lines
upon the face obviously imitate the custom of tattooing
the countenance.
Illustrations of Sculptured Face and Face of a Female.-----
Scholars have called attention to the fact that Humboldt
discovered in Mexico a small statue which he supposed
represented an Aztec priestess. This statue had sculptured upon
its forehead a row of pearls, worn in the same manner as is
represented in this pipe. This is another pipe of great
interest, and is supposed to represent the head of a woman. The
countenance is expressive, the eyes prominent, and the lips full
and rounded. We must notice again the headdress. While the faces
are of Indian type, the method of wearing the hair is different
from that of the typical Indian of the North.
Illustration of Beaver.----------------
The animal forms into which the pipe-bowls are carved, are also
full of interest. This is not so much on account of animal forms
themselves as the insight we gain as to the artistic skill of
the people who fashioned the pipes, and in various ways learn of
bits of customs and manners peculiar to them. Here we have
figured a pipe, the bowl of which is carved to represent a
beaver. No one need hesitate as to the animal which the carver
had in mind. It is represented in a characteristic attitude, and
has the broad, flat tail of its species. It must have required
no little skill and patient labor to work a rough stone into
this finished pipe, especially when we remember that the maker
had no edged tools with which to work.
Illustration of Otter.----------------
We can not always determine the animal which the artist had in
mind. In this illustration we have figured such a pipe.
Considerable discussion has arisen as to the animal represented.
Some cases of this nature have been thought to show either
migration from a distant country on the part of the maker or
else an extended system of trade.
Squier and Davis, who first figured it, supposed it to represent
a manatee, or sea-cow. This animal is essentially a tropical
species, the only known place where it was found in the United
States being Florida. From the presence of this carved specimen,
found a thousand miles to the north, some interesting queries,
as the origin of the mound-building tribes, and the state of
life among them, were raised. It is almost certain, however,
that the animal intended to be represented was the otter.<92>
Illustration of Birds on Pipes.---------------
The most general form of sculpture was that of birds, and we
find specimens of almost all the common varieties. In this group
we recognize the tufted heron striking a fish; the eagle, or
hawk, tearing a smaller bird; the swallow, apparently just ready
to fly; and in the last figure, one that has given rise to a
good deal of discussion. Some think from the circumstance of its
having a very large bill, toes pointing behind as well as
before, that it represents a toucan, which, if true, would make
it a most interesting specimen. But cautious scholars conclude
that the "figure is not of sufficient distinctness to identify
the original that was before the artist's mind." And therefore
it is not wise to make this specimen the subject of a
far-reaching speculation.<93>
It may be of interest to inquire whether the Indians made pipes
as tastefully ornamented as those we have described. We should
notice that all the pipes here described are from one very
limited locality in Ohio, and that is the valley of the Scioto,
the same section of country where were found the great
inclosures of a mathematical shape. We have no reason for
supposing that the Mound Builders generally throughout the
Mississippi Valley had this artistic skill. We have seen nowhere
any thing to show a superiority for them in this respect.
Whatever conclusion can be drawn from those pipes, applies only
to the tribe in the Scioto Valley. It is believed they do
constitute a peculiar class by themselves. As works of art,
there are but few aboriginal relics of North American origin
their equal.<94>
We would also refer to the fact that most of these specimens
were obtained from one altar-mound.<95> We do not know what
ceremonies were performed around this altar, but if it were a
place of burial or cremation, they might have been the obsequies
of some distinguished maker of pipes. That such a person would
be the recipient of honor, is not singular, for "the manufacture
of stone pipes, necessarily a painful and tedious labor, may
have formed a branch of aboriginal industry, and the skillful
pipe carver probably occupied among the former Indians a rank
equal to that of the experienced sculptor in our times."
Among the Ojibway Indians, we are told, are persons who possess
peculiar skill in the carving of pipes, and make it their
profession, or at least the means of gaining, in part, their
livelihood. One "inlaid his pipes very tastefully with figures
of stars, and flowers of black and white stones. But his work
proceeded very slowly, and he sold his pipes at high
prices."<96> So we see how cautious we must be about drawing
inferences from this peculiar class of pipes found in one
limited locality.
The knowledge of how to manufacture pottery is justly regarded
as a turning point in the advance of primitive man along the
weary road that brings him at last to civilization. At this
point he ceases to be a savage, and enters the confines of
Barbarism.<97> The skill shown in using this knowledge is one of
the many things we have to take into consideration in
determining the rank of a people in the scale of enlightenment.
The Mound Builders were evidently quite well along in the
potter's art; and as they have left behind them many examples of
their work, we must try and acquaint ourselves with some of the
more important varieties.
Illustration of a Group of Clay Vessels.----------------
This illustration is of a group of clay vessels of the bowl
pattern, found in mounds in different parts of the Mississippi
Valley. In one of these we see a good example of the style of
ornamentation by means of incised lines. In the duck-headed
vessel we have a representation of a class of vessels common in
Missouri and Tennessee. Not unfrequently one or both of the
handles of vessels of this class is in the form of a human head
instead of that of an animal. Our next illustrations represent a
group of such specimens. Judging from the skill with which they
imitated animals, it is not unreasonable to believe that in
these faces we have rude likenesses of the people who made them.
Illustration of Bowls with Human Faces.------------
The two bottle-shaped vessels here figured, are from mounds in
Louisiana. As will be noticed, the ornamentation is quite
artistic. The ware is of a good quality, and they are good
examples of the Mound Builders' art. The form with the long neck
is perhaps a water-cooler. When filled with water, and allowed
to stand, some of the water passes through the pores, and
evaporating, keeps the surface of the vessel cool.
Illustration of Bottle-shaped Vessels. (Smith. Inst.)----
They also made some vessels of large size to serve for cooking
purposes. On some of the larger vessels the imprint of woven
weeds and willows of a basket on the outer surface leads to the
belief that such vessels were formed or moulded within baskets.
Many large pots and urns, however, were made without this aid.
Some large urns were used for burial purposes. In a Michigan
mound an urn about three feet in height had been so used. It was
standing upright, and into it the whole skeleton of a man had
been compressed, and a closely-fitting lid covered the top.<98>
Very large, shallow vessels were used to manufacture salt--that
is, they were filled from some salt-spring, and then the water
was evaporated, leaving the salt. In localities near
salt-springs, thick fragments of rude earthenware have been
found that must have come from vessels as large as barrels.
Illustration of Water Cooler.---------------
In the next group we have representations of a singular class of
vessels. In some cases the mouth and neck of the vessel is
shaped in imitation of animals. In the smallest one we recognize
the head of a man, with an opening in the back of the head.
Many vessels of this form are known, and a great many different
animal heads are represented. The fish-shaped vessel is a
curious one. The one figured evidently represents a sun-fish.
The long vase or jug is in the shape of a child's leg, with an
opening in the heel.
Illustration of Pottery Vessels. (Smith. Inst.)--------
Some very beautiful vessels of the character of those we have
figured, have been found in Missouri. One enthusiastic explorer
says, "Perhaps we have very few modern artists who could equal
those ancient pottery makers in taste, skill, curious design,
and wonderful imitation of nature. Birds, beasts, fishes, even
the shells on the river shore, have an exact counterpart in
their domestic utensils." "While digging in one of these pottery
mounds in Missouri, we unearthed a large tortoise. We thought it
was alive, and seizing it, to cast it into the woods for its
liberty, we were suddenly surprised to find our tortoise was an
earthen vessel in that shape. In the same mound we uncovered a
huge shell--the single valve of a unio. Closer inspection
revealed that it was a perfect earthen vessel. Following these
came a perfect fish, exhibiting, to our astonishment, the
scales, fins, and peculiarities of that species of fish
in detail."<99>
We must leave this interesting part of our subject. An entire
volume would scarcely do justice to it, but for the sake of
comparison, we must inquire as to the state of this art among
the Indian tribes. It seems that before the arrival of the
whites, the Indian tribes throughout North America, with few
exceptions, were apt potters. The whites, however, soon supplied
them with superior utensils of metal, so, that the majority of
the Eastern tribes soon lost the knowledge of the art.
It lingered longer among the tribes of the South, and of the
interior, and even to this day the Pueblo tribes of New Mexico
and Arizona make an excellent article of pottery.
Early travelers wrote in high terms of the skill of the Southern
Indians in this matter. Du-Pratz thought so highly of the work
of the Natchez Indians that he had them make him an entire
dinner set.
Catlin, speaking of the Mandan Indians, says the women of that
tribe made great quantities of dishes and bowls, modeled after
many forms. He says they are so strong and serviceable that they
cook food in them by hanging them over the fire, as we would an
iron pot. "I have seen specimens," he continues, "which have
been dug up in Indian mounds and tombs in the Southern and
Middle States, placed in our Eastern museums, and looked upon as
a great wonder, when here this novelty is at once done away
with, and the whole mystery: where women can be seen handling
and using them by hundreds, and they can be seen every day in
the summer, also, moulding into many fanciful forms, and passing
them through the kilns, where they are hardened."
Dr. Rau, speaking of the artistic skill of the Indian potters,
as shown by numerous remains gathered in Illinois, does not
hesitate to assert, after personal examination of Mound
Builders' pottery, that the Indian relics were in every respect
equal to those specimens exhumed from the mounds of the
Mississippi Valley.<100> Lapham, speaking of fragments of Mound
Builders' pottery in Wisconsin, says, "They agree in every
respect with fragments found about the old Indian villages."
The culture of a people is also determined by their knowledge of
agriculture. The savage depends entirely upon hunting and
fishing for subsistence. A knowledge of horticulture, of
domestic animals, and of agriculture, even though rude, are each
and all potent factors in advancing man in culture. So we must
inquire as to the traces of agricultural knowledge observable
among the remains of the Mound Builders. Some writers speak in
quite glowing terms of the enormous crops they must have raised
for their populous cities. The fact is, that while it is
doubtless true that they practiced agriculture, yet we have no
reason to suppose it was any thing more than a rude tillage,
such as was practiced among the village Indian tribes. This is
evident from the tools with which they worked.
Illustration of Agricultural Implements. (Smith. Inst.)----
In a few cases copper tools have been recovered which may have
served for digging in the ground, but in most cases their art
furnished them nothing higher than spades, shovels, picks, and
hoes made of stone, horn, bone, and probably wood. In this cut
are specimens of such agricultural tools. These were doubtless
furnished with handles of wood. The notched one was perhaps
provided with a handle at right angles to it, so as to
constitute a hoe. That we are right in regarding these
implements as agricultural tools, is shown not only by their
large size, but also by the traces of wear discovered on them.
We must admit, however, that agriculture carried on with such
tools as these, must have been in a comparatively rude state.
In this connection we must refer to the garden beds noticed in
some places. We read that in Western Michigan the so-called
garden beds are a distinguishing feature of the ancient
occupation, often covering many acres in a place, in a great
variety of forms, both regular and grotesque.<101> These seem
from the above account to be very similar to the garden beds of
Wisconsin. Dr. Lapham tells us that in the latter State they
consist of low, broad, parallel ridges, as if corn had been
planted in drills.
The average four feet in width, and the depth of the walk
between them is six inches. Traces of this kind of cultivation
are found in various parts of the State. We are also referred to
the presence of garden mounds in Missouri, but in this case the
low mounds are of the same mysterious class that Prof. Forshey
says occur by millions in the South-west, and may not be the
work of man. Just what the connection is between the garden beds
and the Mound Builders is hard to determine. Mr. Lapham thinks
that those in Wisconsin were certainly later in date than the
mounds. He observed that they were frequently constructed right
across the works of the Mound Builders. This would seem to imply
that the makers were not one and the same people.
As to the government and religion of the Mound Builders, all is
conjecture. On both of these points a great deal has been
assumed, but when we try to find out the grounds on which these
theories rest we quickly see how little real foundation there is
for any knowledge on this subject. If we are right in our views
as to the effigy mounds of Wisconsin, then a sort of animal
worship prevailed. Whether the great inclosures in the Scioto
Valley were of a religious nature or not is very doubtful.
The great serpent mound was probably an object of worship.
The assertion is quite frequently made that the Mound Builders
were sun worshipers, which may be correct, but we must observe
that we have no proofs of it in the works they have left.
We judge it to be true only because sun-worship was probably a
part of the religion of a large proportion of the Indian race,
and because we find special proofs of its existence among some
of the Southern Indians who are supposed to be closely related
to the Mound Builders.
Illustration of Idols. (Smith. Inst.)--------------
As we approach the South, we meet with what are supposed to be
rude and uncouth idols, but they have not been found under such
circumstances as to make it positive that they belonged to the
Mound Builders. In this illustration we have two idols,
considered to be genuine relics of the stone-grave people of
Tennessee. The first one is an Aztec idol found at Cholula, and
introduced here simply for comparison. What position these idols
held in connection with the religion of the race, we are not
prepared to say.
Similar remarks might be made as to the system of government.
A number of writers, taking into account the immense labor
involved in constructing some of the works, have insisted that
the people must have lived under a despotic form of government,
one in which the state had unlimited power over the lives and
fortunes of its subjects.<102>
There is no real foundation for such views, and we think they
are misleading. No one doubts but that the Mound Builders were
living in a tribal state of society. If so, they doubtless had
the usual subdivisions of a tribe. This point we remember
afforded us some insight into the meaning of the effigy mounds
of Wisconsin.
This would imply the government by the council, and while the
rulers may have been hereditary, the officers of the tribe were
probably elective, and could be deposed for cause. We do not
mean to assert that this is an exact picture of the state of
government of the Mound Builders, because our knowledge on this
point is not sufficient to make such a positive statement, but
it is far more likely to be true than the picture of a despotic
government, ruling from some capital seat a large extent of
country, holding a court with barbaric pomp and circumstances
such as some writers would have us believe.
We hope our readers have not been wearied by this somewhat
extended investigation of the Mound Builders. Every storm that
beats upon their works tends to level them. The demands of our
modern life are fast obliterating the remaining monuments and,
indeed, it is now only those which are situated in favorable
localities, or are massive in construction, that are left for
our inspection. But these nearly obliterated records of the past
are of more than passing interest to us as monuments of the
prehistoric times of our own country. We wander over these ruins
and find much to interest us, much to excite our curiosity.
The purposes of many are utterly unknown. Some, by their great
proportions, awaken in us feelings of admiration for the
perseverance and energy of their builders. But when we
investigate the objects of stone, of clay, and of copper this
people left behind them, we notice how hard it is to draw a
dividing line between them and the Indians.
In fact, there is no good reason for separating them from the
Indian race as a whole. We do not mean to say that they were
not, in many respects, different from the tribes found in the
same section of the country by the early explorers, though, we
ought, perhaps, to confine this remark to the central portion of
the country occupied by these ancient remains. But the American
of to-day differs from the American of early Colonial times.
The miserable natives of Southern California were Indians, but
very different indeed from the ambitious, warlike Iroquois, who
displayed so much statesmanship in the formation of their
celebrated league. In another chapter we shall discuss this part
of our subject, as well as the question of the antiquity of
the ruins.
REFERENCES
(1) The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to Prof. F. W.
Putnam, curator of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and
Ethnology, Harvard University, for criticism.
(2) Conant's "Footprints of Vanished Races," p. 122.
(3) Force: "Some Considerations on the Mound Builders," p. 64;
"Am. Antiquarian," March, 1884, pp. 93-4; "10th Annual Report,
Peabody Museum," p. 11.
(4) Short's "North Americans of Antiquity", p. 28.
(5) Squier and Davis's "Ancient Monuments," p. 105.
(6) Foster's "Prehistoric Paces," p. 148.
(7) Squier's "Aboriginal Monuments of New York," Smithsonia
Contribution No. 11, p. 83.
(8) Squier's "Aboriginal Monuments of New York," Smithsonia
Contribution No. 11, p. 87.
(9) Foster's "Prehistoric Races," p. 121.
(10) "They are numbered by millions." Ibid.
(11) Prof. Forshey could frame no satisfactory hypothesis of
their origin. Ibid, p. 122.
(12) "Native Races," Vol. IV, pp. 739 and 740.
(13) Smithsonian Rep., 1870, p. 406.
(14) Narrative of U.S. exploring expedition during the years
1838-42, Vol. IV, p. 334.
(15) Prof. Gibbs in Frank Leslie's Monthly, August, 1883.
(16) "Ancient Monuments," p. 139.
(17) Jones's "Explorations in Tennessee," p. 15.
(18) "Ancient Monuments," p. 143. Explorers for Bureau of
Ethnology so report it in the South. Prof. Putnam, who has
certainly had great experience, says he has always found the
layers to be horizontal.
(19) "Sixteenth Annual Report Peabody Museum," p, 171. An
ornament shaped to resemble the head of a wood-pecker, made of
gold, derived from some Spanish source, was found in a mound in
Florida. This particular mound must have been erected after the
discovery of America. ("Smithsonian Report," 1877, p. 298,
et seq.)
(20) "Sixteenth and Seventeenth Report Peabody Museum." These
ornaments were made of hammered iron. This is the first time
that native iron has been found in the mounds. (Putnam.)
(21) "Prehistoric Races," p. 178.
(22) J. E. Stevens's Paper, read before the Muscatine Academy of
Science, Dec., 1878.
(23) That this was at any rate sometimes the case See "Ancient
Monuments," p. 159.
(24) "Peabody Museum Reports," Vol. II, p. 58.
(25) Jones's "Explorations in Tennessee," p. 15. See also "First
An. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology," p. 198.
(26) "Ancient Monuments," p. 169. See also note on same page for
another account of a larger number of skeletons.
(27) Short's "North Americans of Antiquity," App. A.
(28) James's "Popular Science," File 1883, p. 445.
(29) "Ancient Monuments," p. 173.
(30) "Ancient Monuments," p. 74.
(31) "Views of Louisiana."
(32) This cut represents the mound as it probably was before the
outlines were destroyed by cultivation. It is based on a model
prepared by Dr. Patrick for the Peabody Museum.
(33) "Peabody Museum Report," Vol. II, p.473. As this may
include some of the wash from the mound, perhaps it would be
better to give the real area of the base as over twelve acres.
(34) That is, if we follow the plan.
(35) "Prehistoric Races," p. 107.
(36) "Ancient Monuments," p. 174.
(37) Pickett's "History of Alabama," Vol. I., p. 301.
(38) Carr's "Mounds of the Mississippi Valley," pp. 91, 92;
note, 103.
(39) "Ancient Monuments," p. 117. Note.--For the statement made
in this text we are under obligation to Prof. Thomas, of the
Bureau of Ethnology, who, in answer to a letter of inquiry,
kindly furnished the information.
(40) "Am. Antiquarian," March, 1884, p. 99.
(41) It may be that no mounds were built for signaling purposes
alone. The work of erecting mounds was so great that it is quite
likely they were always erected for some other purpose, and used
only secondarily for signal purposes. Such is shown to be the
case with many of the signal mounds in Ohio. Such is the opinion
of Mr. MacLean, who has made extensive researches.
(42) Force's "Some Consideration of the Mound Builders," p. 65.
(43) Similar effigy mounds have been recently observed in
Minnesota, but they have not yet been described. (Putnam.)
(44) Peet's American Antiquarian, May, 1884, p. 184.
(45) Peet's American Antiquarian, January, 1884. We are
indebted to the writings of Mr. Peet in this periodical for the
months of January, May, and July, 1884, for many interesting
facts in reference to the effigy mounds. He has studied them
more than any other person, and his conclusions are consequently
of great value.
(46) Peet's "Emblematic Mounds and Totem System of the Indian
Tribes."
(47) "Ancient Monuments," p. 40.
(48) American Antiquarian, January, 1883.
(49) Putnam, in "Proceedings of American Antiquarian Society,"
1884.
(50) Peet's "Emblematic Mounds and Totem System of the Indian
Tribes."
(51) Abbott's "Primitive Industry," p. 383.
(52) Peet's "Military Architecture of the Emblematic Mound
Builders."
(53) "Smithsonian Report," 1877, p. 278, et seq.
(54) "Ancient Monuments," p. 97; American Antiquarian,
January, 1883, p. 77.
(55) This information is communicated by Mr. L. N. Tower, a
gentleman in the employ of C. & N. W. E. R., at Tracy, Minn.,
who, at the request of the writer visited this locality, made
measurements, etc.
(56) American Antiquarian, November, 1884, p. 403.
(57) The dimensions of this figure vary. Mr. MacLean's survey
makes the entire length of the serpent part eleven hundred and
sixteen feet; the distance between the extended jaws, one
hundred feet. The oval figure is one hundred and thirteen feet
long by fifty feet wide. The frog or head portion is fifty-five
feet. Mr. Squier says, "The entire length, if extended, would be
not less than one thousand feet." Mr. Putnam's measurements make
it fourteen hundred and fifteen feet. The writer would state
that he visited this effigy in the summer of 1884. Though there
but a very short time, and not prepared to make careful
measurements, he did notice some points in which the
illustrations, previously given, are certainly wrong. The oval
is not at the very extremity of the cliff. The little
projections generally called ears of the serpent are not at
right angles to the body, but incline backwards.
The convolutions of the serpent's body bend back and forth quite
across the surface of the ridge.
(58) Schmuckers.
(59) "Ancient Monuments," p. 47.
(60) Foster's "Prehistoric Races," p. 175.
(61) "Contributions North American Ethnology," Vol. IV, p. 210.
A cut of this "restored" pueblo is there given.
(62) See discussion of this subject in "Proceedings of Am.
Antiq. Society," Oct., 1883.
(63) "Peabody Museum Reports," Vol. II, p. 205.
(64) "Ancient Monuments," p. 47.
(65) Peet: "The Mound Builders."
(66) "Ancient Monuments," p. 53.
(67) Force: "Some Considerations on the Mound Builders," p. 64.
(68) "Archaeologia Americana," Vol. I, p. 129.
(69) For words at Newark, consult "Ancient Monuments," p. 67,
et seq. "American Antiquarian," July, 1882.
(70) "Ancient Monuments," p. 74.
(71) "Ancient Monuments," p. 88.
(72) Mr. Putnam visited the work a few years since, and came to
the conclusion that the larger and old openings were part of the
original design, and that they were places where it was easier
to put up log structures than earthen walls. Just such openings
occur in the massive stone wall around Fort Hill, in Highland
County. A few of the openings at Fort Ancient he thinks are
unquestionably of recent origin, in order to drain the holes
inside the embankments.
(73) Cincinnati Quart. Journal Science, 1874, p. 294.
(74) Peet: "The Mound Builders."
(75) Peet's "Mound Builders:" "If the reader will compare some
of these last cuts with that of the fortified camp at Cissbury,
Eng., p. 183, he will see how similar this last work is to those
just mentioned. Perhaps the real lesson to be learned is that
rude people, whether Indians, Mound Builders, or Celts, resorted
to about the same method of defense."
(76) "Antiquarian Research," p. 89.
(77) Conant's "Footprints of Vanished Races," p. 15, et
seq. Mr. Conant refers to Mr. Pidgeon's work in such a way
as to give the impression that he was convinced of the
genuineness of his account.
(78) "Traditions of Decodah," p. 89, et seq.
(79) "Antiquarian Research," p. 190.
(80) "The American Indian, so far as known, without the
exception of a single tribe, worshiped the sun." Carr's "Mounds
of the Mississippi Valley," p. 56.
(81) Conant's "Footprints of Vanished Races," p. 60.
(82) Ibid., p. 32. If the explorers are really satisfied this
was a walled town, it ought to throw some light on the
inclosures in the Ohio Valley.
(83) Conant's "Footprints of Vanished Races," p. 35.
(84) Conant's "Footprints of Vanished Races," p. 77.
(85) Vol. III, p. 290, et seq.
(86) Morgan's "Ancient Society," p. 11.
(87) "Ancient Monuments," p. 210; also Peet: "The Mound
Builders." "Their relics are marked by a peculiar finish."
(88) Rau's "Anthropological Research."
(89) "Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society," April, 1877, p. 61.
(90) "Smithsonian Contribution to Knowledge," Vol. XIII.
(91) Abbott's "Primitive Industry," p. 315.
(92) "Annual Report of Bureau of Ethnology," 1880-1, p. 123,
et seq.
(93) In the "Annual Report of Bureau of Ethnology," for 1880-1,
Mr. Henshaw has very fully discussed these mound-pipes, and
shown that Messrs. Squier and Davis wore mistaken in a number of
their identifications of the animal forms. He concludes there
"are no representations of birds or animals not indigenous to
the Mississippi Valley."
(94) The recent discoveries by Putnam and Metz, in the
Altar-mounds in the Little Miami Valley, have brought to light
many interesting and important sculptures in stone and
terra-cotta, which, as works of art, are in some respects
superior to those from the Scioto Valley, but as they have not
yet been figured, we can only refer to them here in this brief
note.
(95) "Number Eight," Mound City, near Chillicothe, Ohio.
"Ancient Monuments," p. 152.
(96) Rau: "Anthropological Subjects," p. 130.
(97) Morgan's "Ancient Society," p. 12.
(98) American Antiquarian, 1879, p. 64.
(99) McAdams: American Antiquarian, 1880, p. 140.
(100) "Smithsonian Report," 1866. We have gathered these points
for comparison from Dr. Rau's article in that report.
(101) Bella Hubbard, American Antiquarian, 1876, p. 219.
(102) Foster's "Prehistoric Races," p. 346.
END OF CHAPTER X.**************************
The Prehistoric World:
or, Vanished Races by E. A. Allen
Processed by D.R. Thompson
drthom@ihug.co.nz
Chapter XI
THE PUEBLO COUNTRY.<1>
Description of the Pueblo Country--Historical outline--
Description of Zuni--Definition of a Pueblo--Old Zuni--
Inscription Rock--Pueblo of Jemez--Historical notice of Pecos
--Description of the Moqui tribes--The Estufa--Description of the
San Juan country--Aztec Springs--In the Canyon of the McElmo--The
Ruins of the Rio Mancos--On Hovenweep Creek--Description of a
Cliff-house--Cliff Town--Cave houses--Ruins on the San Juan--
Cave Town--The Significance of Cliff-houses--Moqui traditions--
Ruins in Northern New Mexico--Ruins in the Chaco Canyon--Pueblo
Bonito--Ruins in South-western Arizona--The Rio Verde Valley--
Casa Grande--Ruins on the Gila--Culture of the Pueblo Tribes--
Their Pottery--Superiority of the Ancient pottery--Conclusion.
We have hitherto been describing people and tribes that have
completely vanished. We have peered into the mysterious past and
sought as best we could to conjure back the scenes of many years
ago. The line between the known and the unknown, between the
historic and prehistoric, is not far removed from us in the new
world. Not yet four centuries have passed since the veil was
lifted, and America, with her savage tribes of the North, and
her rude civilization of the South, was revealed to the
wondering eyes of Europe. But with a knowledge of this new land
came also wondrous stories of wealth, and in consequence an army
of adventurers were soon on her shores. Then follows a short
period of war and conquest. The Indian race could not withstand
the whites. European civilization, transplanted to America, has
thriven. But whatever advance the native tribes have made since
the discovery, has been by reason of contact with the whites.
Map of Pueblo Country.-----------
There was no single birthplace of American culture. Advance took
place wherever the climate was mild and the soil fertile, and
thus an abundant supply of food could be obtained. One such
locality was the valley of the San Juan, in what is now the
southwestern part of the United States. It is quite allowable to
suppose that here the mild climate and bountiful soil suggested
agriculture, and with a knowledge of this, rude though it was, a
beginning was made in a culture which subsequently excited the
admiration of the Spaniards. However that may be, we know this
section contains abundant ruins of former inhabitants. And yet
again we find in this same country the remnants of this former
people, doubtless living much the same sort of life as did their
forefathers. American scholars, with the best of reason, think
this section affords the best vantage ground from which to study
the question of native American culture. It presents us not only
with ruins of past greatness, but in the inhabited pueblos,
gives us a picture of primitive times, and invites us, by a
careful study of their institutions, to become acquainted with
primitive society.
Travelers and explorers describe the scenery of the Pueblo
country as a very peculiar one. It is bleak without being
absolutely barren. The great mountain chains form picturesque
profiles, which in a measure compensate for the lack of
vegetation. No country on the face of the globe bears such
testimony to the power of running water to wear away the
surface. The rivers commenced by wearing down great canyons.
They occur here on a grand scale. The canyon of the Colorado
River, having a length of two hundred miles, and through the
whole, nearly vertical walls of rock, three to six thousand feet
in height. Nearly all the tributary streams of the Colorado
empty into it by means of gorges nearly as profound. What is
true of the Colorado is true, though in a lesser degree of the
Rio Grande and of the Pecos, as only portions of these streams
are canyon-born. But, besides digging out these canyons, the
entire surface of the country has in places been removed to the
depth of several hundred feet, leaving large extent of
table-lands, called mesas, with generally steep, or even
precipitous, sides, standing isolated here and there.
Though thus bearing evidence of more extended rainfall, and of
the action of water in the past, it is essentially an arid
country now. Most of the minor water-courses laid down on the
map are dry half of the year, or have but scattered pools of
water; so a description of the surface of the country would tell
us of deep river valleys, in many cases narrow and running
through rocky beds, in which case we call them canyons; in other
cases very wide, but having generally precipitous sides;
the country often mountainous and great stretches of table-land,
but generally dry and desolate, except in the immediate vicinity
of rivers. The river valleys themselves are generally
very fertile.
Such is the country where we are to investigate native American
culture. The history of the country since its first occupation
by the Spaniards is not devoid of interest. It did not take the
Indians of Mexico long to learn that what the Spaniards most
prized was gold, and that the surest way to curry favor with
them was to relate to them exaggerated stories of wonderful
wealth to be gained in distant provinces. About 1530 the viceroy
of New Spain (Mexico) learned from an Indian slave of seven
great cities somewhere to the north; and of their wealth it was
said they had streets exclusively occupied by workers in gold
and silver.
Though expeditions to the northern provinces of Mexico speedily
dispelled the illusions in regard to them, the wonderful story
of the Seven Cities flitted further north. Six years later these
stories were invested with new life by the arrival in Mexico of
Cabeza De Vaca and three companions. The story of their
remarkable wanderings reads like an extract from a work of
fiction. They were members of the unfortunate Spanish
expeditions to the coast of Florida in 1528. After the shipwreck
and final overthrow of the expedition, these four men had
wandered from somewhere on the coast of the Gulf of Mexico,
first north, and then west, passing through, probably, portions
of Texas and New Mexico, until finally they were so fortunate as
to meet with their own countrymen near Culiacan, in Mexico.
The story they had to tell fell on willing ears. They stated to
the viceroy that they had carefully observed the country through
which they had passed, and had been told of great and powerful
cities containing houses of four and five stories, with the
usual accompaniments of great wealth.
The next incident was the journey of three Franciscan friars and
a negro (who, by the way, had been with De Vaca in his
wanderings), sent out by the Governor Coronado, with orders to
return and report to him all they could learn by personal
observation of the Seven Cities. This expedition did not
accomplish much. Arriving near Cibola (the Spanish name for the
country of the Seven Cities), they sent the negro on ahead to
gain the good will of the Indians. Instead of this, he was
killed by them. On hearing which, the monks contented themselves
with gazing on the pueblo (which they describe as "more
considerable than Mexico") from a safe distance, and then
hurriedly returned to Culiacan. They gave Coronado a most
glowing account of all they had discovered.
Coronado now thought the time had come for decisive action.
Accordingly, with the viceroy's permission, he organized his
forces, and in 1540 set out on his memorable march in search of
the Seven Cities of Cibola. We do not propose to give in detail
the series of conquests beginning with this expedition and
finally ending with the subjection of New Mexico in 1598. It is
needless to say that the Spanish forces found no cities teeming
with wealth. What they did find was a country much the same as
at present. The cities were the communal houses, or combination
of houses, known as pueblos. The pueblo of Zuni is the remaining
one of the mystical seven. The ruins of at least six other
pueblos are known to be in the immediate vicinity.<2>
This historical account, short and imperfect as it is,
introduces us to a most interesting people. If we would know
more of them we can not do better than to adopt the advice of
Hosta, ex governor of Jemez, to Dr. Loew: "If you wish to see
what a great people we once were you must go upon the mesas and
into the canyons of the vicinity, where ruins of our forefathers
are numerous."
One of the most important pueblos yet remaining inhabited, and
one of the first that Coronado encountered in his expedition, is
Zuni. The present pueblo is considered as the remaining one of
the Seven Cities--at least, by the majority of Americanists.
Whipple describes Zuni as follows: "Treading an opening between
rocky bluffs, ... we entered the valley, several miles in width,
which leads to Zuni. The soil seemed light, but where cultivated
it produced fine crops without the aid of irrigation. ...
Within the valley appeared occasional towers, where herders and,
laborers watch to prevent a surprise from Apaches. Near the
center of this apparent plain stood, upon an eminence, the
compact city of Zuni.<3> By its side flowed the river which
bears the same name. It is now but a rivulet of humble
dimensions, though sometimes said to be a large stream. ...
Passing beneath an arch, we entered a court, ... entirely
surrounded by houses of several receding stories, which were
attained by means of ladders loading from one to another. ...
From the top the pueblo reminds one of an immense ant-hill, from
its similar form and dense population. ... Going down from its
outer side into the street, we encounter five stories
of descent."<4>
In order to prevent confusion, we will state that a pueblo,
which is the Spanish name for these old Indian towns, may be one
of several different types. A common form of village consists of
but one or two, seldom three, large buildings, so arranged as to
surround an interior court. Sometimes there is but one large
building, which is nearly in the shape of a half circle;
instead of being really circular, it has a number of different
sides. In some cases a village consists of a number of these
large houses irregularly arranged. But the tendency is always to
inclose a square.<5>
In the modern villages the buildings forming the square do not
meet, but in some cases are connected by bridges or covered
gangways, and in some instances the houses project over the
streets below, which, being narrow, are thus given an
underground appearance.<6>
Illustration of Ground Plan and End View.------------
The buildings, or communal houses, for one house contained
sometimes five hundred rooms, are generally from three to four
hundred feet long and about one hundred and fifty feet in width
at the base. The lower story is divided by cross-walls into a
mass of cell-like rooms, as shown in the illustrations which
represents the ground plan of a pueblo having four ranges of
rooms. Each story in height has one less range of rooms, so
that, looking directly at the end of this building, it would
present the appearance shown by this cut: The only means of
getting from one terrace to the other is by the aid of ladders.
In some cases these terraces run from both sides of the
building; in others they face the inclosed space; and in others
still they face outside. Most of the inhabited pueblos are built
of adobe--that is, sun-dried bricks. The majority of the ancient
ruins were built of stone set in adobe mortar. With this
digression, we will now return to Zuni.
Illustration of Old Zuni.------------
Ruins testifying to the former greatness of these people are
scattered around them. Three miles to the east of the present
pueblo of Zuni, on the bluff seen in the cut, are the ruins of a
larger pueblo, which is called Old Zuni. Mr. Whipple, who
explored this field of ruins, thus describes his visit:
"The projecting summit of the cliffs seemed inaccessible. ...
We followed a trail which, with great labor, had been hammered
out from seam to seam of the rocks along the side of the
precipice. At various points of the ascent, where a projecting
rock permitted, were barricades of stone walls, from which the
old man<7> told us they had hurled rocks upon the invading
Spaniards. Having ascended one thousand feet, we found ourselves
upon a level surface, covered with thick cedars. ... The top of
the mesa was of an irregular figure, a mile in width, bounded
upon all sides by perpendicular bluffs. ... The guide hurried us
on half a mile further, where appeared the ruins of a city,
indeed. Crumbling walls, from two to twelve feet in height, were
crowded together in confused heaps, over several acres of
ground. ... Upon examining the pueblo, we found the standing
walls rested upon ruins of greater antiquity.<8> The primitive
masonry, as well as we could judge, must have been about six
feet thick. The more recent was not more than a foot or a foot
and a half, but the small sandstone blocks had been laid in mud
mortar with considerable care."<9>
The descriptions of ruins have so much that is similar that
repetitions become tiresome. We will not, therefore, delay much
longer with Zuni. A few miles east of Old Zuni we come to
Pescado Springs, near which are the ruins of several pueblos.
"This spring bursts from a broken point of the lava bed, and at
once becomes a pretty stream, glittering with great numbers of
the finny tribe, which gives name to it. The circular wall which
once inclosed the fountainhead is now partly broken down.
Upon each side, and almost tangent, are ruins of pueblos so
ancient that the traditions of present races do not reach them.
They are nearly circular in form, and of equal dimension.
One measured three hundred and fifteen short paces, about eight
hundred feet, in circumference. They were of stone; but the
walls have crumbled, leaving only a heap of rubbish."<10>
Following up this stream, other ruins were found. It seems,
then, that in the pueblo of Zuni we have left a pitiful remnant
of a numerous people. When the Spaniards first appeared on the
scene they were apparently prosperous. The rapid decrease of the
Pueblo tribes was owing to several causes. In 1680 they made an
attempt to throw off the Spanish yoke. At first this was
successful. But inter-tribal warfare at once set in. At this
time also the inroads of the Apaches and Navajos became so
troublesome that the Pueblo tribes could not successfully
cultivate their land. At this time also a succession of dry
years set in, and famine was the result. Their customs and
manners we will describe in another place. There are many
reasons for supposing that the country had been inhabited for a
very long period, even before the Spaniards invaded it.
Some places must have been even then in ruins, or, if inhabited,
it is very strange that the Spanish records do not mention them.
Such, for instance, is Inscription Rock, about fifteen miles
east of Old Zuni, which the Spaniards must have passed when on
their way back and forth to Zuni.
Illustration of Inscription Rock.----------
The small mesa here ends with a bold front of white sandstone
rock, rising almost vertically two hundred and fifty feet high.
This cut gives us a view on the top of the table-rock. We see
here the foundations of two old buildings. A deep ravine nearly
divides this little plateau into two portions. As we have said,
this rises with a bold, precipitous front from the plain. At one
place this front is completely covered with inscriptions.
Here the Indians, unknown years ago, made their strange
hieroglyphics which, presenting to our eyes only a senseless
combination of forms of animals and men and meaningless figures,
may have conveyed to them knowledge of important events. A great
many Spanish inscriptions have also been carved on the rock.
Whipple calls attention to the fact that though Spanish
inscriptions placed there nearly two hundred years ago, seem but
slightly affected by atmospheric action, still some of the
Indian hieroglyphics are "almost wiped out by the fingers of
time." A number of centuries have probably rolled away since
they were inscribed.
It may be interesting to know the reading of some of these old
inscriptions. A translation of one of the earliest and longest
is here given, with the exception of a few words which could not
be made out: "Bartolome Narrso, Governor and Captain-general of
the province of New Mexico, for our lord, the king, passed by
this place on his return from the pueblo of Zuni, on the 29th of
July, of the year 1620, and put them in peace, at their
petition, asking the favor to become subjects of his majesty,
and anew they gave obedience; all of which they did with free
consent, knowing it prudent as well as very Christian, ... to so
distinguished and gallant a soldier, indomitable and famed;
we love ..."<11>
It is somewhat strange to meet thus in the interior of the
United States with the record of a military expedition some
months before the Puritans landed at Plymouth. There seems to be
nothing especial to describe about the ruins. Both Simpson and
Whipple notice that the masonry seems to be unusually good.
As it must have been very difficult to procure water, the
location must have been chosen solely for the protection it
afforded. The early Spanish accounts contain the names of one
hundred and twenty-six pueblos. Some are, however, mentioned two
or three times. Mr. Bandelier has succeeded in identifying every
one. The Rio Puerco Valley was never a very prosperous one, and
the river is scarcely a permanent one. At present a few ruins at
Poblazon, for instance, are to be seen, and the valley looks
poor and barren.
The valley of the Rio Grande River was occupied by a number of
Pueblo tribes, and there are at present eight inhabited pueblos
along this river, in New Mexico, and one in Texas. The region
around Bernalillo was a prosperous section. At intervals, up and
down the river, and along its tributaries, we can still trace
low crumbling ruins, evidence of an old pueblo. If the
statements of the Spanish writers are to be believed, the number
of inhabited towns, at the time of the conquest, was at least
ten times that now existing. The population could never have
exceeded forty thousand. At present it contains about nine
thousand. Still making all allowance for Spanish exaggeration,
we are convinced that it was a thickly populated country at the
time of the conquest.
One of the most interesting pueblos in New Mexico is Jemez, on a
river of that name, sixty miles west of Santa Fe. We speak of it
here because it is the center of a most interesting group of
ruins. Like the pueblo of Zuni, it is a remnant only of a
prosperous people. The reports of Coronado's expedition
frequently mention Jemez, though it may he doubtful whether they
refer to the pueblo of that name now, or to one of the numerous
ruined ones in the immediate vicinity. Jemez is a prosperous
pueblo, having fine fields, large irrigating ditches, and
extensive flocks of sheep.
Simpson describes it in 1849 as follows: "The pueblo of Jemez is
an Indian town of between four and five hundred inhabitants, ...
and is built upon two or three parallel streets, the houses
being of adobe construction, and having second stories disposed
retreatingly upon the first, to which access is had by means of
ladders. ... About the premises are probably a dozen acres
covered with apricot and peach trees. ... The Rio de Jemez, upon
which the pave lies, is an affluent of the Rio Grande, varies
from thirty to fifty feet in breadth, is of a rapid current. ...
Patches of good corn and wheat skirt it here and there along its
banks, and the extent of cultivable land bordering it may be
estimated at about a mile in breadth."
We are more interested, however, in ruins testifying to past
greatness. "Six miles up the river you come to the union of two
canyons--the Guadalupe and San Diego. Where the mesa between
these canyons narrows itself to a point, are the ruins of two
pueblos, one upon the lower prominence of the mesa, the other
upon the mesa proper, and only approachable by two narrow, steep
trails, the mesa everywhere else being nearly perpendicular, and
seven hundred and fifty feet high. The view from the mesa is
picturesque and imposing in the extreme. Far beneath, to the
right and left, a stream makes its way between the colossal
walls of the sandstone upon the narrow width of the mesa;
near frightful precipices are the ruins of a town of eighty
houses, partly in parallel rows, partly in squares, and partly
perched between overhanging rocks, the rim and surfaces of which
formed the walls of rooms, the gaps and interstices being filled
in artificially."
"Nearly every house had one story and two rooms. The building
material was trachytic rock as found upon the mesa.
Broken pottery, charred corn, and millstones for grinding corn,
were found in some of the rooms. The roofs had all fallen in,
and so also had many of the side walls, in the construction of
which wood was but little used. Pinon trees have taken root
within many of the former rooms. Upon asking my Indian guide
whether the former inhabitants of this town were obliged to
descend the steep and dangerous pathway every day to the creek
to procure water, he replied there were cisterns upon the mesa,
in which rain, formerly plentiful, was caught. He then called my
attention to some conical heaps of stones along the rim of the
precipice which was the material for defense."<12>
This description introduces us to another class of ruins--that
is, detached separate houses, different from the great communal
structures we have already described. What connection exists
between these two forms of houses will be studied in another
place. As a rule, the rooms in the detached houses are larger
than in the communal houses. Exceptions occur in some of the
inhabited pueblos.<13> This is only one of many towns in ruins
thereabouts. According to Dr. Loew there are no less than
twenty-five or thirty.
It is not our purpose to describe any more of the pueblos of
this section of New Mexico than is required to enable us to
understand the customs, manners, and habits of the Pueblo
tribes. We learn that in New Mexico we are brought face to face
with feeble remnants of former tribes, and that these were
probably in their most flourishing condition when the Spaniards
first invaded the country, and though in a few instances the
ruins imply a great antiquity, as at Inscription Rock, still we
may be reasonably sure that the majority of them date but a few
centuries back. The ruins of Catholic churches established by
the Franciscan monks in the sixteenth century occur in several
places, five being found around Jemez.
The story of the decline of the Pueblo tribes may be illustrated
by the history of Pecos. This pueblo was situated on the Rio
Pecos, about twenty-five miles south-east of Santa Fe. With the
exception of the present inhabited town of Taos, it was the most
eastern point reached by the pueblo building tribes.
This, though a very large pueblo, has nothing especial to
attract attention, except that the entire mesa was inclosed by a
stone wall about six feet and a half high, and twenty inches
thick, having a total length of three thousand, two hundred and
twenty feet.<14> Its history is, however, interesting and
instructive. Coronado, with his army, visited Pecos before he
abandoned the country in 1543. His reports mention it as a
prosperous pueblo. Several raids were made into New Mexico by
Spanish parties, but the conquest proper occurred in 1598, when
the Pecos pledged fidelity to the crown of Spain.
The Catholic Church at once set about establishing missions at
various pueblos. The Pecos Church was established in 1629,
though missionary work had been done here before that time.
One of the priests who accompanied Coronado remained behind at
Pecos. He was never afterwards heard from. This church became
one of the most renowned in New Mexico. The inhabitants became
herders as well as agriculturists. It was prosperous. In 1680
the Pueblo of Pecos sheltered two thousand Indians. "But a storm
was brewing from whose effects the Pueblo tribes never
recovered." In 1680 the Indians rose against the Spanish and
drove them from New Mexico. The priests were murdered, the
churches were sacked. From this time doubtless date the ruins of
the churches seen around Jemez. At Pecos and many other places
intertribal warfare set in. Bloody battles were fought.
Neither were the Spaniards idle. In 1682 one expedition was
made, and at least two pueblo towns were destroyed by them.
In 1689 the entire country was reconquered. Some tribes were
nearly exterminated, and all more or less weakened and a great
many ruins date from that time. It was the beginning of a
decline for the Pueblo tribes, and this decline was hastened by
intertribal warfare, by drought, and by ravages from wild
Indians. As to the drought, it is sufficient to state that some
ruins are now fifteen, and even twenty, miles from permanent
water. The Comanches were the scourge of the Pecos. On one
occasion they slaughtered all the young men but one. This was a
blow from which they never recovered. Finally reduced by
sickness to but five adults, the Pecos sold their lands and, at
the invitation of their brethren at Jemez, went to live with
them, and the pueblo of Pecos speedily became the ruins we now
find it.<15>
No doubt a similar history could be written of many other ruins.
"Our people," said Hosta, "were a warlike race, and had many
fights, not only with the Spaniards, but also with other Indian
tribes the Navajos and Taos, for instance and were thus reduced
to this pueblo of Jemez, which now forms the last remnant."
New Mexico is now becoming rapidly "Americanized," and it will
soon be brought to a test whether the Pueblo tribes can
withstand this new influence and retain their peculiar
civilization, or whether, like many other races, their life
force is nearly spent, in which case they will live only
in history.
We must not overlook the Moki Pueblos in Arizona. They are
situated one hundred miles northwest of Zuni. The Spaniards
discovered them, and called their province Tusayan. They are
much like the Pueblo tribes of New Mexico, only they have been
much less disturbed by outside influence. There are a number of
ruined towns in this vicinity. We wish to refer to them because
of their intimate connection with the ruins to the North.
Their houses are built of stone on precipitous mesas.
Illustration of Wolpi. (Maj Powell)------------
Lieut. Ives, who visited them in 1858, has left quite a full
description of them. He states that "each pueblo is built around
a rectangular court, in which, we suppose, are the springs that
furnished the supply to the reservoirs. The exterior walls,
which are of stone, have no openings, and would have to be
scaled or battered down before access could be gained to the
interior. The successive stories are set back, one behind the
other. The lower rooms are reached through trap-doors from the
first landing. The houses are three rooms deep, and open upon
the interior court."<16> He was much pleased with the manner in
which they had terraced off the bluff of the mesas into little
garden patches, irrigating them from the large reservoirs from
the top.
There is one feature common to all the Pueblo tribes which is
necessary to refer to here, from its connection with the ruined
structures further north. In all of the inhabited pueblos there
is a structure known as an Estafa, some pueblos having several.
They are usually circular, but occasionally (as at Jemez)
rectangular. They are generally subterranean, or mostly so.
They are great institutions among the Pueblos. "In these
subterranean temples the old men met in secret council, or
assembled in worship of their gods. Here are held dances,
festivities, and social intercourse."
Another common feature, represented in this cut, is the
watch-tower. It is either round, as in this case, or
rectangular. It may be interesting to recall in this connection
the signal mounds of the Mound Builders. They were not always in
the immediate vicinity of other ruins. Neither can we state that
there was a system in their arrangement, one answering to
another at a distance, and yet it was noticed where the rains
were numerous that several were in view from one point.<17>
In dimensions these towers range from ten to fifteen feet in
diameter, and from five to fifteen feet in height, while the
walls are from one to two feet thick. They are in many cases
connected with structures rectangular in form.
Illustration of Watch Tower.-----------
We will now leave the inhabited pueblos and the ruins in their
immediate vicinity and, going to the north, explore a section of
country that shows every evidence of having sustained a
considerable population some time in the past. To understand
this fact clearly, it will be necessary to fix the location of
the places named by means of the map. From time to time confused
reports of the wonders to be seen in the San Juan section of
Colorado had appeared in the East, but the first clear and
satisfactory account is contained in the reports of Messrs.
Jackson and Holmes, members of the U.S. Geographical and
Geological survey of the territories under Dr. Hayden for 1874
and 1876.
In the south-western portion of Colorado is a range of mountains
known as the San Juan. Stretching from their base west to the
Sierras is a great plateau region, drained by the numerous
tributaries of the San Juan River. It would, perhaps, be more in
keeping with the facts of the case to say "had been drained some
time in the past," for this is now such an arid, semi-desert
country that the majority of the streams are dry, or have but
scattered pools of water in them, during a large portion of the
year; and yet, at times, great volumes of water go sweeping
through them. This whole plateau is cut up with long, canyoned
valleys, presenting, in effect, the same surface features that
we have already described in New Mexico. Yet this precipitous,
canyon-marked section of country is literally filled with the
crumbling ruins of a former people. The situation in which they
occur is in many cases very singular, and the whole subject is
invested with great interest to us, because we see in them the
remains of a people evidently the same as the Pueblo
people to-day.
One of the most extensive ruins in this section is situated at
Aztec Springs. This, it will be seen, is about midway between
the Rio Mancos and the McElmo. Mr. Holmes found the site of the
spring, but it contained no water. He was told, however, by
those familiar with the locality that there had been a living
spring there up to within a few years. It was evidently a place
of considerable importance once. Mr. Holmes describes the ruins
as forming the most imposing pile of masonry found in Colorado.
They cover an area of over ten acres. This includes only the
ruins around the springs. But all about this central portion are
scattered and grouped the remnants of smaller structures.
So that nearly a square mile is covered with the ruins of this
ancient pueblo. Most of the stone used was brought from the Mesa
Verde (Green Plateau), a mile away, and must have been a great
work for a people so totally without facilities.
Illustration of Ruins at Aztec Springs.----------
It will be seen that immediately to the right of the Springs is
a large rectangular ruin in better preservation than the rest.
This now "forms a great mound of crumbling rock from twelve to
twenty feet in height, overgrown with artemisia, but showing
clearly, however, its rectangular structure, adjusted
approximately to the four points of the compass." This house,
from its massive walls, must have had an original height of at
least forty feet. "The walls seem to have been doubled, with a
space of seven feet between; a number of cross-walls at regular
intervals indicate that this space has been divided into
apartments, as seen in the plan." Two low lines of rubbish cross
the square, probably partition walls.
Surrounding this house is a net-work of fallen walls, so
completely reduced that none of the stones seem to remain in
place. Mr. Holmes was at a loss to know whether to call them a
cluster of irregular apartments, having low, loosely built
walls, or whether they are the remains of imposing pueblos.
In the group of ruins to the left of the spring are two
well-defined circular estufas. Below the main mass of ruins,
connected by low walls of ruins, is another great square, nearly
two hundred feet in dimensions. One wall seems to have consisted
of a row of apartments; the other walls served to simply inclose
the square, near the center of which was another large estufa.
Several important conclusions can be drawn from a study of this
locality. The spring, now dry, was once evidently the source of
a considerable stream. Whether the group of low ruins were
collections of small houses, or remains of imposing pueblos, we
need not doubt that the walls of the square inclosures were
composed of pueblo houses. The estufas were probably in all
respects similar to those of the present inhabited pueblos.
The country around, now so dry and barren, must once have
supported considerable population. As to the period of
abandonment, we have nothing to guide us. Being an agricultural
settlement, it was probably abandoned at an earlier date than
the cave-dwellings and cliff-houses of the canyons of the
vicinity. The reason for this will appear subsequently. The site
of this ruin, as well as for a long distance around, is covered
with pieces of broken pottery. We notice that the spring has
only lately gone dry. This illustrates the changes now taking
place all through the country. It is drying up, and this process
has been in operation for a long while.
Illustration of Ruins in the McElmo Canyon.-------
Many groups of ruins are now in localities where the people
could not hope for subsistence. About six miles to the north of
these ruins, about a mile from the McElmo, is the group of ruins
here represented, which may throw some light on the remains at
Aztec Springs. The principal feature is the triple walled tower,
of which a plan is given. The tower has a diameter of about
forty-three feet, and a circumference of about one hundred and
thirty-five feet. The walls are traceable nearly all the way
around, and the space between the two outer ones, which is about
five feet, contains fourteen apartments or cells. The walls
about one of these cells were still standing at the time of Mr.
Holmes's visit, but the cell was filled with rubbish from the
fallen walls. A door-way, opening into this apartment, could
still be seen. The inner wall was probably never very high.
It simply inclosed the estufa.
The ruins surrounding this tower consist of low, fallen walls,
scarcely traceable. The apartments number nearly one hundred,
and were generally rectangular. They are not of a uniform size,
and were certainly not arranged in regular order. Now, as Mr.
Holmes observes, it would certainly seem that, if they are the
ruins of such structures as the pueblos of the south, there
would be some regularity of size, and some systematic
arrangement. He says that, in reality, they are more like a
cluster of pens, such as are used by the Moqui tribes for
keeping sheep and goats.
Since these surveys were made, Mr. Bandelier, as agent for the
Archaeological Institute, has made important researches.
He finds that the small, detached houses, such as we described
in the ruined village near Jemez, are found in Arizona, with a
small court-yard or inclosure attached to them. If we understand
the description of the ruins just mentioned, and those at Apache
Springs, they are villages of these small houses and their
inclosures. In such villages the inclosures meet each other, so
as to form a checker-board of irregularly alternating houses and
courts. The houses are easily discernible from the fact of
little rubbish mounds having accumulated where they stood.
Around these parts of the wall can still be traced.
This combination makes a strong, easily defended position.
Each of such villages contains one or more open spaces of large
size, but they are irregularly located.
We must notice one point more: Each village of this nature, that
was of any size, contained a larger ruin in the center. This was
noticed in the ruins at Aztec Springs. This larger building was
in the nature of a citadel, and there the inhabitants could
retire when the approaches were carried by the enemy.
This central building ultimately swallowed up all the others,
and so developed into the pueblo structures we have noticed.
The little walled inclosures surrounding the houses were largely
in the nature of defenses. Tradition asserts that in many cases
they were garden plats, and appearances sometimes confirm this.
"They may also have been the yard proper for each family, in
which the latter slept, cooked--in fact, lived--during the heat
of the Summer months."<18>
Referring once more to the ruins near the McElmo, we are told
that every isolated rock and bit of mesa within a circle of
miles of this place is strewn with remnants of ancient
dwellings. We presume these were small, separate houses.
They may have been outlying settlements of the tribe whose main
village was at Aztec Springs. We must also notice the small
tower in the corner. This was a watch tower. It was fifteen feet
in diameter, walls three and a half feet thick, and in 1876 was
still five feet high, It overlooked the surrounding country.
The rainfall in the past must have been more abundant, to
support the population we are justified in thinking once lived
there. The nearest water is now a mile away, and during the dry
season some fifteen miles to the north, in the Rio Dolores, and
yet we have every reason to believe these old inhabitants were
very saving of water. They built cisterns and reservoirs to
store it up against the time of need.
Illustration of Tower on the Rio Mancos.-----------
We give a cut of the tower of the ruins of a similar village, or
settlement, to the one just described, which occurs twenty miles
to the southeast in the canyon of the Rio Mancos. Being so
similar, we will mention it here. In this case the tower had
only two walls. Mr. Holmes says the diameter of the outer wall
is forty-three feet, that of the inner twenty-five feet.
The space between the two circles is divided by cross-walls into
ten apartments. This tower is placed also in the midst of a
group of more dimly marked ruins or foundations, extending some
distance in each direction from it. Mr. Holmes, however, states
that there are no ruins of importance in connection with this
tower, but that there are a number of ruins in the immediate
vicinity. In this case, then, the citadel (if such it was) was
not directly connected with other ruins.
The Rio Mancos, that we have just mentioned, was a favorite
place of resort for these old people. This stream, rising in
the La Platte Mountains, flows through beautiful valleys to a
great table-land known as the Mesa Verde. Mr. Jackson explored
this valley in 1874, and he reports as follows: "Commencing our
observation in the park-like valley of the Mancos, between the
mesa and the mountains, we find that the low benches which
border the stream upon either side bear faint vestiges of having
at some far away time been covered with dwellings, grouped in
communities apparently, but so indistinct as to present to the
eye little more than unintelligible mounds. By a little careful
investigation, however, the foundation of great square blocks of
single buildings and of circular inclosures can be made out, the
latter generally of a depressed center, showing an excavation
for some purpose."
From this description we can not quite make out whether these
ruins are great communal buildings, like the modern pueblo, or
clusters of separate houses. We incline to the latter opinion,
however. The circular depressed area was doubtless used as an
Estufa, the place of religious meetings for men alone.
"The greater portion of these mounds are now overgrown with
artemisia, pinion-pine, and cedar, concealing them almost
entirely from casual observation." "We found the surest
indication of their proximity in the great quantity of broken
pottery which covered the ground in their neighborhood. The same
curiously indented, painted, and glazed ware, was found
throughout New Mexico and Arizona. It was all broken into very
small pieces, none that we could find being larger than a silver
dollar." Specimens of this pottery will be figured in its
appropriate place.
"Nowhere among these open plane habitations could we discover
any vestige of stone-work, either in building material or
implements. It is very evident that the houses were all of
adobe, the mound-like character of the remains justifying that
belief." In this last respect we note a difference between these
remains and those already described. The mesa verde is one of
those elevated plateaus we have so often described. Through this
the Mancos has cut a canyon nearly thirty miles in length, and
from one to two thousand feet deep. The description we have
already given is of the valley of the river before coming to
the canyon.
Entering the canyon, Mr. Jackson continues: "Grouped along in
clusters, and singly, were indications of former habitations,
very nearly obliterated, and consisting mostly, in the first
four or five miles, of the same mound-like forms noticed above,
and accompanied always by the scattered, broken pottery.
Among them we find one building of squared and carefully laid
sandstone, one face only exposed of three or four courses, above
the mass of debris which covered every thing.
This building lay within a few yards of the banks of the stream,
was apparently about ten feet by eight, the usual size, as near
as we could determine, of nearly all the separate rooms or
houses in the larger blocks, none larger, and many not more than
five feet square. The stones exposed are each about seven by
twelve inches square, and four inches thick, those in their
original position retaining correct angles, but, when thrown
down, worn away by attrition to shapeless bowlders."
"As we progressed down the canyon the same general
characteristics held good. The great majority of the ruins
consisting of heaps of debris a central mass considerably
higher and more massive than the surrounding lines of
sub-divided squares. Small buildings, not more than eight feet
square, were often found standing alone apparently, no trace of
any other being detected in their immediate neighborhood."
We would call especial attention in this description to the
character of the ruins, the central, higher mass surrounded by
other ruins; also to the houses found occasionally standing
alone. We notice they are of the same general character as the
ruins at Aztec Springs.
We are finding abundant evidence that this section was once
thickly settled. Going back to the triple-walled tower on the
McElmo, Mr. Jackson says of the immediate vicinity: "On the
mesa is group after group upon the same general plan, a great
central tower and smaller surrounding buildings. They cover the
whole breadth and length of the land, and, turn which way we
would, we stumbled over the old mound and into the cellars, as
we might call them, of these truly aborigines." We believe,
however, that no excavation for cellar purposes are found in the
entire region covered by these ancient ruins.
"Starting down the canyon (the McElmo), which gradually deepened
as the table-land rose above us, we found upon either hand very
old and faint vestiges of the homes of a forgotten people, but
could give them no more attention than merely noting
their existence."
Mr. Morgan has shown the existence of regular large houses in
the valley of Aminas River, east of the Mancos;<19> and he also
speaks of the ruins at the commencement of McElmo Canyon as being
large communal buildings. We should judge from Mr. Jackson's
report just given that these ruins were rather small clusters of
houses of the same design as the ruins at Apache Springs.
Near the Utah boundary line we notice the Hovenweep Creek
joining the McElmo from the north. The mesa, narrowing to a
point where the two canyons meet, is covered with ruins much like
what we have described already. The Hovenweep is appropriately
named, meaning "deserted valley."
Illustration of Ruins in the Hovenweep Canyon.--------
Further west still is the Montezuma Valley. Mr. Jackson's party
found the ruins so numerous as to excite surprise at the numbers
this narrow valley must have supported. He says, "We camped at
the intersection of a large canyon coming in from the west. ...
At this point the bottoms widen out to from two to three
hundred yards in width, and are literally covered with ruins,
evidently those of an extensive settlement or community,
although at the present time water was so scarce (there not
being a drop within a radius of six miles) that we were
compelled to make a dry camp. The ruins consist evidently of
great solid mounds of rock debris, piled up in
rectangular masses, covered with earth and a brush growth,
bearing every indication of extreme age--just how old is about
as impossible to tell as to say how old the rocks of this canyon
are. This group is a mile in length, in the middle of the valley
space, and upon both sides of the wash. Each separate building
would cover a space, generally, of one hundred feet square; they
are seldom subdivided into more than two or four apartments.
Relics were abundant, broken pottery and arrow-points being
especially plenty. At one place, where the wash held partially
undermined the foundation of ore of the large buildings, it
exposed a wall of regularly laid masonry, extending down six
feet beneath the superincumbent rubbish to the old floor-level,
covered with ashes and the remains of half-charred sticks
of juniper."
Lower down, the valley was noted for little projecting tongues
of rock extending out into the canyon, sometimes connected with
the main walls of the canyon by narrow ledges of rock, and in
cases even this had disappeared, leaving detached masses of rock
standing quite alone. "Within a distance of fifteen miles there
are some sixteen or eighteen of these promontories and isolated
mesas of different height, every one of them covered with ruins
of old and massive stone-built structures."
We have been somewhat full in our description of these ruins,
yet their importance justifies this course. So far we see but
very little to remind us of the pueblo towns. On the other hand,
the buildings seem to be often single houses, or a few houses
grouped together. In some locations they were built of stone, in
others of adobe. It is to be observed, however, that the houses
are very small--not larger than the rooms in the modern pueblos.
We evidently have here quiet scenes of agricultural life.
They of course had enemies, and guarded against their attacks by
the watch-towers, of which an example is given in the McElmo
ruins. The country must have been better watered than now, the
soil productive the seasons kind; and who can tell how long
these agricultural tribes held the land? Under these conditions,
time must have been rapidly bringing them civilization. But we
must now turn to a sorrowful chapter in their history, and trace
the dispersion of these tribes, their unavailing attempts to
hold their own against a savage foe, and the desperate chances
they took before leaving the land of their fathers.
This brings us to a consideration of cliff-houses--that is,
houses so placed that manifestly the only reason the people
would have for putting them where found would be of a defensive
nature; and, for a similar reason, we may be very sure they are
of a later date than the majority of the ruins in the valley or
in the canyons. People would never have settled in the valley in
the first place if they had felt the necessity of seeking
inaccessible places in which to build shelters as a resort in
time of need. We can not do better than to refer once more to
Mr. Jackson's exploration in the valley of the Rio Mancos.
We have already referred to it in reference to the larger ruins.
Illustration of Two-storied House in the Mancos Canyon.----
This cut gives us a general view of the first cliff-house
discovered in this valley. This was far up on the cliff.
Mr. Jackson says, "We had no field-glass with the party, and to
this fact is probably due the reason we had not seen others
during the day in this same line, for there is no doubt that
ruins exist throughout the entire length of the canyon, far above
and out of the way of ordinary observation." Subsequently Mr.
Holmes proved this supposition to be true. The sides of this
canyon have nearly all their ledges occupied by these houses.
Every advantage was taken, both natural and artificial, to
conceal them from view. "Cedars and pines grew thickly along the
ledges upon which they are built, hiding completely any thing
behind them. All that we did find were built of the same
materials as the cliffs themselves with but few, and then only
the smallest, appertures toward the canyon, the surface being
dressed very smooth, and showing no lines of masonry. It was
only on the very closest inspection that the houses could be
separated from the cliff."
Illustration of View of Cliff in which the House is Situated.--
To illustrate the singular position in which this house was
located, we introduce this cut. It is seven hundred feet above
the valley. "Whether viewed from below or from the heights
above, the effect is almost startling, and one can not but feel
that no ordinary circumstances could have driven a people to
such places of resort." As showing the difficulty an enemy
would have to approach such a house, we give Mr. Jackson's
account of his climb to it:
"The first five hundred feet of ascent were over a long, steep
slope of debris, overgrown with cedar, then came
alternately perpendiculars and slopes. Immediately below the
house was a nearly perpendicular ascent of one hundred feet,
that puzzled us for a while, and which we were only able to
surmount by finding cracks and crevices into which fingers and
toes could be inserted. From the little ledges occasionally
found, and by stepping upon each other's shoulders, and grasping
tufts of yucca, one would draw himself up to another shelf, and
then, by letting down a stick of cedar or a hand, would assist
the others."
"Soon we reached a slope, smooth and steep, in which there had
been cut a series of steps, now weathered away into a series of
undulating hummocks, by which it was easy to ascend, and without
them almost an impossibility. Another short, steep slope, and we
were under the ledge on which stood our house." By referring to
the first cut, we see that the house stands on a very narrow
ledge, and that the rocks overhang it so as to furnish a roof.
It will also be noticed that the ledge is rounding, so that the
outer walls of the house rise from an incline. Piers, or
abutments, had also been built along the ledge, so as to form an
esplanade.
Illustration of Plan of the House.-------------
The house itself was only about twelve feet high, but this had
been divided into two stories. Whether it ever had any other
roof than the overhanging walls of rock is doubtful. The plan is
shown in the preceding cut. The curved apartment at the right is
a reservoir, capable of holding about five barrels. A series of
pegs were inserted in the wall, so as to form a means of descent
from a window to the bottom. A number of doorways are seen in
the plan; a cut of one is presented in this figure.
Illustration of Doorway of the House.----------------
We are, however, warned that the artist has represented the
stonework a little too regularly. The support for the top of the
doorway is not clearly shown; a number of small beams of wood
were laid across, on these the stones. This cut gives us a view
of the front room. Looking in from the end window, we can see
where the second story commenced. The doorway we have been
describing was not a very handy mode of entrance. Its builders,
however, did the best they could in their limited space.
The house displays perseverance, ingenuity, and taste. It was
plastered, both within and without, so as to resemble the walls
of the canyon, but an ornamental border was added to the
plastering of the interior rooms.
Illustration of Room of the House.--------
This cliff house could only have been used as a place of refuge
in a time of need. We must observe the care with which it was
hidden away. The walls were plastered on the outside, so as to
resemble the canyon-walls. Then we must notice what a secure
place of retreat it afforded the people. No invading party could
hope to storm this castle as long as there was any one to defend
it. This house, with its four small rooms, could give shelter to
quite a band of Indians. Then, besides, it was not alone.
Ruins of half a dozen smaller houses were found near by.
Some had been crushed by the overhanging walls falling upon
them, and others had lost their foothold and tumbled down
the precipice.
It needs but a glance to satisfy any one that only dire
necessity would have driven a people to such resorts. When we
consider how much labor it must have required to convey the
materials to the almost inaccessible place, the many
inconveniences the people must have been put to when they were
occupied, we may imagine how the people clung to their old home.
It is altogether likely that such resorts would be only used now
and then. During seasons of war and invasion probably the women
and old the men, with the little ones, went thither
for protection.
Mr. Holmes calls attention to one point bearing on the antiquity
of this ruin. The buttresses, which probably support a
balustrade, noticed in the figure on the house, were built on
the sloping surface of the rock. It would take but very little
weathering of the rocks to throw them to the bottom of the
canyon; and, furthermore, the rock is a rough sandstone, and
hence easily crumbles; and it is not well protected by the
overhanging cliff; but no perceptible change has taken place
since the buttresses were first built. The thickness of a sheet
of paper has hardly been washed from the surface, and the
mortar, almost as hard as the rock itself, lies upon it as if
placed there within a dozen years. This structure is, evidently,
not as old as the low mounds of crumbling ruins we have
heretofore described. It is more than probable that such
retreats as this were not provided until near the close of their
stay in the country.
A ruin further down the canyon, described by Mr. Holmes, is of
great interest, as it shows how necessary the people considered
it to be to construct an estufa. It will be observed that there
are two houses. So nicely are these hidden away that Mr. Holmes
had almost completed a sketch of the upper house before he
noticed the lower one. They are both overhung by the rocks above
so as to be protected from the weather. The upper house can only
he approached by means of steps cut in the rock. It appears to
be in an unfinished state, and, when we consider the great labor
required for its construction, we can not wonder that they grew
tired before its completion.
The lower house is some eight hundred feet above the bottom of
the canyon, but is comparatively easy of approach.
The interesting feature about it is the estufa. It was situated
near the center of the main portion of the house. The entrance
to this chamber shows the peculiar importance attached to it by
the builders. Mr. Holmes says: "A walled and covered passage-way
of solid masonry, ten feet of which is still intact, leads from
an outer chamber through the small intervening apartments into
the circular one. It is possible that this originally extended
to the outer wall, and was entered from the outside. If so, the
person desiring to visit the estufa would have to enter the
aperture about twenty-two inches high by thirty wide, and crawl,
in the the most abject manner possible, through a tube-like
passage-way nearly twenty feet in length."
"My first impression was that this peculiarly constructed way
was a precaution against enemies, and that it was probably the
only means of entrance to the interior of the house, but I am
now inclined to think this is hardly probable, and conclude that
this was rather designed to render a sacred chamber as free as
possible from profane intrusion." This illustrates the peculiar
regard in which it was held. Even when sore pressed by their
enemies, and obliged to flee to inaccessible heights, they still
constructed their sacred place.
Illustration of Cliff-town, Rio Mancos.------------
These cliff-houses, of which we give illustrations, are quite
common in the Mancos. Our frontispiece shows an interesting
group, about ten miles from the foot of the canyon. These are
situated only about forty feet above the bed of the creek, but
still in a secure position. Here a bed of shale had been
weathered out of the sandstone, leaving a sort of horizontal
groove four feet high and from four to six feet deep. In this a
row of minute houses had been built. They had been made to
occupy the full height and depth of the crevice, so that when
one reaches it at the only accessible point he is between two
houses, and must pass through these to get at the others.
Besides the cliff-houses, the explorers found that these people
had made use of little cave-like openings in the cliffs, and, by
walling up the openings, had converted them into houses.
These were very common in the Mancos, and of all sizes.
Some were evidently merely little hiding places, in which to
store away provisions or other articles. In some places the
cliffs were literally honey-combed with these little
habitations. Sometimes the walls were quite well preserved and
new-looking, while all about were others in all stages of decay.
"In one place in particular a picturesque outstanding promontory
has been full of dwellings. ... As one from below views the
ragged, window-pierced crags, he is unconsciously led to wonder
if they are not the ruins of some ancient castle, behind whose
mouldering walls are hidden the dread secrets of a
long-forgotten people; but a nearer approach quickly dispels
such fancies, for the windows prove to be only the doorways to
shallow and irregular apartments hardly sufficiently commodious
for a race of pigmies. Neither the outer openings nor the
apertures that communicate between the caves are large enough to
allow a person of large stature to pass, and one is led to
suspect that these nests were not the dwellings proper of these
people, but occasional resorts for women and children, and that
the somewhat extensive ruins of the valley below were their
ordinary dwelling places."<20>
Illustration of Caves used as Houses, Rio Mancos.-------
On the San Juan, about ten miles above the mouth of the Mancos,
is a significant combination of cave-dwellings and towers.
In this case, about half-way up the cliff, which is not more
than forty feet high, excavations had been made in a soft bed of
shale. They are now quite shallow, but were probably once deeper
and walled up in front. Directly above these cave-openings, on
the very brink of the cliffs, were the remains of two circular
towers, in each case double-walled, and probably divided by
cross-walls into partitions. The towers were probably their
council chambers and places of worship. The caves, directly
below, down a steep bank, were their fortresses, whither in
times of danger they could flee. The little community, by means
of ladders, could freely pass from their cave resorts to the
towers and back.
Illustration of Ruins in the San Joan Canyon.----------
The San Juan River does not seem to be as rich in ruins as some
of its tributaries. Yet near the mouth of the Montezuma we came
upon a ruin which shows considerable analogy to the pueblos.
Mr. Jackson says upon the top of the bench (fifty feet high)
overlooking the river are the ruins of a quadrangular structure
of a peculiar design. It is arranged very nearly at right angles
to the river. We see from the plan that we have the ruins of a
larger building arranged around an open court--at least, Mr.
Jackson could detect no trace of a wall in front. We must notice
the seven apartments, arranged in the form of a semicircle, back
of the court. Extreme massiveness is indicated throughout the
whole structure.
In the immediate vicinity of this ruin were found a number of
little, cave-like dwellings. They were so small that doubts were
raised as to whether they were suitable for human habitations,
but the majority of them bore ample evidence in smoke-begrimed
walls that such was their use. Twelve miles below the mouth of
the Montezuma this group of ruins was discovered. These were
situated in a cave that was almost exactly a hemisphere in
shape. Where the curve of the roof met the curve from the
bottom a little projecting bench had been utilized as a
foundation for a row of houses.
Illustration of Cave-Town.------------------
The little community that built their houses here seem to have
practised all the industries of a savage life. In one place
there was evidence that on that spot had been carried on the
manufacture of stone implements. At another place holes had been
drilled, as if for a loom. In the main building there were
fourteen rooms or apartments, ranging from sixteen to nine feet
in width. "In the central room of the main building we found a
circular, basin-like depression, that had served as a fireplace,
being still filled with the ashes and cinders of aboriginal
fires, the surrounding walls being blackened with smoke and
soot. This room was undoubtedly the kitchen of the house.
Some of the smaller rooms appear to have been used for the same
purpose, the fires having been made in the corner against the
back wall, the smoke escaping overhead. The masonry displayed in
the construction of the walls is very creditable. A symmetrical
curve is preserved throughout the whole line, and every portion
perfectly plumb. The subdivisions are at right angles to the
front. The whole appearance of the place and its surroundings
indicate that the family or little community who inhabited it
were in good circumstances, and the lords of the surrounding
country. Looking out from one of their houses, with a great dome
of solid rock overhead that echoed and re-echoed every word
uttered with marvelous distinctness, and below them a steep
descent of one hundred feet to the broad, fertile valley of the
Rio San Juan, covered with waving fields of maize and scattered
groves of majestic cotton-woods, these old people, whom even the
imagination can hardly clothe with reality, must have felt a
sense of security that even the incursions of their barbarian
foes could hardly have disturbed."<21>
To describe the defensive ruins on Epsom Creek, Montezuma Creek,
and the McElmo is simply to repeat descriptions already given.
We meet with cave-houses, cliff-houses, and sentinel-towers in
abundance. The whole section appears to have been thickly
settled. Further explorations will doubtless make known many
more ruins, but probably nothing differing in kind from what is
already known. We think the defensive ruins belong to a later
period of their existence than do the old and time-worn
structures we have hitherto described along the river valleys
and open plains, as at Aztec Springs. These structures plainly
show that at the time they were built the people were subject to
an invasion from a stronger foe, one before whose approach they
had to fly for protection to the almost inaccessible cliffs.
They would obviously never have settled there had they always
had to contend with these savage tribes. It needs no great skill
to read the story of the dispersion of these old people from the
ruins we have described; the many watch-towers, which were also
used as fortresses or citadels in which to find protection,
testifying to the need of increased watchfulness. The cave-
houses and cliff-fortresses, cunningly hidden away to escape
detection, or so placed as to defy the assault of their enemies,
show to what desperate straits they were driven; and imagination
only can picture the despair that must have filled their hearts
when the hour of final defeat came, and they must have realized
that even these shifts would not allow them to stay in the lands
of their fathers.
That this is the explanation of these ruins, we will cite the
legendary stories given by an old man among the Moquis
concerning some ruins in the canyon of the McElmo, just over the
line in Utah. At this point the canyon widens out considerably,
and in the center of the valley is still standing a portion of
the old mesa, once filling the entire valley. It is now a mass
of dark red sandstone, about one hundred feet high, and three
hundred feet around, seamed and cracked, and gradually
disappearing, as the rock has gone all around it. The top of
this rock is covered with the ruins of some building; there are
also ruins at the base and all around the immediate vicinity.
There were watch towers and estufas, showing that this was a
place of great interest.
Illustration of Battle Rock, McElmo Canyon.----------
The story is as follows: "Formerly the aborigines inhabited all
this country as far east as the headwaters of the San Juan, as
far north as the Rio Dolores, west some distance into Utah, and
south and south-west throughout Arizona, and on down into
Mexico. They had lived there from time immemorial, since the
earth was a small island, which augmented as its inhabitants
multiplied. They cultivated the valley, fashioned whatever
utensils and tools they needed very neatly and handsomely out of
clay, and wood, and stone, not knowing any of the useful metals;
built their homes and kept their flocks and herds in the fertile
river bottoms, and worshiped the sun. They were an eminently
peaceful and prosperous people, living by agriculture rather
than by the chase. About a thousand years ago, however, they
were visited by savage strangers from the north, whom they
treated hospitably. Soon these visits became more frequent and
annoying. Then their troublesome neighbors, ancestors of the
present Utes, began to forage upon them, and at last to massacre
them and devastate their farms. So, to save their lives at
least, they built houses high up on the cliffs, where they could
store food and hide away until the raiders left.
"But one Summer the invaders did not go back to their mountains,
as the people expected, but brought their families with them and
settled down. So, driven from their homes and lands, starving in
their little niches on the high cites they could only steal away
during the night and wander across the cheerless uplands. To one
who has traveled these steppes such a flight seems terrible, and
the mind hesitates to picture the sufferings of the sad
fugitives. At the 'Creston' (name of the ruin) they halted, and
probably found friends, for the rocks and caves are full of the
nests of these human wrens and swallows. Here they collected,
erected stone fortifications and watch-towers, dug reservoirs in
the rocks to hold a supply of water, which in all cases is
precarious in this latitude, and once more stood at bay.
Their foes came, and for one long month fought, and were beaten
back, and returned day after day to the attack as merciless and
inevitable as the tide. Meanwhile the families of the defenders
were evacuating and moving south, and bravely did their
defenders shield them till they were all safely a hundred
miles away.
"The besiegers were beaten back and went away. But the narrative
tells us that the hollows of the rocks were filled to the brim
with the mingled blood of conquerors and, conquered, and red
veins of it ran down the canyon. It was such a victory as they
could not afford to gain again, and they were glad, when the
long flight was over, to follow their wives and little ones to
the south. There, in the deserts of Arizona, on well-nigh
unapproachable, isolated bluffs, they built new towns, and their
few descendants, the Moquis, live in them to this day,
preserving more carefully and purely the history and veneration
of their forefathers than their skill or wisdom."<22>
Mr. Jackson thinks this legend arises from the appearance of the
rocks. The bare floor of nearly white sandstone, upon which the
butte stands, is stained in gory streaks and blotches by the
action of an iron constituent in the rocks of another portion of
the adjoining bluffs. That may well be true, but we believe that
there are germs of truth in the story. Driven from their homes,
where did the fugitives go? Some of them may have gone east, but
probably the body of the migration was to the south. It has been
the tendency of all tribes, but especially of the sedentary
tribes, to pass to the south and east, and this is also the
traditions among the inhabitants of still existing pueblos.<23>
We find that every available portion of New Mexico and Arizona
bears evidence of having been once populated by tribes of
Indians, who built houses in all respects like those already
described. In northern New Mexico, Prof. Cope has described a
whole section of country as being at one time more densely
populated than the thickly inhabited portions of the Eastern
States. He says: "The number of buildings in a square mile of
that region is equal to, if not greater than the number now
existing in the more densely populated rural districts of
Pennsylvania and New Jersey."<24>
In one location he found a village of thirty houses, built of
stone, and all in ruins. He found, over a large extent of
country, that every little conical hill and eminence was crowned
with ruins of old houses. We, of course, can not say that these
ruins are necessarily younger than those to the north of the San
Juan, and yet we think from Prof. Cope's description that they
do not present such evidence of antiquity as do the crumbling
ruins previously described. And then, besides, they were always
located in easily defended positions.
The village spoken of was really a Cliff Village, being arranged
along the very edge of a precipitous mesa, the only access to it
being along a narrow causeway. Then again, although we have
described many ruins near which no water is to be had, at least,
in dry seasons, yet we have every reason to suppose water was
formerly more plentiful and easily attained. But in this section
it must always have been a serious question with them to obtain
enough water for necessary purposes. They must have had to store
away water in vessels of pottery, whose ruins are now so
abundant. It is not such a country as we would suppose a people
to choose for a place to settle in, only that they knew not
where else to go.
It is also considered settled that all the inhabited pueblos, as
well as those in ruins near the inhabited ones, were built by
the descendants of these people whose houses we have described.
This is proven by the similarity of pottery. Though some styles
of ancient corrugated ware are found in the San Juan section not
found near the inhabited pueblos, yet vast quantities of ware,
similar to that now found in the inhabited pueblos, can be
picked up all over the ruins to the north. Again, their religion
must have been the same, as ruined estufas are common, in
all respects similar to those now in use. In the modern pueblos
we are struck with the small cell-like rooms, yet they are but
little smaller than the ordinary single houses plentifully found
over the entire field of ruins. All the Pueblo tribes are
agricultural, so were these old people. In fact, all evidence
confirms the conclusion that the remnants of the Pueblo people
that we have already described, are also the descendants of the
people driven by hostile bands from north of the San Juan.
This statement may give false impressions, however.
The traditions of the Pueblo Indians, of New Mexico, are to the
effect that they came from the north, and also that their
ancestors formerly lived in the small houses we have described.
But we do not mean to say that all the small houses and pueblos
in Arizona and New Mexico are later in date than the
cliff-houses. The pressure has always been from the north to the
south. Neither would we be understood as saying that all the
sedentary tribes, both ancient and modern, belong to the same
stock of people. There are several different stocks of people
even among the present Pueblos.<25>
In the valley of the Rio Chaco, about midway between the Rio
Grande and the San Juan, we meet a group of ruined pueblos whose
style of masonry is thought to indicate a greater antiquity than
the inhabited pueblo towns; these probably indicate another
settlement of these people. As these are really remarkable
ruins, we must briefly describe them. In the Chaco Canyon, as
indicated on the map, within the space of ten miles are the
ruins of eight larger pueblos. Another is located at the very
beginning of the canyon, and two more on the edge of the mesas
just outside of the canyon. These are large communal houses of
regular pueblo type, and, theoretically at least, they should be
later in date than the majority of ruins throughout the area
represented on the map. We think the development has been from
small, separate houses, to a closely connected cluster, with a
central citadel, which finally drew to itself all the other
buildings, and became the communal building we call
a pueblo.<26>
We give a restoration of, one--the Pueble Bonito--one of the
largest and most important of the ruins. We can not doubt but
what the restoration is substantially correct. It shows the open
court, the terraced structure, and the system of defense.
The circle itself is not as near a half-circle as we would
imagine. The ground plan shows that it was really a many-sided
building. This pueblo must have presented a striking appearance
when it was in a complete state.
Illustration of Restoration of Pueblo Bonito.---------
By comparing this structure with the views of some of the
present pueblo towns, we will understand the remarks made
earlier, as to the different styles of pueblo structures.
This building must have had not far from six hundred and fifty
rooms. "No single edifice of equal accommodations has ever been
found in any part of North America. It would shelter three
thousand Indians."<27> This pueblo will compare favorably with
some of the structures of Yucatan; though not so ornamental, yet
for practical convenience it must have met the wants of the
builders fully as well. This may be given as a fair example of
the entire class.
The evident plan on which they started to build their
structures, is shown in the following plan of the pueblo.
But some of them were not fully completed. Two of them had but
one wing. In the restoration the court is seen to be closed by a
straight row of small buildings, but in most cases the wall
inclosing the court was more or less circular. In one case the
court was left open. We will only give general descriptions.
It is now believed that these great structures were built only
a part at a time; perhaps the main body, or a part of it,
first. Afterwards, as the number of inhabitants increased, a
wing would be added, and then the other; and so, many years
would elapse before the pueblo would assume its completed form.
Illustration of Plan of Pueblo Bonito.---------
These structures ranged in extent from about four hundred to
twelve hundred feet in external measurement and could furnish a
home to from two hundred to eight hundred or a thousand Indians,
and, in one case at least, many more.
In the next cut we have represented the different styles of
masonry employed in the pueblos of this valley. It varied all
the way from careful piling of big and little stones, and of
alternate layers of such materials, to very good masonry indeed.
Speaking of it, Mr. Jackson says, "It is the most wonderful
feature in these ancient habitations, and is in striking
contrast to the careless and rude methods shown in the dwellings
of the present pueblos. The material, a grayish-yellow
sandstone, breaking readily into thin laminae, and was quarried
from the adjacent exposures of that rock. The stones employed
average about the size of an ordinary brick, but as the larger
pieces were irregular in size, the interstices were filled in
with very thin plates of sandstone, or rather built in during
its construction; for by no other means could they be placed
with such regularity and compactness. So closely are the
individual pieces fitted to each other that at a little distance
no jointage appears, and the wall bears every indication of
being a plain, solid surface."
Illustration of Different Styles of Masonry.--------
Besides these important ruins, there are a great many others not
especially different from those previously described. We can not
state positively that these ruins are of a later date than those
of the North; we think they are. From the character of the
structures, we are more inclined to class them with the great
pueblos of the Rio Grande, Puerco, and Zuni. By examining the
map we see that the Rio Chaco would afford a convenient route
for them in their migration from the San Juan Valley.
Illustration of Room in Pueblo Bonito. (Bureau of Ethnology.)---
It may be of some interest to notice one of the rooms in this
pueblo. Simpson says it is walled up with alternate layers of
large and small stones, the regularity of the combination
producing a very pleasant effect. Mr. Morgan thinks this room
will compare not unfavorably with any of equal size to be found
in the more imposing ruins of the South. We must notice the
ceiling. The probabilities are that the Rio Chelly, further to
the west, afforded another line of retreat. Some ruins are found
scattered up and down the river or canyon, which we will not stop
to describe. Off to the south-west are the inhabited towns or
pueblos of the Moquis, who, as we have seen, have a tradition
that they came from the north.
There are some ruins found in the south-western part of Arizona
which must be described in a general survey of the ruins of the
Pueblo country. The river Gila, with numerous tributaries, is
the most important stream in that portion of the State. It is in
just such a section as we would expect to find ruins, if
anywhere. Coronado, as we have seen, invaded the country about
three hundred and fifty years ago. At the time of his visit this
was then a ruin, for his historian describes one ruin as "a
single ruined and roofless house ... the work of civilized
people who had come from afar."<28> This gives us a point as to
the antiquity of some of the ruins in the Gila Valley. As we
shall see, there is every reason to suppose that this section
was at one time a thickly inhabited one.
From the similar character of the remains, we conclude the
original inhabitants to be of the same race of people as those
we have already described, but what was the exact relation
between them we can not tell, but we think a study of the ruins
will only confirm the general truth of the traditions of the
Pueblo tribes. In any one tradition there is doubtless much that
is distorted. One form in which the traditions find expression
is: "That they proceeded from the north-west to the upper waters
of the Rio Colorado. There they divided, portions ascended by
the San Juan, canyon De Chelly, or the more easterly branches of
that stream towards the center of New Mexico. Others, passing
over the waters of the Rio Verde (see map), descended its valley
to the Rio Gila."<29>
One hundred and fifty miles southwest of Zuni we notice the
Verde River flowing into the Rio Salado, and the latter into the
Gila. Besides those streams, there are other smaller ones, not
marked on the map.<30> Mr. Bandelier found near the Canyon del
Tule an improvement on the irrigating ditches, that was a lining
of concrete; and in this section also was noticed the ruins of
both pueblos and the small houses. Near Ft. Apache he found the
ruins of the largest villages discovered in Arizona, but we have
no details of it. The valley of the Rio Verde and Salado seems
to have been a favorite resort.
As early as 1854 attention was called to ruins in the Rio Verde.
Mr. Leroux reported to Mr. Whipple that the "river banks were
covered with ruins of stone houses and regular fortifications,
which appeared to have been the work of civilized men, but had
not been occupied for centuries. They were built upon the most
fertile tracts of the valley, where were signs of acequias
(irrigating ditches) and of cultivation. The walls were of solid
masonry, of rectangular form, some twenty or thirty paces in
length, were of solid masonry, and yet remaining ten or fifteen
feet in height. The buildings were of two stories, with small
apertures or loop-holes for defence, when besieged."<31>
Mr. Bandelier confirms this account as to the number of ruins.
The entire valley of the Verde is filled with ruins of every
description. From the account of the valley itself, we can see
how well suited it was to the needs of village Indians.
Mr. Leroux speaks in high praise of its fertility. Wood, water,
and grass were abundant. In the neighborhood of Fort Reno Mr.
Bandelier discovered a new architectural feature of great
interest to us. This is a raised platform, on which the
buildings were supported. This raised platform is a very
important feature, as we shall learn in the ruins of Mexico and
Central America. We have already seen how it was employed by the
Mound Builders.
In other words, the detached houses are seen to form villages,
with a central stronghold, and the tendency is observed to raise
an artificial foundation for this central house, which draws
into itself the surrounding houses. This is but another
modification of the same idea which, in other sections of this
area developed into the communal pueblo. Near Tempe a still more
significant arrangement was noticed. Here was a four-sided
platform, three hundred and forty feet long by two hundred and
eighty feet wide, and five feet high, supported a second
platform measuring two hundred and forty by two hundred feet,
and six feet high. Elevated platforms, as a general rule, were
not very distinct. Mr. Bandelier thinks that, owing to the
peculiar drainage of the country, these artificial foundations
were required to preserve the buildings from being swept away by
a sudden torrent. The settlement of the sedentary tribes in this
region cluster on the triangle formed by the Rio Verde, Salado,
and Gila Rivers. "This is a warm region, with a scanty rainfall,
and but little timber, and the soil is very fertile when
irrigated, and two crops a year can be readily raised.
Mr. Bandelier regards it as exceedingly well adapted to the
wants of a horticultural people, and even traces in it some
resemblance to Lower Egypt."
A very celebrated ruin on the Gila River gives us a fair idea of
what this central stronghold of the village cluster, sometimes
supported on a raised foundation, was like. This cut is a view
of the principal ruin in this section, which, however, is only a
portion of an extensive settlement, covering some five acres in
all. The building is not very large, only fifty by forty feet,
and four stories, of ten feet each, in height, with a
possibility that the central portion of the building rose ten
feet higher. The walls are built of adobe, five feet thick at
the base, but tapering slightly at the top.
Illustration of Casa Grandee, on the Gila.----------
This house was surrounded by a court-yard which inclosed about
two acres. Shapeless mounds, presumably the ruins of houses, are
to be seen in various parts of this inclosure. "If the ground
plan of this great house," says Mr. Bandelier, "with its
surroundings of minor edifices, courts and inclosures is placed
by the side of the ground plan of other typical ruins, the
resemblance is almost perfect except in materials used."
This settlement was separated into two divisions. In one place
was noticed a large elliptical tank with heavy embankments,
nearly eight feet deep.
As to other ruins on the Gila, Mr. Bartlett tells us: "One thing
is evident, that at some former period the valley of the Gila
was densely populated. The ruined buildings, the irrigating
canals, and the vast quantities of pottery of a superior
quality, show, that while they were an agricultural people, they
were much in advance of the present semi-civilized tribes of the
Gila." Speaking of the ruins of the Gila east of the San Pedro
River, Emory says: "Whenever the mountains did not infringe too
closely on the river and shut out the valley, they were seen in
great abundance, enough, I should think, to indicate a former
population of at least one hundred thousand; and in one place
there is a long wide valley, twenty miles in length, much of
which is covered with the ruins of buildings and broken pottery.
Most of these outlines are rectangular, and vary from forty to
fifty feet to two hundred by four hundred feet."<32>
It is, however, necessary to be very cautious in judging
population by the number of ancient ruins. Prehistoric people
were naturally of a roving disposition. The multitude of ruins
in Western New York is not regarded as evidence of dense
population, but they were occasioned by the known customs of the
Indians in changing the sites of their villages "every ten,
fifteen, or thirty years; or, in fact, whenever the scarcity of
firewood, the exhaustion of their fields, or the prevalence of
an epidemic made such a step desirable."<33> Doubtless a similar
remark may explain the difference of opinion as to the numbers
of the Mound Builders.<34> And, finally, Mr. Bandelier concludes
that the great number of ruins scattered through New Mexico and
its neighboring territories is by no means evidence of a large
population. The evidence of tradition is to the effect that a
large number of villages were successively, and not
simultaneously, occupied by the same people.<35>
We have about completed our survey of the Pueblo country.
We might state that the large communal houses, known as pueblos,
are found as far south on the Rio Grande as Valverde.
Clusters of separate houses occur as far south as Dona Ana.
A range of low mountains lies to the west of the Rio Grande;
between it and the headwaters of the Gila evidences of ancient
habitations were observed on the small streams. Though these
occur sometimes in little groups, the court-yards are not
connected so as to form a defensive village. Small inclosed
surfaces, with no evidence that a house ever was connected with
them, were also observed. Mr. Bandelier could only surmise that
these were garden-plots, something like the ancient terrace
garden-plots in Peru.
Take it all in all, this is, indeed, a singular region, and the
Pueblo tribes were a singular people. Their architecture shows
us a people in the Middle Status of Barbarism. That they
practised agriculture is shown by the presence of old irrigating
ditches. Corn and corn-cobs are found in the rubbish-heaps of
old settlements. Mr. Morgan thinks that the valley of the San
Juan and its numerous tributaries was the place where the Indian
race first rose to the dignity of cultivators of the soil.<36>
Cotton cloth has been found in the ruins on the Salado River.
"At the time of the Spanish conquests the Pueblo Indians along
the Rio Grande used cotton mantles."<37>
As we have devoted considerable time to the pottery of the Mound
Builders, we must see how it compares with the pottery of this
region. Fragments of pottery are very numerous all over the
field of ruins. All explorers mention their abundance.
Mr. Holmes on one occasion counted the pieces of pottery that by
their shape evidently belonged to different vessels that he
found in an area ten feet square. They numbered fifty-five, and
we are led to believe they were not more numerous here than in
other localities.
We recall that the ornamentations on the vessels of clay made by
Mound Builders were either incised lines or indentations on the
surface of the vessels. And, still further, the clay vessels
themselves were frequently molded in the shape of animals or
heads of animals. In this plate we have fragments of indented
and corrugated ware, from the San Juan valley. This ware is only
found under such circumstances indented and that we are
justified in considering it very ancient. The ware made at the
time of the conquest was always painted.
Illustration of Indented and Corrugated Ware.--------
At Zuni and some of the other pueblos, at the present day, they
make vessels in the form of various animals and other natural
objects. This is, however, a recent thing. Only one vessel is
known that was found under such circumstances that we are
justified in thinking it very old. That was molded into a shape
resembling some kind of an animal. This was found on the Rio
Gila, in New Mexico; and even that has some peculiarities about
it that renders its age uncertain. Mr. Bandelier says: "No
vessel of ancient date, of human or animal shape, has ever been
found." This is a most important point for us to consider, when
we recall how numerous were animal-shaped vessels among the
Mound Builders.
Illustration of Painted Pueblo Pottery.---------
In this plate we have specimens of the ordinary painted ware
from the ancient ruins. The most of these are restorations, but
so many fragments have been obtained of each vessel that we have
no doubt of the accuracy of the drawings. They decorated their
pottery by painting. Even in many cases where they were further
ornamented by indentations they still painted it, showing that
painting was regarded as of the most importance. We notice that
the ornamentation consists almost entirely of geometrical
figures, parallel lines, and scrolls. Over the entire field of
ruins the body of the vessels is of one of two colors; it is
either white or red. The color employed to produce the
ornamentation is black. There is almost no exception to this
rule, though sometimes the ornamentation is of a brownish color
with a metallic luster. Along the Rio Grande and the Gila some
changes are noticed. The ornamentation is not strictly confined
to two colors. Symbolical representations of clouds, whirlwind,
and lightning are noticed. The red ware has disappeared, and a
chocolate-colored ground takes its place.
All have noticed the superiority of the ancient pottery over
that of the present tribes. Says Prof. Putnam. "A comparison of
this ancient pottery with that made by the present inhabitants
of the pueblos shows that a great deterioration has taken place
in native American art, a rule which I think can be applied to
all the more advanced tribes of America. The remarkable hardness
of all the fragments of colored pottery which have been obtained
from the vicinity of the old ruins in New Mexico, Colorado,
Arizona, and Utah, and also of the pottery of the same character
found in the ruins of adobe houses, and in caves in Utah, shows
that the ancient people understood the art of baking earthenware
far better than their probable descendants now living in the
pueblos of New Mexico and Arizona."<38>
We have learned that the remnant of an aboriginal people, now
living in the inhabited pueblos of the West, present us, in
their primitive usage, with the fading outlines of a culture
once widespread in the section of country we have examined.
Many of the early sedentary tribes have vanished completely.
Traditions state that other tribes have moved southward into
regions unknown. "The picture which can be dimly traced to-day
of this past is a very modest and unpretending one. No great
cataclysms of nature, no wave of destruction on a large scale,
either natural or human, appear to have interrupted the slow and
tedious development of the people before the Spaniards came.
One portion rose while another fell, sedentary tribes
disappeared or moved off, and wild tribes roamed over the ruins
of their former abode." At present but a few pueblos are left to
show us what the people once were. But the fate of the Pueblo of
Pecos hangs over them all. The rising tide of American
civilization is rapidly surrounding them. Before many decades,
possibly centuries, the present Pueblo tribes will yield to
their fate. They, too, will be numbered among the vanished races
of men.
REFERENCES
(1) The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to Mr. Ad. F.
Bandelier, of Highland, Illinois. As agent for the
Archaeological Institute of America, he spent three years in
explorations in the Pueblo country.
(2) See an excellent historical account by Bandeliers: "Papers
of the Archaeological Institute of America." American
series No. 1.
(3) The term "City of Zuni" is scarcely correct; it should be
Pueblo of Zuni.
(4) Pacific Railroad Report; Whipple, Vol. III., pp. 67 and 68.
(5) "Archaeological Institute of America," Fifth An. Rep., pp.
55 and 56.
(6) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. I., p. 534.
(7) His guide.
(8) The ruins on the top were, however, built after 1680, when
the inhabitants of Flavona, the Spanish "Alvona," fled to the
top of the mesa to escape the forays of the Navajos. The ruins
were abandoned before 1705. Zuni is partly built on the ruins of
Flavona, which is still its aboriginal name. (Bandelier.)
(9) Pacific Railroad Reports, Whipple, Vol. III., p. 69.
(10) Pacific Railroad Reports, Whipple, Vol. III., p. 65.
(11) "Simpson's Report," p. 124.
(12) Dr. Loew, in "U.S. Geographical Survey West of the 100th
Meridian," Vol. VII, p. 343.
(13) "Fifth An. Rep. Archaeological Inst. of America," p. 61.
(14) Bandelier's "Papers of the Archaeological Inst." p. 46.
(15) These facts are drawn from Mr. Bandelier's article already
referred to.
(16) "Colorado River of the West," p. 119, et seq.
(17) U.S. Survey, Hayden, 1876, p. 390.
(18) Bandelier, "Fifth Annual Report Archaeological Inst. of
America," pp. 62, 68, and 65.
(19) "Contributions to North American Ethnology," Vol. IV, p.
172, et seq.
(20) Holmes.
(21) U.S. Survey, Hayden, 1876, p. 419.
(22) Rendered by Ingersoll, in N.Y. Tribune, Nov. 3, 1874.
(23) Bandelier, in Fifth Ann. Rep., Arch. Inst., p 79.
(24) U.S. Survey West of 100th M., Vol. VII, p. 358.
(25) "First Annual Report of Bureau of Ethnology," p. 74.
(26) "Fifth Annual Report Arch. Inst.," pp. 42, 78.
(27) Morgan: "Contribution to N. A. Ethnology," Vol. IV, p. 163.
(28) "Smithsonian Report," 1863, p. 313.
(29) Whipple, Pacific R. R. Report, Vol. III.
(30) Wherever reference is made to Mr. Bandelier's discoveries,
it is taken from the oft-quoted Fifth Annual Report,
Archaeological Institute.
(31) Whipple, Pacific R. R. Reports, Vol. III., p. 14.
(32) Bartlett's "Personal Narrative."
(33) Carr's "Mounds of the Mississippi Valley."
(34) Morgan's "House and House Life," p. 218.
(35) Fifth Annual Report, p. 84.
(36) "Contributions to N. A. Ethnology," Vol. IV., p. 192.
(37) Bandelier's "Fifth Annual Report Arch. Inst.," p. 76.
(38) U.S. Survey West of 100th Meridian, Vol. VII., p. 381.
END OF CHAPTER XI.**********************
The Prehistoric World: or, Vanished Races
by E. A. Allen
Processed by D.R. Thompson
drthom@ihug.co.nz
Chapter XII
THE PREHISTORIC AMERICANS.<1>
Different views on this subject--Modern system of government--
Ancient system of government--Tribal government universal in
North America--The Indians not wandering Nomads--Indian houses
communal in character--Indian methods of defense--Mandan
villages--Indians sometimes erected mounds--Probable government
of the Mound Builders--Traditions of the Mound Builders among
the Iroquois--Among the Delawares--Probable fate of the Mound
Builders--The Natchez Indians possibly a remnant of the Mound
Builders--Their early traditions--Lines of resemblance between
the Pueblo tribe and the Mound Builders--The origin of the
Indians--America inhabited by Indians from a very early time--
Classification of the Indian tribes--Antiquity of the Mound
Builders' works.
The attempts to explain the origin of the numerous tribes found
in possession of America at the time of its discovery by
Europeans have been many and various. There are so many
difficulties attending the solution of this problem that even at
this day no theory has received that full assent from the
scientific world deemed necessary for its establishment as an
ascertained fact. New interest has been thrown around this
question by the discoveries of late years. In our south-western
territories we have clearly established the former wide
extension of the village Indians, remnants of which are still to
be found in the inhabited pueblos; and, as we have seen, the
wide expanse of fertile soil, known as the Mississippi Valley,
has undoubtedly been the home of tribes who are generally
supposed to have attained a much higher stage of culture than
that of the Indians--at least, of such culture as we are
accustomed to ascribe, whether justly or not, to Indian tribes.
It becomes an interesting question, therefore, to determine what
connection, if any, existed between the Mound Builders and the
Indian tribes on the one hand, and the Pueblo tribes on
the other.
As to the works of the Mound Builders, one class of critical
scholars think they see in them the memorials of a vanished
race, and point out many details of construction, such as
peculiarities in form, in size, and position, which they think
conclusively prove that the works in question could only have
been produced by races or tribes far more advanced in culture
than any Indians. This belief finds expression by a well-known
writer in the following words: "A broad chasm is to be spanned
before we can link the Mound Builders to the North American
Indians. They were essentially different in their form of
government, their habits, and their daily pursuits." This is
substantially the opinion of a great many writers on
this subject.<2>
But this conclusion has not been allowed to pass unchallenged.
We have on record the convictions of a few careful investigators
that there is no necessity for supposing that only an extinct or
vanished race could have built the mounds and thrown up the
embankments which we observe in the valley of the Ohio and
elsewhere; that there is nothing, in fact, either in the
construction of the mounds themselves or in the remains of art
found in them, which we may not with safety ascribe to the
ancestors of our present Indians.<3> It will be seen that we
may, indeed, be at a loss to know what conclusion to adopt;
hence, as an aid to us in this direction, it may be well to
inquire into the organization of Indian tribes and their customs
and manners at the time of their discovery.
It is not necessary to sketch their history, as this has been
done many times. Moreover, it is but a dreary recital of the
gradual encroachment of the Whites on the lands of the Indians,
the vain endeavors of the latter to repress them, and a record
of many cruel acts of savage warfare, burning villages, midnight
massacre, and scenes of terrible sufferings. The uniform result
was that the Indian tribes were steadily driven away from their
ancient homes, until we now find them but a sorry remnant on
scattered reservations or grouped together in the Indian
Territory. Their ancient institutions are nearly broken down,
and it is with difficulty that we can gain an understanding of
their early condition; and yet this seems to be necessary
before we are prepared to decide on the origin of the
mound-building people.
It seems necessary here to briefly describe the two great plans
or systems of government, under one or the other of which
mankind, as far as we know them, have always been organized,
though, theoretically, there must have been a time, in the very
infancy of the race, when there was either no government or
something different from either of them. At the present day, in
all civilized countries, government is founded upon territory
and upon property. A person is described as living in such a
township, county, and state.<4> This seems to be a very simple
and natural division, but, like every thing else, it is the
result of growth--of a development. It took nearly three
centuries of civilization and a succession of able men, each
improving on what the other had done, to fully develop this
system among the Greeks.<5> This is the basis of the modern form
of government. Whenever it was organized, it marked the
termination of ancient government. The other plan of government
is founded on personal relations.
A person would be described as of such a gens, phratry, and
tribe. It is sufficient to state the words gens, and phratry
simply denote subdivisions of a tribe.<6> This is the ancient
system of government, and goes very far back in the history of
the race. It is that state of society which everywhere preceded
history and civilization. When we go back to the first beginning
of history in Europe, we find the Grecian, Roman, and Germanic
tribes in the act of substituting the modern system of
government for the tribal state, under which they had passed
from savagism into and through the various stages of barbarism,
and entered the confines of civilization. The Bible reveals to
us the tribal state of the Hebrews and the Canaanites.
Under the light of modern research, we can not doubt but what
this form of government was very ancient, and substantially
universal. It originated in the morning of time, and so
completely answered all the demands of primitive society that it
advanced man from savagism, through barbarism, and sufficed to
enable him to make a beginning in civilization. It was so firmly
established as one of the primitive institutions, that when it
was found insufficient to meet the demands of advancing society,
it taxed to the utmost the skill of the Aryan tribes to devise a
system to take its place.
This was the system of government throughout North America when
the Spaniards landed on its shores. This is true, at least as
far as our investigations have gone.<7> In several cases tribes
speaking dialects of the same stock-language had united in a
confederacy; as, for instance, the celebrated league of the
Iroquois, and in Mexico, the union of the three Aztec tribes.
But confederacies did not change the nature of tribal
government. As there was but one general form or plan of
government in vogue amongst the Aborigines of North America at
the time of discovery, we ought certainly to find common
features in the culture of the Pueblo Indians of the South-west,
the Mound Builders of the Mississippi Valley, and the various
Indian tribes; and if the lines of resemblance are sufficient to
show a gradual progress from the rude remains of savage tribes
to the more finished works of the Pueblos, and between these and
the Mound Builders, then we may consider this fact as one more
reason for believing that they constitute but one people in
different stages of development.
The tribal state of society is always associated with village
life. It makes no difference where we commence our
investigations, we will soon be convinced that village life is
the form in which people organized in tribes lived. This is true
of the wild tribes in Africa, and of the hill tribes of India
to-day.<8> The same was true of the early Greeks.<9> There must
be a reason for this. It is found in their peculiar system of
government. People divided into groups and clusters would
naturally be drawn together into villages. We would expect,
then, to find that the Indian tribes lived in villages. We are
accustomed to speak of them as wandering nomads. This is
scarcely correct; or rather, it is certainly wrong, if applied
to the tribes east of the Mississippi, when first encountered by
the whites. Some of them may have been in a state of migration,
in search of better homes, or homes more secure from the attacks
of too powerful enemies, as was the case with the Shawnees, and
wandering bands on hunting or warlike expeditions were common
enough. The Germanic, tribes that overthrew the Roman Empire,
for a similar reason, were in a migrating state. But it is none
the less certain that they established permanent villages
wherever they found suitable places.
Nearly all the tribes claimed separate districts, in which they
had permanent villages, often stockaded.<10> The site of
Montreal was a famous Indian village,<11> and other villages
were found in Canada. The Iroquois tribes had permanent
villages, and resided in them the greater part of the year.<12>
One visited in 1677 is described as having one hundred and
twenty houses, the ordinary one being from fifty to sixty feet
long, and furnishing shelter to about twelve families. In one
case, at least, the town was surrounded by palisades.
In 1539 De Soto made his appearance on the coast of Florida.
Four years later a feeble remnant of this expedition landed at
Panuco, Mexico. His route has not been accurately traced, but it
is certain he travelled the Gulf States and crossed the
Mississippi. De Soto himself found a grave in the waters of this
river, but under new leaders the expedition pushed on through
Arkansas, and probably found its most western point on the
prairies of the West, where, disheartened, it turned back to
near where De Soto died, constructed some rude boats, and
floated down the Mississippi, and so to Mexico. We have two
accounts written by members of this expedition,<13> and a third,
written by Garcilasso de La Vega from the statements of
eye-witnesses and memoranda which had fallen into his hands.
From these considerable can be learned of the Southern Indians
before they had been subjected to European influences. One of
the first things that arrests attention is the description of
the villages. They found, to be sure, some desert tracts, but
every few miles, as a rule, they found villages containing from
fifty to three hundred spacious and commodious dwellings, well
protected from enemies--sometimes surrounded by a wall,
sometimes also by a ditch filled with water. When west of the
Mississippi they found a tribe living in movable tents, they
deemed that fact worthy of special mention. But in the same
section they also found many villages.
One hundred and forty years afterward the French explorer, La
Salle, made several voyages up and down the Mississippi.
He describes much the same state of things as do the earlier
writers. The tribes still dwelt in comfortable cabins, sometimes
constructed of bark, sometimes of mud,<14> often of large size,
in one case forty feet square, and having a dome-shaped roof.
Nor was this village life confined to the more advanced tribes.
The Dakota tribes, which include the Sioux and others, have been
forced on the plains by the advancing white population, but when
first discovered they were living in villages around the
headwaters of the Mississippi. Their houses were framed of poles
and covered with bark.<15>
Lewis and Clark, in 1805, found the valley of the Columbia River
inhabited by tribes destitute of pottery, and living mainly on
fish, which were found in immense quantities in the river.
They describe them as living in large houses, one sometimes
forming a village by itself. They describe one house capable of
furnishing habitations for five hundred people.
Other authorities could be quoted, showing that the Algonquin
Indians, living in Eastern and Atlantic States, had permanent
villages.<16> The idea then, that the Indians are nothing but
wandering savages, is seen to be wrong. It is well to bear this
in mind, because it is often asserted that the Mound Builders
must have been a people possessing fixed habitations. While this
is doubtless correct, we see that it is also true of the
Indians.<17>
There is another feature of Indian life which we will mention
here, because it shows us a common element in the building of
houses, seen alike in the pueblo structures of the West and the
long houses of the Iroquois. That is, the Indian houses were
always built to be inhabited by a number of families in common.
All nations in a tribal state possess property in common. It is
not allowed to pass out of the gens of the person who possesses
it, but at his death is supposed to be divided among the members
of his gens; in most cases, however, to those nearest of kin
within the gens.<18> This communism showed itself in the method
of erecting houses.
The long house of the Iroquois was divided into apartments so as
to shelter from one hundred to two hundred Indians. A number of
these houses gathered together composed a village. These were
quite creditable structures of Indian art, being warm and
comfortable, as well as roomy. Should we examine the whole list
of writers who have mentioned Indian villages, we would find
them all admitting that the houses were usually occupied by a
number of families, one in the Columbia Valley, as we see,
sheltering five hundred persons.
There is no question but the pueblos were built by people
holding property in common. They were, of course, erected by a
more advanced people, who employed better materials in
construction, but it is quite plain that they were actuated by
the same instincts, and built their houses with the same design
in view as the less advanced Indian tribes in other sections of
the country. What we have described as the small houses in
Arizona in the preceding chapter, in most cases includes several
rooms, and we are told that in one section they "appear to have
been the abode of several families."<19>
Illustration of Long House of the Iroquois.---------
One of the main points the Indians would have to attend to in
the construction of their villages was how to defend them, and
we can not do better than to examine this point. A French writer
represents the villages of Canada as defended by double, and
frequently triple, rows of palisades, interwoven with branches
of trees.<20> Cartier, in 1535, found the village of Hochelaga
(now Montreal) thus defended. In 1637 the Pequot Indians were
the terror of the New England colonies, and Capt. Mason, who was
sent to subject them, found their principal villages, covering
six acres, strongly defended by palisades.
Illustration of Stockaded Onondaga Village.--------
The Iroquois tribes also adopted this method of defense. In 1615
Champlain, with Indian allies, invaded the territory of the
Iroquois. He left a sketch of his attack on one of their
villages. This sketch we reproduce in this illustration, which
is a very important one, because it shows us a regularly
palisaded village among a tribe of Indians where the common
impression in reference to them is that they were a wandering
people with no fixed habitations. The sketch is worthy of
careful study. The buildings within are the long houses which we
have just described. They are located near together, three or
four in a group. The arrangement of the groups is in the form of
a square, inclosing a court in the center. This tendency to
inclose a court is a very common feature of Indian architecture.
Such, as we have seen, is the arrangement of the pueblos.
Such was also the arrangement of the communal buildings in
Mexico, Central America, and Peru. In this case the village
covered about six acres also. The defense was by means of
palisades. There seem to be two rows of them. They seem to have
been well made, since Champlain was unsuccessful in his attack.
In earlier times these fortified villages were numerous.
Illustration of Pomeiock. (Bureau of Ethnology.)-----
Further south, this method of inclosing a village was also in
use. In 1585 the English sent an expedition to the coast of
North Carolina. An artist attached to this expedition left some
cuts, one of which represents a village near Roanoke. It is
surrounded, as we see, by a row of palisades, and contains
seventeen joint tenement houses, besides the council house.
The historians of De Soto's expedition make frequent mention of
walled and fortified towns. "The village of Mavilla," from which
comes our name Mobile, says Biedman, "stood on a plain
surrounded by strong walls." Herrera, in his General History,
states that the walls were formed by piles, interwoven with
other timber, and the spaces packed with straw and earth so that
it looked like a wall smoothed with a trowel.
Speaking of the region west of the Mississippi, Biedman says:
"We journeyed two days, and reached a village in the midst of a
plain, surrounded by walls and a ditch filled by water, which
had been made by Indians." This town is supposed to have been
situated in the north-eastern part of Arkansas, and it is
interesting to note that recent investigators find what are
probably the remains of these walled towns, in the shape of
inclosures with ditches and mounds, in North-eastern Arkansas
and South-eastern Missouri.<21> The tribes throughout the entire
extent of the Mississippi Valley were accustomed to palisade
their villages--at least, occasionally.<22>
Illustration of Mandan Village. (Bureau of Ethnology.)------
On the Missouri River we find some Indian tribes that have
excited a great deal of interest among archaeologists. It has
been surmised that, if their history could be recovered, it
would clear up a great many difficult questions. They were
accustomed to fortify their village's with ditches, embankments,
and palisades. This gives us a cut of one of their villages.
It is to be observed that it has a great likeness to some of the
inclosures ascribed to the Mound Builders.
This has been noted by many writers. Says Brackenridge: "In my
voyage up the Missouri I observed the ruins of several villages
which had been abandoned twenty or thirty years, which in every
respect resembled the vestiges on the Ohio and Mississippi."<23>
Lewis and Clark, in their travels, describe the sites of several
of these abandoned villages, the only remains of which were the
walls which had formerly inclosed the villages, then three or
four feet high. The opinion has been advanced that the
inclosures of the Mound Builders were formerly surmounted by
palisades. Mr. Atwater asserts that the round fort which was
joined to a square inclosure at Circleville showed distinctly
evidence of having supported a line of pickets or palisades.<24>
Should it be accepted that the inclosures of the Mound Builders
represent village sites, and that they were probably further
protected by palisades, it would seem, after what we have just
observed of the customs of the Indians in fortifying their
villages, to be a simple and natural explanation of
these remains.
We have already referred to the fact that scholars draw a
distinction between the more massive works found in the Ohio
Valley and the low, crumbling ruins occupying defensive
positions found in such abundance along Lake Erie and in Western
New York, asserting the former to be the works of the Mound
Builders proper, and the latter the remains of fortified Indian
villages. This may be true, but it seems to us that there is
such a common design running through all these remains that it
is more reasonable to infer that the more massive works were
constructed by people more advanced than those who built the
less pretentious works, but not necessarily of a dilterent race.
We can not do better than to quote the remarks of Mr.
Brackenridge in this connection: "We are often tempted by a
fondness for the marvelous to seek out remote and impossible
causes for that which may be explained by the most obvious."<25>
But inclosures and defensive works are only a small part of the
Mound Builders' remains. We know that large numbers of mounds
are scattered over the country, and we recall in this connection
what was said as to the erection of mounds by Indian tribes in a
preceding essay. Somewhat at the risk of repetition we will once
more examine this question. It is generally admitted that it was
the custom of Indian tribes to erect piles of stones to
commemorate several events, such as a treaty, or the settlement
of a village, but more generally to mark the grave of a chief,
or some noted person, or of a person whose death occurred under
unusual circumstances.<26> These cairns are not confined to any
particular section of the country, being found in New England,
throughout the South, and generally in the Mississippi Valley.
From their wide dispersion, and from the fact that they do not
differ from the structures built by Indian tribes within a few
years past, it is not doubted but what they are the works
of Indians.
Now, if we could draw a dividing line, and say that, while the
Indians erected mounds of stone, the Mound Builders built theirs
of earth, it would be a strong argument in favor of a difference
of race. But this can not be done. When De Soto landed in
Florida, nearly three hundred and fifty years ago, he had an
opportunity of observing the customs of the Indians as they were
before the introduction of fire-arms, and before contact with
the Whites had wrought the great change in them it was destined
to. Therefore, what few notes his historians have given us of
the ways of life they observed amongst the southern tribes are
of great importance in this connection. At the very spot where
he landed (supposed to be Tampa Bay) they observed that the
house of the chief "stood near the shore, upon a very high
mound, made by hand for strength."
Garcilasso tells us "the town and the house of the Cacique
(chief) Ossachile are like those of the other caciques in
Florida. ... The Indians try to place their villages on elevated
sites, but, inasmuch as in Florida there are not many sites of
this kind where they can conveniently build, they erect
elevations themselves, in the following manner: They select the
spot, and carry there a quantity of earth, which they form into
a kind of platform, two or three pikes in height, the summit of
which is large enough to give room for twelve, fifteen, or
twenty houses, to lodge the cacique and his attendants. At the
foot of this elevation they mark out a square place, according
to the size of the village, around which the leading men have
their houses. To ascend the elevation they have a straight
passage-way from bottom to top, fifteen or twenty feet wide.
Here steps are made by massive beams, and others are planted
firmly in the ground to serve as walls. On all other sides of
the platform the sides are cut steep."<27>
Biedman, the remaining historian, says of the country in what is
now (probably) Arkansas. "The caciques of this country make a
custom of raising, near their dwellings, very high hills, on
which they sometimes build their huts."<28> Twenty-five years
later the French sent an expedition to the east coast of
Florida. The accounts of this expedition are very meager, but
they confirm what the other writers have stated as to the
erection of platform mounds with graded ways.<29> Le Moyne, the
artist of this expedition, has left us a cut of a mound erected
over a deceased chief. It was, however, but a small one.<30>
La Harpe, writing in 1720, says of tribes on the lower
Mississippi: "Their cabins ... are dispersed over the country
upon mounds of earth made with their own hands." As to the
construction of these houses, we learn that their cabins were
"round and vaulted," being lathed with cane and plastered with
mud from bottom to top, within and without. In other cases they
were square, with the roof dome-shaped, the walls plastered with
mud to the height of twelve feet."<31> It is interesting to
observe how closely what little we do know about Mound Builders'
houses coincides with the above.
Recent investigations by the Bureau of Ethnology have brought to
light vestiges of great numbers of their buildings. These were
mostly circular, but those of a square or rectangular form were
also observed. In Arkansas their location was generally on low,
flat mounds, but vestiges of some were also noticed near the
surface of large mounds. In Southern Illinois, South-eastern
Missouri, and Middle and Western Tennessee the sites of
thousands were observed, not in or on mounds, but marked by
little circular, saucer-shaped depressions, from twenty to fifty
feet in diameter, surrounded by a slight earthen ring. We know
the framework of these houses was poles, for in several cases
the charred remains of these poles were found. We know they
were plastered with a thick coating of mud, for regular layers
of lumps of this burnt plastering are found. These lumps have
often been mistaken for bricks, as in the Selzertown mound.
In several cases the plastering had been stamped with an
implement, probably made of split cane of large size.<32>
On the lower Mississippi we meet with the Natchez, a tribe that
has excited a great deal of interest; but at present we only
want to note that they also constructed mounds. They were nearly
exterminated by the French in 1729. But before this Du Pratz had
lived among them, and left a description of their customs.
Their temple was about thirty feet square, and was situated on a
mound about eight feet high, which sloped insensibly from its
main front on the north, but was somewhat steeper on the other
sides. He also states that the cabin of the chief, or great sun,
as he was called, was placed upon a mound of about the same
height, though somewhat larger, being sixty feet over the
surface.<33> A missionary who labored among them, stated that
when the chief died his mound was deserted, and a new one built
for the next chief.<34>
Neither was this custom of erecting mounds confined to the
Southern Indians. Colden states of the Iroquois: "They make a
round hole in which the body is placed, then they raise the
earth in a round hill over it."<35> It was the custom among a
large number of tribes to gather together the remains of all who
had died during several years and bury them all together,
erecting a mound over them.<36> Mr. Jefferson, in his notes on
Virginia, describes one of these mounds, and relates this
interesting fact in reference to it: "A party of Indians passing
about thirty years ago through the part of the country where
this barrow is, went through the woods directly to it, without
any instructions or inquiry; and having staid about it some
time, with expressions which were construed to be those of
sorrow, they returned to the high road, which they had left
about a half dozen miles to pay this visit, and pursued their
journey."<37>
Coming down to our own times, the Indians had lost a great many
of their ancient customs, yet, at times, this old instinct of
mound burial asserts itself. About the first of the century
Blackbird, a celebrated chief of the Omahas, returning to his
native home after a visit to Washington, died of the small-pox.
It was his dying request that his body be placed on horseback,
and the horse buried alive with him. Accordingly, in the
presence of all his nation, his body was placed on the back of
his favorite white horse, fully equipped as if for a long
journey, with all that was necessary for an Indian's happiness,
including the scalps of his enemies. Turfs were brought and
placed around the feet and legs, and up the sides of the
unsuspecting animal, and so gradually the horse and its rider
were buried from sight, thus forming a good-sized burial
mound.<38> Another instance came under Mr. Catlin's observation
at the pipe stone quarry in Dakota. He visited there about 1832
and saw a conical mound, ten feet high, that had been erected
over the body of a young man accidentally killed there two
years before.
Enough references have now been given to show that the Indian
tribes certainly did erect mounds, and that there is every
reason to suppose they were the authors of the temple mounds of
the South, or of some of them, at any rate. We have now shown
that, according to early writers, the Indians did live in
permanent villages, often stockaded, and knew very well how to
raise embankments and mounds. It would seem as if this removed
all necessity for supposing the existence of an extinct race to
explain the numerous remains, collectively known as Mound
Builders' works. Yet, as this is surely an important point, it
may be well to carry the investigations a little further.
Taking in account the great amount of labor necessary to raise
such structures as the mounds at Cahokia and Grave Creek, and
the complicated works at Newark, some writers have asserted that
the government of the Mound Builders was one in which the
central authority must have had absolute power over the persons
of the subjects, that they were in effect slaves;<39> and as
this was altogether contrary to what is known amongst Indian
tribes, they must have been of a different race.
If the Indians in a tribal state are known to have erected some
mounds, and to have built temple-platforms and walled towns in
the south, then all they needed was sufficient motive, religious
or otherwise, to have built the most stupendous works known.
We think the ruined pueblos in the Chaco Canyon represent as
great an amount of work as many of those of the Mound Builders.
A calculation has been made, showing that over thirty million
pieces of stone were required in the construction of one
pueblo,<40> besides an abundance of timber. Each piece of stone
had to be dressed roughly to fit its place; the timbers had to
be brought from a considerable distance, cut and fitted to their
places in the wall, and then covered with other courses, besides
other details of construction, such as roof-making, plastering,
and so forth, and this is not the calculation of the largest
pueblo either.<41> Yet no one supposes that the Indian tribes
who erected these structures were under a despotic form
of government.
We think, however, that it might be freely admitted that in all
probability the government of the Mound Builders was arbitrary,
but so was the government of a great many Indian tribes.
Amongst the Natchez the chief was considered as descended from
the sun. Nor was this belief confined to the Natchez, as the
tribes of the Floridian Peninsula asserted the same thing of
their chiefs. Among all these latter tribes the chief held
absolute and unquestioned power over the persons, property, and
time of their subjects.<42>
Amongst the Natchez the power of the Great Sun (their title for
chief) seems to have been very great. This nation had a
regularly organized system of priesthood, of which the chief was
also the head. On the death of the chief a number of his
subjects were put to death to keep him company. But we must
notice that the subjects considered it an honor to die with the
chief, and made application beforehand for the privilege.
Bearing these facts in mind, it does not seem improbable that in
more distant days, when the Natchez or some kindred tribe were
in the height of their power, the death of some great chief
might well be memorialized by the erection of a mound as grand
in proportion as that of Grave Creek.
In fact, the more we study the subject, the more firmly we
become convinced that there is no hard and fast line separating
the works of the Mound Builders from those of the later Indians.
We therefore think that we may safely assert that the best
authorities in the United States now consider that the mound
building tribes were Indians, in much the same state of culture
as the Indian tribes in the Gulf States at the time of the
discovery of America, and we shall not probably be far out of
the way if we assert, that when driven from the valley of the
Ohio by more warlike people they became absorbed by the southern
tribes, and, indeed the opinion is quite freely advanced that
the Natchez themselves were a remnant of the "Mysterious
Mound Builders."
If the Mound Building tribes were here at a comparatively late
date, we ought to expect to find some traditions of their former
existence. The statement is quite often made that the Indians
had no tradition as to the origin or purpose of the mounds, and
from this it is argued that the mounds are of great antiquity.
But, instead of finding no traditions, we find nearly every
tribe possessed of some, and often very full and distinct.<43>
It makes no difference that a number of those traditions are
childish, and that traditions are a very unsatisfactory sort of
proof at best. Still, if we observe that the traditions, such as
they are, are corroborative of other proofs, it is well to
examine into them anyway.
The Iroquois tribes have a tradition, that is given in the
writing of Cusick, a Tuscaroa Indian. It is generally considered
as a nonsensical production, but Mr. Hale points out that,
"whenever his statements can be submitted to the tests of
language, they are invariably confirmed."<44> Such, for
instance, are the assertions that they formerly inhabited the
country around the St. Lawrence River in Canada, and further,
that the Mohawk was the oldest tribe, from whence the others
separated in time.
The substance of the tradition supposed to refer to the Mound
Builders, is as follows: South of the great lakes was the seat
of a great empire. The emperor resided in a golden city.
The nations to the north of the great lakes formed a
confederacy, and seated a great council fire on the river St.
Lawrence. This confederacy appointed a high chief as ambassador,
who immediately departed to the south to visit the emperor at
the golden city. Afterwards, the emperor built many forts
throughout his dominions, and almost penetrated to Lake Erie.
The people to the north considered this an infringement on their
territory, and it resulted in a long war.
The people of the north were too skillful in the use of bows and
arrows, and could endure hardships which proved fatal to a
foreign people. At last, the northern people gained the victory,
and all the towns and forts were totally destroyed and left in
ruins.<45> If this tradition stood alone, it would not be
deserving of much attention, but we know the Iroquois tribes did
originally live in the valley of the St. Lawrence. We also feel
sure the Mound Builders were a powerful people, and lived in the
Ohio Valley. What is there unreasonable, therefore, in supposing
that the Iroquois came in contact with them, and that this
tradition rests on facts?
But this tradition is very similar to one among the Delawares.
This tribe spoke a different stock language than the Iroquois,
and belonged to the Algonquin division of the Indian tribes.
There were many wars between the Delawares and the Iroquois, but
finally the latter were acknowledged masters. It is well to keep
this in mind, because with this feeling between the two tribes,
they would not be apt to have similar traditions unless there
was a basis of fact.<46>
Mr. Gallatin informs us that the original home of the Algonquins
was to the north of Lake Superior. The tradition states that the
Delawares (they called themselves the Leni-lenape) were living
in a cold, fir-tree country--evidently the wooded regions north
of Lake Superior. Getting tired of this country, they set out
towards the East in search of a better place, and probably
followed the lake shore around until they finally came to a
great river--that is, the Detroit. The country beyond was
inhabited by a numerous and powerful people, called the
Allegewi,<47> who dwelt in great fortified towns. Here they
found the Huron-Iroquois tribes. This was before the Iroquois
had separated from the Hurons.
Some treachery on the part of the Allegewi was made the occasion
of war. The Leni-lenape and the Hurons united their forces.
This is perhaps the Confederacy of Cusic. A long war resulted,
but in the end the Allegewi were defeated, and, as the tradition
states, "all went southward."<48> We see no reason to doubt but
what we have here a traditional account of the overthrow of the
Mound Builders. The remnant that fled south found the country
inhabited by mound-building tribes, and doubtless became
absorbed among them. In confirmation of this view it may be said
that the languages of the tribes of the Gulf States, which
belong to one stock language,<49> have all been greatly
influenced by words derived from a foreign source.<50>
Perhaps a large body of them may have lived on as a fully
organized tribe. As we have already stated, the opinion is quite
freely advanced that this is the origin of the Natchez.<51>
It seems advisable to inquire more particularly into the customs
and traditions of this tribe. Du Pratz, who lived among them in
1718, and claims to have enjoyed the confidence of their chiefs
and principal men, has left the most complete account of them;
though Father Charlevoix, a Jesuit priest, in his letters, also
describes them fully.
A number of interesting statements in regard to them, at once
arrest attention. Most of the tribes in the southern region of
the United States spoke dialects of a common stock language
(Chata-muskoki), showing a derivation from a common source.
The Natchez spoke a different language. Sun-worship seems to
have been carried to a greater extent than among any other
tribes we are acquainted with. As late as 1730 they still had
their temples, where the eternal fire was kept burning,
carefully watched; for they believed that should it become
extinguished, it would surely bring great trouble on the tribe.
Among the Natchez, if anywhere among Indian tribes, the power of
the chief was absolute, and there seems to have been something
like privileged classes amongst them. We have already referred
to them as Mound Builders.
But most interesting is it to learn of their former wide
extension and ancient power. Du Pratz says, "According to their
traditions they were the most powerful nation of all North
America, and were looked upon by other nations as their
superiors, and on that account were respected by them. To give
an idea of their power, I shall only mention that formerly they
extended from the River Manchas, or Iberville, which is about
fifty leagues from the sea, to the River Wabash, which is
distant from the sea about four hundred and sixty leagues;
and that they had about eight hundred suns, or princes."<52>
It is at least a reasonable supposition that that the Natchez
were a remnant of the Mound Builders.
So far we have dwelt chiefly on the relations between the
Indians and the Mound Builders. Let us now see if we can not
detect some connection between the Pueblo tribes of the
south-west and the Mound Builders. All the tribes in the Gulf
States had traditions of a western and south-western origin.
In regard to the Creek Indians, this tradition is very distinct.
They relate, with many details, their journey from the west,
their fight with the Alabamas, etc.<53> In the Natchez
tradition, as given by Du Pratz, they are seen, not only to come
from the same western source, but distinctly preserve
recollections of pueblo houses.
The substance of their traditions is that they came from a
pleasant country and mild climate, "under the sun," and in the
south-west, where the nation had lived for many ages, and had
spread over an extensive country of mountains, hills, and
plains, in which the houses were built of stone, and were
several stories high. They further relate how, owing to increase
of enemies, the great sun sent some one over to examine and
report on the country to be found to the east. The country being
found extremely pleasant, a large part of their nation removed
thither; and, after many generations, the great sun himself came
also. Speaking of the ancient inhabitants of the country they
came from, the tradition states that "they had a great number of
large and small villages, which were all built of stone, and in
which were houses large enough to lodge a whole tribe."<54>
We would offer the same suggestion on these traditions as on the
others. They are of value only so far as supported by other
testimony. The great objection to them is that the pueblo
structures of the west are evidently of recent origin. So these
traditions would prove that the Natchez Indians were quite
recently connected with the Pueblo tribes, which is not at all
probable. We have some slight evidence that does not rest on
traditions. Mr. Holmes has given us a plan of an ancient village
he discovered on the La Platte River, San Juan Valley. It will
be seen by reference to the plate that the buildings were
separated from each other. The forms are chiefly rectangles and
circles, and one or two seem to have been elliptical.
This description certainly reminds us of the circles and squares
so common among the Mound Builders. But there is also a
truncated mound, fifty by eighty feet, and nine feet high.
"Its flat top and height give it more the appearance of one of
the sacrificial mounds of the Ohio Valley than any others
observed in this part of the West." Mounds are known to exist
in Utah.<55>
Illustration of Ruins near the La Platte Valley of the San Juan.
We need not expect to trace a continuous line of ruins from the
San Juan Valley to that of the Ohio, granting the migration to
have taken place, because a migrating race would not be apt to
erect monuments until they reached the end of their line of
migration. Those who take this view of it say that it is not at
all strange that when these migrating tribes reached their new
homes in the Mississippi Valley they erected structures
differing from those they had formerly built, because all their
surroundings would be different, and in the prairie sections
they would find neither stone for building their pueblos nor
clay suitable for adobe construction. So they would do the next
best thing, and build a fortified village. This is the view of
that eminent scholar, Mr. Morgan. It must be borne in mind,
however, that the fortified villages of the southern Indians,
including those of the Mississippi Valley, corresponded more
nearly with those of the Atlantic shore, and more northern
tribes, than with the pueblo structures.
There is another line of proof which we think has been read the
wrong way, or, at least, applied too strongly, and made to do
service in proving that the Mound Builders migrated from the
valley of the Ohio to Mexico, and there laid the foundation of
that wonderful civilization which is yet a riddle to the
antiquarian.<56> This is derived from a study of the skulls
procured from various sections of this country, Peru, and
Mexico. It is sufficient to state that anatomists have made a
careful study of the skulls of individuals of various nations,
and instituted certain comparisons between them, and discoveries
of great importance have been made by this means. Now, some of
our best American scholars have insisted that the skulls of the
Mound Builders and the ancient inhabitants of Mexico and the
Inca Peruvians are so similar that they must have belonged to
the same race.
This type of skull, however, is characteristic, not only of the
Mound Builders, the ancient Mexicans and the Peruvians, but of
the Pueblos, and of such tribes as the Natchez, Creeks, and
Seminoles. We think, with all due regard to the opinions of
others, that in the present state of our knowledge of craniology
we are not authorized in drawing very important conclusions
therefrom. About all we are justified in stating is that the
sedentary or village Indians, whether found in North or South
America, have certain common features.
It is also hard to see any great resemblance between the works
of the Mound Builders and the Pueblo tribes. The truncated
mounds discovered by Mr. Holmes, we remember, were also used as
foundations for house structures along the Gila. In this feature
we, of course, see a resemblance to the platform mounds of the
Mississippi Valley. But we must be careful in tracing
connections on such a slim basis as this. We must remember also
what a difference there is in the pottery of the two
sections.<57> If we were to give an opinion, based on the
present known facts, we should say the separation between the
people who afterwards developed as the pueblo builders of the
west and the Mound Builders of the Mississippi Valley took place
at an early date.
But let us not suppose that this conclusion clears up all
mysteries. A problem which has thus far defied the efforts of
some of our best thinkers is still before us, and that is:
"From whence came the Indians?" As we remarked at the beginning
of this chapter, no one theory has yet received universal
acceptance. In view of these facts, it is not best to present
any theories, but content ourselves with such statements as seem
reasonably well settled. On all hands it is agreed that the
Indians have been in America a long while, and whatever advance
they were able to make in the scale of civilization has been
achieved in this country.<58>
This statement implies that they were in undisturbed possession
of this country long enough for some tribes of them to reach the
middle status of barbarism, which means advancement sufficient
to enable them to cultivate the ground by irrigation, and to
acquire a knowledge of the use of stone and adobe brick in
building.<59> More than half the battle of civilization had then
been won. Look at it as we will, this demands an immense period
of time for its accomplishment. In the arts of subsistence,
government, language, and development of religious ideas the
advancement they had been able to make from a condition of
savagism to that in which the Mound Builders evidently lived, or
the Aztecs in Mexico, represents a progression far greater than
from thence to civilization.
We are, therefore, sure that the Indians have inhabited this
country for an extended period. We can prolong the mental vision
backwards until we discover them, a savage race, gaining a
precarious livelihood by fishing and the chase. In America there
was but one cereal, or grain, growing wild. That was maize, or
Indian corn. We can not tell in what portion of the continent it
was native, but, in whatever section it was, there, probably,
first commenced permanent village life.
A settled residence, and being no longer dependent on hunting
for a livelihood, would advance the Indians greatly in the scale
of culture. So we can understand how in one section would arise
Indian tribes possessed of quite complicated systems of
government and religion and a knowledge of agriculture. And from
this as a center they would naturally spread out to other
sections. The conclusion to which we seem driven is, that there
is no necessity for supposing the Mound Builders to be any thing
more than village Indians, in much the same state of development
as the southern Indians at the time of the discovery. The Indian
race shows us tribes in various stages of development, from the
highly developed Pueblo Indians on the one hand to the miserable
Aborigines of California on the other.
These various tribes may be classified as the wild hunting
tribes and the sedentary, partially civilized tribes. To this
last division belong the Mound Builders. We have seen how the
partially civilized tribes in the valley of the San Juan were
gradually driven south by the pressure of wild tribes. We need
not doubt but such was the case in the Mississippi Valley.
But we need not picture to ourselves any imposing movement of
tribes. In one location a mound-building tribe may have been
forced to abandon its territory, which would be occupied by
bands of hunting tribes. In other cases they would cling more
tenaciously to their territory. The bulk of them may have been
forced south; some in other directions, and, like the Pimas on
the River Gila, or the Junanos east of the Rio Grande, have
retrograded in culture.<60> Some bands may even have reached
Mexico, and exerted an influence on the culture of the tribes
found there.<61>
It is only necessary to add a brief word as to the antiquity of
the Mound Builders' works, or rather as to the time of
abandonment. On this point there is a great diversity of
opinion, and it seems to us almost impossible to come to any
definite conclusion. The time of abandonment may vary greatly in
different sections of the country, and we have seen how apt
Indian tribes, even in the same section, are to abandon one
village site in order to form another a few miles away.<62>
Fort Hill, in Ohio, that so strongly impressed its first
explorers with a sense of antiquity,<63> may have been abandoned
long before the Circleville works, where Mr. Atwater could still
distinguish vestiges of the palisades that once helped to
defend it.
We have said about all that can be said in a brief review of the
prehistoric life in America north of Mexico. We have seen how
much there is still for our scholars to work up before we can
profess to as full and complete a knowledge as we have of the
prehistoric life in Europe. We are just on the threshold of
discoveries in regard to the Paleolithic Age in this country.
The southern boundary of the great ice sheet is now known to us.
Many scholars have pointed out to us the scattering bits of
evidence going to show that the ancestors of the present Eskimos
once inhabited the interior of this continent. Dr. Abbott has
found unmistakable evidence of the presence of such a people in
New Jersey. Our Indian tribes who came next, are not properly
prehistoric, though many questions relating to them belong to
that field.
We have examined the works of the people known as Mound
Builders. They are indeed varied and full of interest, but our
conclusion leaves their origin involved in the still deeper
question of the origin of the Indian race. We are satisfied that
they were village Indians and not tribes of a vanished people.
We have also examined that section of country wherein the
greatest development of village Indian life north of Mexico took
place. It would be very satisfactory could we show lines of
migration from the valley of the San Juan, as a center, to the
Mississippi Valley on the one hand, and to Mexico and the South
on the other. We can find some lines of evidence, but not enough
to positively state such an important truth.
We must now leave this field of inquiry. We trust such of our
readers as have followed us in these pages will have clearer
ideas of the prehistoric life in North America. They must
however regard this knowledge as simply a foundation, a
starting-point, or as the shallows along the shore, while the
massive building, the long journey, or the great ocean, is still
before them. Our scholars are giving their time and attention to
these problems. They are learning what they can of the
traditions and myths of the tribes still existing. They are
studying their languages and plan of government. They are also
making great collections of the works of their hands. We will
hope some day for clear light on all these topics, which will
either confirm our present conclusions or show us wherein we
must change them, or, perhaps, reject them altogether.
Illustration of Stone Mask found in Tennessee.-----------
REFERENCES
(1) The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to Cyrus
Thomas, Ph.D., of the Bureau of Ethnology, for criticism.
(2) Baldwin's "Ancient America," p. 58. Gallatin, Trans. Am.
Ethnol. Soc., I., p. 207. Short's "North Americans of
Antiquity," p. 65. Conant's "Footprints of Vanished Races,"
p. 120. Jone's "Antiquities of Tennessee," p. 146. MacLean's
"The Mound Builders," Chap. xii.
(3) Carr's "Mounds of the Mississippi Valley." Schoolcraft's
"Archives of Aboriginal Knowledge," Vol. I., p. 66; Vol. II.,
p. 30. Morgan's "House and House Life American Aborigines,"
Vol. IV.; "Contributions to N. A. Ethnology," p. 199. Brinton:
American Antiquarian, October, 1881. Thomas: American
Antiquarian, March, 1884. Powell: Transactions of
Anthropological Society, 1881, p. 116.
(4) Of course these words vary in different nations, but the
meaning is the same in all.
(5) Morgan's "Ancient Society," p. 269.
(6) The gens, phratry, and tribe were subdivisions of the
Ancient Greeks. Of a similar import were the gens, curiae, and
tribe of the Roman tribes. The Irish sept and the Scottish clan
are the same in meaning as the gens of other tribes. American
authors, in treating of the Indians, have generally used the
words tribe and clan as equivalent of gens. This is not correct.
Almost all the tribes had a complete organization in gens and
phratries, though of course they did not so name them. These
terms are adopted by Mr. Morgan because they have a precise and
historical meaning. As an example of Indian tribal-organization,
we give an outline of the Seneca-Iroquois tribe.
First Phratry, Bear
or Wolf Gens.
Brotherhood. Beaver
Turtle
TRIBE.
Second Phratry, Deer
or Snipe Gens.
Brotherhood. Heron
Hawk
It is proper to remark that the phratries are not a necessary
member of the series. Several of the Indian tribes had only gens
and tribe. Mr. Schoolcraft uses the words totemic system to
express the same organization. Totem, the Ojibway dialect,
signifies the symbol or devise which they use to designate the
gens. Thus the figure of a bear would be the totem of the bear
gens. We must remember that the tribes of to-day have, in many
cases, lost their ancient organization. See Morgan's "Ancient
Society," where this subject is fully treated. Also Powell, in
"First Annual Report of Bureau of Ethnology;" Grote's "History
of Greece," Vol. III, p. 55, et seq.; Smith's "Dictionary
of Greek and Roman Antiquities," articles, gens, civitas,
tribus, etc.; also Dorsey, in American Antiquarian, Oct.,
1883, p. 312, et seq.
(7) The Mexican tribes form no exception to this statement. See
this volume, Chapter XV.
(8) Lewis's "Wild Races of South-eastern India."
(9) Grote's "History of Greece," Vol. II.
(10) Mallery: "American Association Reports," 1877.
(11) Hochelaga.
(12) Morgan: "Contribution to N. A. Ethnology," Vol. IV, p. 119.
(13) "Luis Hernando De Biedman," and "A Gentleman of Elvas,"
both translated in "Historic Collections of Louisiana," Vol. II.
(14) "Historical Collections of Louisiana," Vol. I, p. 61.
(15) Morgan's "Contribution to N. A. Ethnology," Vol. IV,
p. 114.
(16) Read Capt. John Smith, "Hist. of Virginia;" also "Mass.
Hist. Col.," Vol. VIII, of the third series.
(17) Consult "The Mounds of the Mississippi Valley," by Lucian
Carr, of the Kentucky Graphical Survey, where this subject is
fully treated, and copious quotations given.
(18) Morgan's "Ancient Society," p. 526.
(19) Bandelier's "Fifth Annual Report, Arch. Inst.," p. 60.
(20) "Charlevoix's Travels in North America," p. 241.
(21) Fourth Annual Report of Peabody Museum, and from
information furnished me by the U.S. Bureau of Ethnology.
(22) "The custom of palisading appears to have been general
among the northern tribes."--Brackenridge's "Views of
Louisiana," p. 182.
(23) "Views of Louisiana," p. 183.
(24) "Archaeology Americanae," Vol. I., p. 145.
(25) "Views of Louisiana," p. 182.
(26) Carr: "Mounds of the Mississippi Valley," p. 78.
(27) Quoted from Brinton, Am. Antiq., Oct., 1881.
(28) Hist. Col. of Louisiana, Vol. II., p. 105.
(29) "Mounds of the Mississippi Valley," p. 90.
(30) "Expedition to Florida," p. 15.
(31) Shea's "Early Voyages on the Mississippi," p. 135.
"Historical Collections of Louisiana," Vol. I., p. 61. Quoted
from Cyrus Thomas in American Antiquarian, March, 1884.
(32) See article by Cyrus Thomas, of the Bureau of Ethnology, in
American Antiquarian, March, 1884.
(33) "History of Louisiana," Lond., 1763, Vol. II., pp. 188 and
211.
(34) Father Le Petit: Note, p. 142. "Hist. Col. Louisiana,"
Vol. III.
(35) "Hist. of the Five Nations," Introduction, p. 16.
(36) Smithsonian Contribution to Knowledge, No. 259, p. 15;
"Mounds of the Mississippi Valley," p. 87.
(37) "Notes on Virginia," p. 191.
(38) Catlin's "North American Indians," p. 95.
(39) Foster's "Prehistoric Races of the U.S.," p. 346.
(40) Pueblo Chettro-kettle, Chaco Canyon.
(41) "Geographical and Geological Survey of the Territories,"
Hayden, 1876, p. 440. Calculations made by Mr. Holmes.
(42) Brinton's "Floridian Peninsula," p. 21. We think, however,
this statement requires to be taken with some allowance.
Personal liberty seems to have been the birthright of every
Indian. ("Mounds of the Mississippi Valley," Carr, p. 24.) The
council of the tribe is the real governing body of all people in
a tribal state of society. ("Ancient Society," Morgan.) When the
war-chief united in his person priestly powers also, he at once
became an object of greater interest. This explains why the
government of the chiefs among all the Southern Indian tribes
appears so much more arbitrary than among the northern tribes.
His real power was probably much the same in both cases, but
superstition had surrounded his person with a great many
formalities. The early explorers, acquainted only with the
arbitrary governments of Europe, saw in all this despotic powers
whereas there might not have been much foundation for
this belief.
(43) "Traditions of Decodah," Pidgeon. Carr, "Mounds of the
Mississippi Valley," p. 70.
(44) "Indian Migrations," American Antiquarian, April,
1883.
(45) Mr. Hale suggests that copper was the gold of the North
American Indians, and that the "golden city" simply means a city
or town where they knew how to work copper. It is well known
that the mound building tribes had such knowledge, at least they
knew how to work native copper.
(46) This tradition was first made known by Heckwelder, a
missionary among the Delawares, in his "History of the Indian
Nations." It is repeated at much greater length, and with
additional particulars, in a paper read by Mr. E. G. Squier,
before the Historical Society of New York. Mr. Squier has simply
translated a genuine Indian record known as the Bark Record. The
two authorities here mentioned consider the Delawares as coming
from west of the Mississippi. Mr. Hale points out that it was
more likely the Upper St. Lawrence--that portion known as the
Detroit River--that was the "Great River" of the traditions.
(47) From this word comes Alleghany Mountains and River.
(48) In this connection it is at least interesting to note that
several authors--Squier, MacLean, and others--have contended,
judging from the fortified hills and camps, that the pressure of
hostilities on the Mound Builders of the Ohio Valley was from
the north-east.
(49) The Chata-muskoki family. (Brinton.)
(50) Hale: American Antiquarian, April, 1883.
(51) We are not at all certain but our scholars will shortly
come to the conclusion that the Cherokees or Shawnees are quite
as likely to be the descendants of the Allegewi as the Natchez.
(52) It is scarcely necessary to caution the reader as to the
value of this statement of ancient greatness. The chroniclers of
De Soto's expedition had nothing to say about it.
(53) Pickett's "History of Alabama," Vol. II.
(54) Du Pratz: "History of Louisiana," Vol. II.
(55) Stone metates, or mills, have so far been found only
in Missouri, not far from the Missouri River. As this is such an
important implement among the Pueblo tribes, its presence in
this locality is significant. (Thomas.)
(56) As the proof seems to be conclusive that the Indians of the
south who were encountered by the Europeans first visiting that
section were the builders of the mounds of that region, it
brings these works down to a date subsequent to the entry of the
civilized tribes into Mexico. (Thomas.)
(57) Some of the pottery from South-eastern Missouri and
Arkansas shows a strong resemblance to that of some Pueblo
tribes. (Thomas.)
(58) Short's "North Americans of Antiquity," p. 202.
(59) Morgan: "Ancient Society," p. 12.
(60) "Fifth Annual Report Archaeological Institute," p. 85.
(61) Short's "North Americans of Antiquity," p. 458.
(62) Carr: "Mounds of the Mississippi Valley," p. 97.
(63) "Ancient Monuments," p. 14.
END OF CHAPTER XII.*****************
The Prehistoric World: or, Vanished Races
by E. A. Allen
Processed by D.R. Thompson
drthom@ihug.co.nz
Chapter XIII.
THE NAHUA TRIBES.
Early Spanish discoveries in Mexico--The Nahua tribes defined--
Climate of Mexico--The Valley of Anahuac--Ruins at Tezcuco--The
hill of Tezcocingo--Ruins at Teotihuacan--Ancient Tulla--Ruins
in the province of Querataro--Casa Grandes in Chihuahua--Ancient
remains in Sinaloa--Fortified hill of Quemada--The Pyramid of
Cholula--Mr. Bandelier's investigations at Cholula--Fortified
hill at Xochicalco--Its probable use--Ruins at Monte Alban--
Ancient remains at Mitla--Mr. Bandelier's investigations--
Traditions in regard to Mitla--Ruins along the Panuco River--
Ruins in Vera Cruz--Pyramid of Papantla--Tusapan--Character of
Nahua Ruins.
When the ships of the Spanish admiral came to anchor before the
Island of San Salvador, he had indeed discovered a "New World."
It was inhabited by a race of people living in a state of
society from which the inhabitants of Europe had emerged long
before the dawn of authentic history. The animal and plant life
were also greatly different from any thing with which they were
acquainted. The Spaniards little suspected the importance of
their discovery. Columbus himself died in the belief that he had
simply explored a new route to Asia. A quarter of a century
elapsed after the first voyage of Columbus before an expedition
coasted along the shores of Mexico. This was the expedition of
Juan De Grijalva, in 1518. He gave a glowing description of the
country he had seen, which "from the beauty and verdure of its
indented shores, and the lovely appearances of its villages, he
called 'New Spain.'"<1>
Illustration of Map of Mexico.-------------------
This was followed, in the year 1519, by the history-making
expedition of Cortez. The scene of his first landing was about
forty miles south of the present town of Vera Cruz, but to this
place they soon removed. At his very first landing-point he
learned of the existence of what he was pleased to call a
powerful empire, ruled by a most valiant prince. The accounts
the Indian allies gave him of the power and wealth of this
empire inflamed the imagination of Cortez and his followers.
This was an age, we must remember that delighted in tales of the
marvelous; add to this the further fact that Cortez was not, at
the beginning of his expedition, acting with the sanction of his
royal master; indeed, his sailing from the island of Cuba was in
direct violation of the commands of the governor. It was very
necessary for him to impress upon the court of Spain a sense of
the importance of his undertaking.
Certain it is that the accounts that have been handed down to
us, though read with wonder and admiration, though made the
basis on which many writers have constructed most glowing
descriptions of the wonders of the barbaric civilization, which
they would fain have us believe, rivaled that of "Ormus and of
Ind," are to-day seriously questioned by a large and influential
portion of the scientific world. We have another point to be
considered that is of no little weight, as all candid men must
admit that it would influence the opinions the Spaniards would
form of the culture of the Indians. As the man of mature years
has lost the memory of his childhood, so have the civilized
races of men lost, even beyond the reach of tradition, the
memory of their barbaric state. The Spaniards were brought face
to face with a state of society from which the Indo-European
folks had emerged many centuries before. They could not be
expected to understand it, and hence it is that we find so many
contradictory statements in the accounts of the early explorers;
so much that modern scholars have no hesitation in rejecting.
The main tribe of the empire which Cortez is said have
overthrown is known to us by the name of the Aztecs; but as this
name properly denotes but one of many tribes in the same state
of development, it is better to use a word which includes all,
or nearly all, of the tribes that in olden times had their home
in the territory now known as Mexico. Careful comparisons of the
various dialects of ancient Mexico have shown that, with the
exceptions of some tribes in Vera Cruz, they all belonged to one
stock-language; and so they are collectively known as the
Nahua tribes.<2>
We wish now to inquire into the culture of this people, to see
how much of the strange story that the Spaniards have to tell us
has a reasonable foundation. We will state frankly that, though
the literature on this subject is of vast proportions, yet it is
very far from being a settled field. All accounts of the early
explorers of the strange scenes, customs, and manners of the
inhabitants, when they were first discovered, are so intermixed
with self-evident fables, and statements that are undoubtedly
exaggerations, that we have a most difficult task before us.
We will first examine the antiquities of this section, compare
them with those found in more northern regions, and then examine
the statements of the early writers as to the customs of the
people. We do not propose to do more than to follow after our
leaders in thought, and try to make plain the conclusions to
which they have arrived. We are not to deal wholly with a
prehistoric people, though their origin is unknown. What we
desire to do is to clear away the mists of three and a half
centuries, and to catch, if possible, a glimpse of what was
probably the highest development of prehistoric culture in North
America just before the arrival of the Spaniards.
Mexico was surely a land well adapted to the needs of a
prehistoric people. Along the coasts the ground is low.
This constitutes what is known as the "Hot Country."<3>
The greater part of Mexico consists of an elevated table-land,
which rises in a succession of plateaus. As we leave the coast
region and climb the plateau, we experience changes of climate.
If it were level, it would have mainly a tropical climate, but
owing to the elevation we have just mentioned, it has mainly a
temperate climate. The whole plateau region is cut up with
mountains. The Sierra Madre, on the west, is the main chain, but
numerous cross-ranges occur. The result is, a greater part of
Mexico abounds in fertile, easily defended valleys--just such
localities as are much sought after by a people in barbaric
culture, constantly exposed to the assaults of invading foes.<4>
We may as well pass at once to the valley of Anahuac, the most
noted in all the region, and learn of the antiquities of this
central section. It is in this valley that the capital of the
Mexican Republic is situated. All travelers who have had
occasion to describe its scenery have been enthusiastic in its
praise. The valley is mountain-girt and lake-dotted, and in area
not far different from the State of Rhode Island. On one of the
principal lakes was located the Pueblo of Tenochtitlan, the
head-quarters of the Aztecs, commonly known as the City of
Mexico. When Cortez first stood upon the encircling mountains,
and gazed down upon the valley, he saw at his feet one of the
most prosperous and powerful pueblos of the New World.
This is not the place to recount the story of its fall.
Our present inquiry is concerned solely with the remains of its
prehistoric age. The enthusiastic Spaniards would have us
believe in a city of Oriental magnificence. We have no
illustrations of this pueblo. It was almost completely destroyed
by Cortez before its final surrender in August, 1521. It was
then rebuilt as the capital city of New Spain. Of course, all
traces of its original buildings soon disappeared. What we can
learn of its appearance is derived from the accounts of the
early writers, which we will examine in their proper place.
After having surveyed the entire field of ruins, we will be much
better qualified to judge of the vague statements of its former
grandeur. A few relics have, indeed, been found buried beneath
the surface of the old city. They illustrate the culture of the
people, as will be noticed further on.
Directly across the lake from the Pueblo of Mexico was that of
Tezcuco, the head-quarters of the second powerful tribe of the
Aztec Confederacy. Traces only are recoverable of its former
buildings. At the southern end of the modern town were found the
foundations of three great pyramids. They were arranged in a
line from north to south. Mr. Mayer says of these ruins:
"They are about four hundred feet in extent on each side of
their base, and are built partly of adobe and partly of large,
burned bricks and fragments of pottery."<5> He tells us further
that the sides of the pyramids "were covered with fragments of
idols, clay vessels, and obsidian knives." From other
discoveries, it would seem these pyramids were coated with
cement. The suggestion is made that on one of these pyramids
stood the great temple of Tezcuco, which, an early writer tells
us, was ascended by one hundred and seventeen steps.
Illustration of Bas-Relief, Tezcuco.--------
In another part of the town a sculptured block of stone was
found, of which this cut is given. "It appears to be the remains
of a trough or basin, and the sculpture is neatly executed in
relief. I imagine that it was designed to represent a conflict
between a serpent and a bird, and you can not fail to remark the
cross distinctly carved near the lower right-hand corner of the
vessel." Bullock, who traveled in Mexico in 1824, has left a
brief description of the ruins of what he calls a palace.
"It must have been a noble building. ... It extended for three
hundred feet, forming one side of the great square, and was
placed on sloping terraces raised one above the other by small
steps. Some of these terraces are still entire and covered with
cement. ... From what is known of the extensive foundations of
this palace, it must have covered some acres of ground."<6>
This last statement is doubtless exaggerated. From what we know
of Indian architecture, these ruins were doubtless long, low,
and narrow, and placed on one or more sides of a square, perhaps
inclosing a court.
About three miles from the town of Tezcuco is a very singular
group of ruins. This is the Hill of Tezcocingo. This is very
regular in outline, and rises to the height of about six hundred
feet. A great amount of work has evidently been bestowed on this
hill, and some very far-fetched conclusions have been drawn from
it. Probably as notable a piece of work as any was the aqueduct
which supplied the hill with water, and this is really one of
the most wonderful pieces of aboriginal work with which we
are acquainted.
The termination of the aqueduct is represented in our next cut.
This is about half-way up the hill, right on the edge of a
precipitous descent of some two hundred feet. "It will be
observed in the drawing that the rock is smoothed to a perfect
level for several yards, around which seats and grooves are
carved from the adjacent masses. In the center there is a
circular sink, about a yard and a half in diameter and a yard in
depth, and a square pipe, with a small aperture, led the water
from an aqueduct which appears to terminate in this basin.
None of the stones have been joined with cement, but the whole
was chiseled, from the mountain rock."<7> This has been called
"Montezuma's Bath," simply from the custom of naming every
wonderful ruin for which no other name was known after that
personage; but this was not a bath, but a reservoir of water.
Illustration of Montezuma's Bath.--------
From this circular reservoir the side of the mountain is cut
down so as to form a level grade, just as if a railroad had been
made. This grade winds around the surface of the hill for about
half a mile, when it stretches out across a valley
three-quarters of a mile wide, an elevated embankment from sixty
to two hundred feet in height. Reaching the second mountain, the
graded way commences again, and is extended about half-way
around the mountain, where it extends on another embankment
across the plains to a range of mountains, from which the water
was obtained.
Illustration of Aqueduct, Tezcocingo.---------
This cut represents the embankment crossing the valley.
Along the top of this way was laid the canals to transport the
water, made of an exceedingly hard cement of mortar and
fragments of pounded brick. It is estimated that nearly, if not
quite, as much labor was expended on this aqueduct as on the
Croton aqueduct that supplies New York City.<8> This last
statement is probably too strong, but, considering that this
work was accomplished by a people destitute of iron tools, it is
seen to be a most extraordinary work. From what we have already
learned, this hill was evidently a very important place. On all
sides we meet with evidences that the whole of the hill was
covered with artificial works of one kind or another. On the
side of the hill opposite this reservoir was another recess
bordered by seats cut in living rock, and leading to a
perpendicular cliff, on which a calendar is said to have been
carved, but was destroyed by the natives in later days.<9>
Traces of a spiral road leading up the summit have been
observed. In 1824 Bullock (who, however, is not regarded as a
very accurate observer) "found the whole mountain had been
covered with palaces, temples, baths, hanging-gardens, and so
forth." Latrobe, somewhat later, found "fragments of pottery and
broken pieces of obsidian knives and arrows; pieces of stucco,
shattered terraces, and old walls were thickly dispersed over
its whole surface."<10> Mr. Mayer, after speaking of the
abundance of broken pottery and Indian arrows, says: "The
eminence seems to have been converted from its base to its
summit into a pile of terraced gardens."
By one class of writers this hill is regarded as the "suburban
residence of the luxurious monarchs of Tezcuco, ... a pleasure
garden upon which were expended the revenues of the state and
the ingenuity of its artists."<11> Mr. Bancroft has gathered
together the details of this charming story,<12> and tells us
that the kings of Mexico had a similar pleasure resort on the
Hill of Chapultepec, a few miles west of the city.<13> It is
sufficient at present to state that an explanation much simpler
and more in accord with our latest scientific information can be
given. It is more likely that this hill was the seat of a
village Indian community. Its location was naturally strong.
The water, brought with so much labor from a distance, furnished
a supply for the purpose of irrigation, as well as bodily needs.
The terraced sides show that every foot of ground was utilized,
and the ruins of the palaces that Mr. Bullock mentions were the
fast-disappearing ruins of their communal buildings. Owing to
the cruel raids of the Aztec tribes, this place may have been
deserted before the coming of the Spaniards, and thus no mention
was made of it.
Illustration of Teotihuacan.-------------------
Still further to the north, about thirty miles from Mexico, is
found another extensive field of ruins, which is called
Teotihuacan, meaning "City of the Gods." The principal ruins now
standing are the two immense pyramids (which are represented in
this cut), which the natives call the "House of the Moon" and
the "House of the Sun." We will describe the surroundings first.
It is unquestioned but that here was a very extensive settlement
in early times. When the Nahua tribes entered Mexico they
probably found it inhabited. One very recent writer thinks that
"nowhere else in America can you find a more imposing mass of
ruins."<14> He estimates that it was "a city upwards of twenty
miles in circumference."
Other writers have also noticed its great extent. According to
Thompson, "the ruins cover an area very nearly as large as that
of the present City of Mexico, and the streets are as distinctly
marked by the ruins of houses."<15> And in another place Mr.
Charney tells us "the city was of vast extent; and, without
indulging in any stereotyped reflections on the vanity of human
greatness, I will say that a more complete effacement is nowhere
else to be seen. The whole ground, over a space five or six
miles in diameter, is covered with heaps of ruins, which at
first view, make no impression, so complete is their
dilapidation."<16>
Of this mass of ruins we are told but little, beyond the general
assertion that it consists of the ruins of buildings, temples,
etc. But very recently M. Charney has uncovered the foundation
of one of these houses. He calls it a palace. It was, in all
probability, a communal building. It had two wings inclosing a
court, and was located on a terraced pyramid. He found, on
digging into the terrace in front of the ruins, a great number
of sloping walls, covered with cement, containing small
compartments, etc. M. Charney can not account for
their presence.
In view of the discoveries further north, we would respectfully
suggest that this was, in reality, the lower story of the
building, whose flat roof formed the terrace in front
of the second story, whose foundation M. Charney so happily
discovered. But such suggestions as this are very unsafe to
make, and must be supported by further discoveries before they
are of any real value.
He found a large number of good-sized rooms, and speaks
especially of one hall fifty feet square, in the center of which
was six pillars, sloping from the base upwards. They, doubtless,
served to support the roof. We regret that we have not been able
to see M. Charney's ground plan of this ruin. Of the pyramids
themselves we have quite full information. The larger one, that
of the sun, is seven hundred and sixty feet square and two
hundred and sixteen feet high. It will be seen that these
dimensions throw the great mound at Cahokia into the shade.
Though the base may not be quite as great, the height of the
pyramid is over twice that of the mound. Three terraces are
plainly visible. The surface was covered with cement, large
slabs of which remain in their place. The moon pyramid is
further north.
It is in all respects like that of the sun, but of smaller
dimensions, being one hundred and fifty feet high. In early
times these pyramids are said to have supported statues, but, if
so, they have long since been thrown down. Their surface and the
ground around is thickly strewn with fragments of pottery,
obsidian knives, and other small relics. Running south from the
House of the Moon, and passing a little to one side of the House
of the Sun, are the remains of a wide, paved road. Its width is
stated to be one hundred and thirty feet, and its length about
two hundred and fifty rods.<17>
This road suddenly expands in front of the Moon, so as to
suggest the idea of a Greek cross. Pieces of cement (with which
this road was covered) are still visible in places. It is lined
with mounds on either side, and they stand so close together as
to resemble continuous embankments in some places.
Speculations are abundant as to the object of this graded way.
Tradition calls it the "Path of the Dead." Small mounds are very
numerous over the surface. They may have been for burial
purposes, but sculptured stones are found in them, and specimens
of hard cement. This group of ruins is regarded as of very
great antiquity.
We can easily see that the growth of the soil formed by the
decay and detrition of the stone slabs of the pyramids, temples,
and other buildings would be slow, especially as the rainfall is
light. But in some localities it is more than three feet thick.
In places three separate floors are observed, one over the
other, pointing to as many successive occupations of the same
sections by men.
About sixty-five miles to the north of Mexico was located
Tollan, or Tulla. According to tradition, this was the capital
city of the Toltecs, a mysterious people who long preceded the
Aztecs. We are told that "extensive ruins remained at the time
of the conquest, but very few relics have survived to the
present time."<18> M. Charney, whose labors we have referred to
at Teotihuacan, succeeded also in making important discoveries
here. He tells us that on the site of this ancient capital there
is a hill, "about one mile long by half a mile broad, covered
with mounds, plateaus, and ruins of all kinds."
He gives us the dimensions of two pyramids, as follows.
The first is one hundred and ninety-six feet on each front, and
forty-six feet high. The second is one hundred and thirty-one
feet square, and thirty-one feet high. Both of these pyramids
stood on raised foundations, which M. Charney calls esplanades.
As no other pyramids are mentioned, we are to suppose these are
the two principal ones. Perhaps they are also pyramids of the
sun and moon. Our chief interest is concerned with the remains
of the habitations he discovered here. He says: "I set the men
to work at one of the many mounds upon the ridge, and soon found
that I had hit upon a group of habitations." A general idea of
this group of buildings is given in this passage: "The dwellings
were united together in groups, and erected on isolated mounds,
one in the middle, the others around about, the whole forming
a sort of honey-comb, with its cells placed at
different elevations."
We can not help being struck with the general resemblance of the
descriptions here given and that of the ruins in the vicinity of
the River Gila. The general tendency is seen to gather together
in clusters, with, probably, the most important house in the
center. As to the materials used in this building, we are told
"they used clay and mud for the inside of the walls, cement to
coat them, dressed stone and brick for casings, bricks and stone
for stairways, bricks for pilasters, and wood for roofing the
edifice. The houses bad flat roofs, consisting of timbers coated
with cement. Of such timbers we find vast quantities."<19>
Of the arrangements of the rooms, he tells us, "The apartments
that have been brought to light comprise a number of chambers,
big and little, placed at different heights. We shall have no
clear idea of the relation of these different chambers to one
another, or of the mode of access to them through the
labyrinthine passages and the numerous stairways, until the
whole edifice has been unearthed."
This was not the only building he discovered. On digging into a
mound supposed to be the support of a temple, he discovered it
was the ruined foundation of a still grander house. He says, "It
is much larger than the other one, stands on a pyramid, and has
two wings inclosing a courtyard. The walls are thicker than
those of the first habitation, and more strongly built.
The apartments, too, are larger, though arranged in a similar
fashion." Elsewhere he tells us that this building contained at
least forty-three apartments, large and small. We presume very
few will now question but what the buildings he here describes
are ruined communal buildings, much like the structures
in Arizona.
But perhaps the most interesting result of his labors was the
proof that these ruins were certainly inhabited after the
conquest--for how long a time we can not tell. This is shown by
fragments of bones and other articles found in the refuse heaps.
The bones were of such animals as the horse, swine, sheep, oxen,
etc.--animals introduced into this country by the Spaniards.
The fragments of pottery include specimens plainly not of Indian
manufacture, such as fragments of porcelain, and that variety of
glazed ware known as delf, and lastly, the neck of a glass
bottle. It may be said that these fragments might have been left
by a band of Spaniards who occupied the ruins in the early days
of the conquest, perhaps long after the Indian owners had left.
This is of course possible, but it is just as reasonable to
suppose the fragments were left by descendants of the
original builders.
Northward from Tulla is a small province, marked on the map
Querataro. From the accounts at our disposal, which are very
brief, we gather that this whole section is a tableland split up
by ravines of great depths and precipitous sides; consequently
one abounding in easily defended positions. It was found that
all the projecting points, naturally strong, were rendered still
stronger by the presence of ditches, walls, and embankments.
Three groups of ruins are mentioned especially, and their
location is marked on the map. At Pueblito there was, at an
early day, plainly to be seen, the foundation of a large,
rectangular building. The walls were built of stone laid
in clay.
At Canoas, in the northern part of the State, there is a steep
and strongly fortified bill, but particulars in regard to it are
very meager. "There are, in all, forty-five defensive works on
the hill, including a wall about forty feet in height, and a
rectangular platform with an area of five thousand square
feet."<20> Ranas, the most northern one of the three sites
mentioned, is regarded as the center of population in early
times. "A small lake and a perennial spring are supposed to have
been the attractions of this locality in the eyes of the people.
On all the hills about are still seen vestiges of
their monuments."
If we look at the map we will notice that we have gone but a
little ways north of the valley of Anahuac. Yet, with the
exception of the Gulf-coast, there are but few striking
aboriginal ruins in Northern Mexico. At the time of the conquest
the whole northern section was the home of tribes not generally
considered to be as far advanced as those who lived in the
section we have already described, and in regions further south.
Yet it is certainly hard to draw the line between the culture
of the two people. We are told that, these Northern tribes
though styled "dogs," and "barbarians," by the Southern tribes,
were yet "tillers of the soil, and lived under systematic forms
of government, although not apparently much given to the arts of
agriculture and sculpture."
This point is of considerable interest to us, theoretically; for
it is a question from whence came the various Nahua tribes.
We would naturally think, if they came from the North, we ought
to find evidence of their former presence in the various
Northern States of Mexico. We must remember, however, that a
migrating people are not apt to leave monuments until they reach
the end of their migration. Neither has the territory been as
carefully explored as it should be. What accounts we can obtain
of the remains in this section are certainly very meager.
But one place in Sonora do ruins occur, and they have never been
examined by competent personages.<21> In Chihuahua occur ruins,
evidently the works of the same people as built the separate
houses to the west of the Rio Grande, in New Mexico.
These ruins have received the same name as those on the Rio
Gila--that is, "Casas Grandes," meaning "Great House." This cut
represents a view of these ruins. The river valley is here about
two miles wide, and is said to be very fertile. Mr. Bartlett
thinks there is no richer valley to be found from Texas to
California. This valley was once the seat of a considerable
population. Mounds are here found in considerable numbers.
Over two thousand are estimated as occurring in a section of
country sixty miles long by thirty in width.<22> We wish we knew
more about the mounds. They are said to contain pottery, stone
axes, and other implements. It is possible, then, that these
mounds are ruins of separate houses. At any rate, such are the
only kind of ruins noticed in the upper part of this same valley
by Mr. Bandelier.
Illustration of Casas Grandes.----------------
The ruins in question are undoubtedly those of a rich and
prosperous pueblo. They are so placed as to command a very
extensive view. The river valley is cut through a plain, and has
precipitous sides about twenty-five feet in height. The ruins in
question are found partly in the bottoms and partly on the upper
and more sterile plateau. The walls were made of adobe, and in
consequence of their long exposure to the elements are very far
gone in ruins; so much so that Mr. Bartlett was unable to make
out the plan. But enough was seen to show that this was a pueblo
much like the structure already described. They properly belong
to the Arizona group of ruins.
We are told they face the cardinal points, and consist of fallen
and erect walls. The portions still standing are from fifty to
sixty feet high, or rather were that height in 1851. It is
doubtful whether any thing more than a mound of adobe mud now
marks the spot. The walls were highest in the center of the
mass. At the distance of a few miles was a hill said to be
fortified. But the descriptions of it are conflicting.
Some represent it as crowned with a stone-built fortress two or
three stories high. Others more reasonable, represent it as the
site of a watch-tower, or sentry station, and that at regular
intervals on the slope of the hill are lines of stone, with
heaps of loose stones at their extremities.<23> Probably the
same fate overtook the tribes of this valley as did the
sedentary tribes of the North. They would not willingly abandon
a place so well suited to their needs. The presence of an
invading foe, cruel and vindictive, alone accounts for this
group of ruins.
In Sinaloa we have no very definite account of ruins.
However, Mr. Bandelier says, the existence of ancient villages
in that section is certain, and that from "Sinaloa there are
ample evidences of a continuous flow Southward."<24> There are
no ruins worth mentioning in any of the other States, excepting
Zacatecas, where we find a ruin of great interest. This is at
Quemada, in the southern part of the State. The name is taken
from that of a farm in the near neighborhood. The ruins are
situated on the top of a hill, which is not only naturally
strong, but the approaches to it are fortified. The hill ascends
from the plain in a gentle slope for several hundred yards, it
then rises quite precipitously for about a hundred and fifty
feet. The total height of the hill above the plain is probably
not far from eight hundred feet.<25>
At all points where the approach to the top of the hill is not
steep enough to form a protection of itself, the brow is guarded
by walls of stone. This is especially true of the northern end
of the hill. One peculiar feature of this place is the traces of
ancient roads, which can still be clearly distinguished crossing
each other at various angles on the slope we have mentioned.
They can be followed for miles, and are described as being
slightly raised and paved with rough stones. In places on the
slope, their sides are protected by embankments.
Considerable speculations have been indulged in as to the
purposes for which these roads were used. It has been suggested
that they were the streets of an ancient city which must once
have existed on the plains; and that the fortified hill, with
the ruins on its summit, was the citadel, the residence of their
rulers, and the location of their temples. But we think a more
reasonable view is that all of the city that ever stood in that
neighborhood was on the hill summit, and that these streets were
for religious purposes, reminding us in this respect of the
graded ways and traces of paved streets sometimes met with in
the Mississippi Valley. In proof of this view, it is said that
many of them, after being followed for a long distance, are
found to terminate in a heap of stones, which are evidently the
ruins of a regular pyramid. In opposition to both of these
views, it has been suggested that the surrounding plain was low
and marshy, and that the object of these causeways was to secure
a dry passage, which explanation is certainly very reasonable.
Illustration of Quemada.----------
Of the top of the hill, it may be sufficient to state that it is
of irregular shape, half a mile in length from north to south,
and of varying width, but on an average one thousand feet wide.
The approach to the top of the hill was strongly guarded.
Although buildings were observed covering the whole top of the
hill, yet they were in two principal groups. This cut, though
but one of many, will give us very good ideas of all the ruins.
It is seen to be an inclosure. It is on a small scale. It was
one hundred and fifty feet square. We notice terraces on three
sides. These terraces are three feet high by twelve wide, and in
the center of each side are steps by which to descend to the
square.<26> Each terrace is backed by a wall, portions of which
are seen in the engraving. These walls are twenty feet high by
eight or nine in thickness. The openings seen in the wall are
not properly doors, as they extend to the top of the wall.
This court, encompassed by terraces, is a peculiar feature.
It is different from any thing we know of, either north or
south.<27> Courts, surrounded by buildings located on terraces,
are common enough, but all accounts of these ruins say nothing
of buildings. We remember the inclosures that surrounded the
houses clustered in groups on the Rio Gila. We think this comes
near to being a development of the same idea. The low walls of
the former inclosure are here quite pretentious pieces of
masonry. In some cases two or more of these inclosed courts are
joined by openings.
The opening in the wall on the right of the engraving leads into
a perfect inclosed square of two hundred feet. In one case a
range of pillars was noticed parallel with the walls, and
distant twenty-three feet. These are supposed to have supported
the roof of the portico, and houses of a rude description might
have been ranged along under this roof, which has since
completely vanished. Back of this square, but not very well
shown on the drawing, rises a precipitous hill. A pyramid is
placed in the center of the side towards the hill. It is only
nineteen feet high,<28> but is divided into five stages
or stories.<29>
This pyramid will serve as an example of numerous other pyramids
scattered over the summit of the hill. They are made of stone.
The largest one, whose dimensions are given, is fifty feet
square, and the same in height. In front of the pyramid, and in
the center of the square, are the remains of an altar. In view
of the altar and pyramid, within the inclosed square, we may
suppose this to have been dedicated to their religion. As if to
confirm this belief, is the statement that on the hill to the
back of the pyramid are numerous tiers of seats, either broken
in the rock or built of rough stone. The people seated on them
would be conveniently located as regards both sight and hearing
of what transpired there.
From an Indian's point of view, this hill was very strongly
fortified. It would be almost impossible for an enemy to capture
the settlement on its summit. The surrounding country was
probably fertile, and a large body of Indians could have lodged
within the fortified inclosures. It has some peculiar features,
which have been pointed out. There is now no water on the hill,
but traces of what is supposed to be an aqueduct are observed,
as well as several tanks, and at one place a well. There is not
an appearance of great antiquity about these ruins, and yet
native traditions are silent in regard to them, and but one of
the early writers refers to them, and he had not seen them.<30>
West of the central basin the remains are more numerous than to
the north, but they are not very striking, and it is scarcely
worth our while to stop and examine them. About sixty miles in a
south-easterly direction from Mexico is the modern town of
Cholula. This has grown at the expense of the ancient city of
Cholula, grouped around the famous pyramid of that name.
This was the Mexican "Tower of Babel." The traditions in regard
to it smack so strongly of outside influence that but little
reliance can be placed on them. They are evidently a mixture of
native traditions and Biblical stories. Like Teotihuacan and
Tulla, this is regarded as a relic of Toltec times. This is but
another way of saying that it is older in time than the majority
of ruins.
At the time of Cortez's march to Mexico Cholula was a very
important place. In his dispatches he says: "The great city of
Cholula is situated in a plain, and his twenty thousand
householders in the body of the city, besides as many more in
the suburbs." He further states that he himself counted the
towers of more than four hundred "idol temples."<31>
We must remember that this is a Spanish account, and therefore
exaggerated. Still, after making due allowance for the same, it
would remain an important aboriginal settlement. We have no
reliable data of the population at the time of the conquest.
From documentary evidence Mr. Bandelier has shown that while
Cholula was certainly a populous Indian pueblo, it is a misnomer
to call it a city. It was a group of six distinct clusters,
gathered around a common market. He estimates that its
population may possibly have been thirty thousand.<32>
All explorers have mentioned the fertility of the plain in the
midst of which this monument is found.
But this plain is almost destitute of easily defended positions;
which fact has an important bearing on the purpose for which the
great mound was erected. At a distance it presents all the
appearance of a natural hill. The casual observer would not
believe it was entirely the work of men. "In close proximity,"
says Mr. Bandelier, "the mound presents the appearance of an
oblong conical hill, resting on projecting platforms of unequal
length. Overgrown as it is with verdure and partly by trees, and
with a fine paved road leading to the summit, it looks
strikingly like a natural hill, along whose slopes the washing
of the rains and slides have laid bare bold bluffs, and into
whose bulk clefts and rents have occasionally penetrated."
Illustration of Pyramid of Cholula.------------
This celebrated mound or pyramid has lately been the subject of
a very careful study by Mr. Bandelier. The illustration we
present gives us a very good idea of the present appearance of
the mound. The mass is probably solid throughout, and if there
is a natural hill in its center, it must be a very small one.
The height of the central higher mass is very nearly two hundred
feet.<33> The present appearance of the summit is entirely due
to the Spaniards. At the time of the conquest the summit was
convex; the friars had it leveled in order to plant a cross.
The area of this upper platform is not far from two-thirds of an
acre. It is now paved and surrounded by a wall.
In the illustration we detect the appearance of terraces.
These are level areas, not all of the same height; neither do
they extend entirely around the mound. In fact, the present
appearance indicates three projections, or aprons, surrounding
and supporting a conical hill, and separated from each other by
wide depressions. This central mound, with its three
projections, rests upon a very extensive platform, which was
probably cross-shaped. This platform seems to have been about
twelve feet high, and covered an area of at least sixty acres.
The object for which this great pile was erected is a topic that
has exercised the thoughts of many scholars. Some have supposed
it was a burial mound. Some years ago, while in constructing a
road from Pueblo to Mexico, the first terrace or story was
slightly dug into, and disclosed a chamber, which contained two
skeletons, two idols, and a collection of pottery." Yet, before
deciding it to be a burial mound, it will be necessary to show
the presence of tombs near the center.
We have referred to the results of Mr. Bandelier's explorations.
He made a very thorough study of this great pyramid--more
complete than any that had hitherto been made--and his results
should have corresponding weight. He finds that the materials of
which the adobe brick is composed are exactly the same as that
of the surrounding plain. This does away with one old tradition,
that the bricks were manufactured at a distance, and brought
several leagues to their destination by a long line of men, who
handed them along singly from one to another.
From the manner in which the bricks are laid, and from their
variation in size, he concludes that the structure was not all
erected at one time, but that the mound is the accumulation of
successive periods of labor. From this it follows that it was
built to serve some purpose of public utility, and not as a
token of respect for some individual. Wherever found, these
great works show the same evidence of not being all completed at
once. This was true of the North; we shall also find it true of
the South. Charney noticed the same thing in the house at
Tulla. Nothing is more natural than that an Indian community
would increase their buildings as the tribe increased.
Mr. Bandelier's final conclusion in regard to the purpose of its
erection is one of great interest, but not at all surprising.
"If we imagine the plateaus and aprons around it covered with
houses, possibly of large size, like those of Uxmal and
Palenque,<34> or on a scale intermediate between them and the
communal dwellings of Pecos and many other places in New
Mexico,<35> we have then, on the mound of Cholula, as it
originally was, room for a large aboriginal population.
The structure, accordingly, presents itself as the base of an
artificially elevated, and therefore, according to Indian
military art, a fortified, pueblo."
But this does not remove from it the air of mystery. Long-fallen
indeed are the communal walls. It was not simply a few years ago
that these pueblo-crowned terraces were reared. The date of its
erection is hid in the dim traditions of the past.
The traditions of the Nahua tribes, who came at a far later
date, speak of it as even then standing on the plain.
Scattered over the plain are other ruins of a somewhat different
nature from the general ruins in the valley. These may be the
ruins of works erected by the same class of people as built the
mounds. Especially is this thought to be true of ruins found on
the slopes of neighboring volcanoes.
To the south-west of Cholula are the ruins of Xochicalco, which,
by some, are pronounced to be the finest in Mexico. There are
many points of resemblance between this ruin and Tezcocingo.
The meaning of the word is "Hill of Flowers." The hill is a very
regular, conical one, with a base nearly three miles in
circumference, and rises to a height above the plain of nearly
four hundred feet.<36> The hill is considered to be entirely a
natural formation; but it probably owes some of its regular
appearance to the work of man. Around the base of the hill had
been dug a wide and deep ditch. When Mr. Taylor visited the
place, the side of this moat had fallen in, in many places, and
in some quite filled up--but it was still distinctly
visible.<37> The whole surface of this hill was laid off
into terraces.
Five of these terraces, paved with blocks of stone laid in
mortar, and supported by perpendicular walls of the same
material, extend, in oval form, entirely around the whole
circumference of the hill, one above the other. From the
accumulation of rubbish, these terraces are not easy to detect
in all places. Probably, at one time, there was some easy means
of access from one terrace to the other, but they have
disappeared--so that now the explorer has to scramble up
intervening slopes of the terraces as best he can. It is
probable that defensive works once protected these slopes.
Mr. Mayer says: "At regular intervals, as if to buttress these
terraces, there are remains of bulwarks shaped like the bastions
of a fortification."<38> "Defense seems to have been the one
object aimed at by the builders." The top of the hill is leveled
off. Some writers represent that a wall of stone was run along
the edge of the summit but others think that the whole top of
the hill had been excavated, so as to form a sunken area,
leaving a parapet along the edge. This summit-platform measured
two hundred and eighty-five feet by three hundred and
twenty-eight feet. Within this area were found several mounds
and heaps of stones. The probabilities are that it was once
thickly covered with ruins. In the center of this sunken area
are the remains of the lower story of a pyramid, which the
inhabitants in the vicinity affirm to have been once five
stories high.
To judge from the ruins still standing, this must have formed
one of the most magnificent works of aboriginal skill with which
we are acquainted. This cut gives a general idea of the ruins
from the west. We presume the broken appearance presented by
this side is in consequence of the removal of stones by planters
in the vicinity for their own use. It seems they have used this
monument as a stone-quarry. This pyramid, or the first story of
it, was nearly square--its dimensions being sixty-four feet
by fifty-eight.
Illustration of Xochicalco.-----------
The next cut is an enlarged drawing of the north-west corner
seen in the first drawing. Notice the grotesque ornamentations
on it. The ornaments are not stucco-work, but are sculptured in
bas-relief. As one figure sometimes covers parts of two stones,
it is plain they must have been sculptured after being put in
position. The height of this front is nearly fifteen feet.
In the left-hand corner of this sculpture will be perceived the
bead of a monstrous beast with open jaws and protruding tongue.
This figure is constantly repeated in various parts of the
facade. Some have supposed it to be a crocodile. The rabbit is
another figure that constantly reappears in portions of
the wall.
Illustration of Enlarged View of Ruins at Xochicalco.----
We can scarcely realize the labor involved in the construction
of this pyramid and the terraced slope. Some idea may be formed
of the immense labor with which this building was constructed
from measurements made of several of the masses of porphyry that
compose it. One stone was nearly eight feet long by three broad.
The one with the rabbit on is five feet by two and a half.
When it is recollected that these materials were not found in
the neighborhood, but were brought from a great distance, and
borne up a hill more than three hundred feet high, we can not
fail to be struck with the industry, toil, and ingenuity of the
builders, especially as the use of beasts of burden was, at the
time, unknown in Mexico. Nor was this edifice, on the summit,
the only portion of the architect's labor. Huge rocks were
brought to form the walls supporting the terraces that
surrounded the hill, a league in circumference, and the whole
of that immense mass was eased in stone. Beyond these terraces,
again, there was still another immense task in the ditch,
of even greater extent, which had to be dug and
regularly embanked.<39>
Now, what was the object of all this labor? This must have been
the center of a large settlement. It seems that the surrounding
hills--or, at least, some of them--were also terraced.
Mr. Taylor says: "On the neighboring hills we could discern
traces of more terraced roads of the same kind. There must be
many miles of them still remaining." In a Mexican book we are
told "adjoining this hill is another higher one, also covered
with terraces of stone-work in the form of steps. A causeway of
large marble flags led to the top, where there are still some
excavations, and among them a mound of large size." Mr. Latrobe,
from the top of the "Hill of Flowers," saw that it was the
center towards which converged several roads, which could be
traced over the plain. The road he examined was "about eight
feet in breadth, composed of large stones tightly wedged
together." It is extremely probable that in Xochicalco we have
another instance of a strongly fortified hill, on the top of
which was their pueblo, arranged around their teocalli,
or temple.<40>
In our description of this ruin we must not forget to mention
some curious underground chambers, excavated in the hill itself.
On the northern slope, near the foot, is the entrance to two
galleries, one of which terminated at the distance of eighty
feet. The second gallery is cut in solid limestone, about nine
feet square, and has several branches. The floors are paved with
brick-shaped blocks of stone. The walls are also, in many
places, supported by masonry, and both pavement, walls, and
ceilings are covered with lime-cement, which retains its polish,
and shows traces, in some parts, of having had originally a
coating of red ocher. The principal gallery, after a few turns,
finally terminated, or appeared to, in a large room eighty feet
long, in which two pillars were left to support the roof. In one
corner of this room there was a dome-shaped excavation in the
roof, from the apex of which a round hole about ten inches in
diameter extended vertically upwards.
The natives say there are still other excavations. We have seen
no good explanation of the uses of these excavations. The labor
in constructing them must have been very great. In the province
of Oaxaca we shall find several groups of ruins. In all
probability those known and described are not more numerous than
those unknown. The class of ruins represented by Quemada,
Tezcocingo, and Xochicalco (that is, a hill strongly fortified,
with traces of a settlement on the summit, mounds, foundations
of communal houses, and pyramidal structures) are also to be
found here. At Quiotepec we have very meager accounts of such a
ruin. The hill is over two miles in circumference and a thousand
feet high. A running stream has rendered one side of the hill
very steep and precipitous, but the other sides are terraced.
One of the terrace-walls at the summit is about three hundred
and twenty feet long, sixty feet high, and five and a half feet
thick.<41> On the summit of the hill are found great numbers of
mounds, foundations of small buildings, as well as ruins of
statelier buildings, called by some palaces, but which were
probably regular communal structures; also the pyramid base of a
temple. At different points near the summit of the hill are
three tanks or reservoirs, one of which is sixty feet long,
twenty-four feet wide, and six feet deep, with traces of steps
leading down into it.
Still further south, near the center of the state at Monte
Alban, is a more extensive group of ruins on the same general
plan as the one just described. In this case, from the banks of
a stream, there rises a range of high hills with precipitous
sides. At their summit is an irregular plateau half a mile long
by nearly a quarter of a mile wide. M. Charney states that a
portion of this plateau is artificial. He represents the whole
surface as literally covered with blocks of stone--some
sculptured--the ruined foundations of buildings, terraces, and
so forth. He regards it as one of the most precious remains of
aboriginal work, and this is the view of Mr. Bandelier also.
It is to be regretted that we have not more details of such
interesting ruins. We, however, would learn but little new from
them. One ruin is spoken of as an immense square court, inclosed
by four long mounds, having a slight space between them at the
ends. It is extremely probable that these mounds once
supported buildings.
The most celebrated ruin in Oaxaca is Mitla. These are the first
ruins we have met that, by their strange architecture and
peculiar ornamentation, suggest some different race as their
builders. The present surroundings are of the gloomiest
character. The country is barren and desert. The valley in which
the ruins are located is high and narrow, but surrounded by
bleak hills. The soil is dry and sandy, and almost devoid of
vegetation. The cold winds, blowing almost constantly, sweep
before them great clouds of sand. A small stream flows through
this dreary waste, which, during the rainy season, is a raging
torrent. "No birds sing, or flowers bloom," around these old
ruins. Appropriately enough, tradition speaks of this as the
"Place of Sadness," or "Dwelling of the Dead." As to the extent
of territory covered by the ruins, we have not been able to
learn further than the general statement that at the time of the
conquest they covered an immense area.<42>
Illustration of Wall at Mitla.-----------------
Mr. Bandelier found, besides two artificial hills, traces of
thirty-nine distinct edifices, and, as he thinks these are all
the buildings that ever stood there, it is manifest that this
was not a city in our sense of the word. Two or three of the
buildings were constructed of adobe, plastered, and painted red.
The others were built of stone. Of these latter the greater part
stands upon the ground, but a few are built upon elevated
terraces, composed of stone and earth heaped together and faced
with stone. In one group of four buildings the terraced
foundation contained a basement--in one case, at least--in the
form of a cross. The purpose of this cellar or basement left in
the artificial foundation is unknown. Some think they were used
for burial purposes but it is more likely they were general
store-rooms. The arrangement of these buildings was the same as
elsewhere. That is, so placed as to inclose a court. This
illustration shows us the method of constructing the walls of
the building. We notice two distinct parts. The inner part is
built of broken stones laid in tolerably regular courses in
clay. There was no mortar used. This inner core is much the same
sort of work as the masonry in the pueblos of Arizona. A facing
was put on over this inner core, which served both for ornament
and for strength. This illustration is a corner of one of these
buildings, and gives us in excellent idea of the peculiar
ornamentation employed at Mitla. Mr. Bancroft gives us a clear
idea of how this facing was put on: "First, a double tier of
very large blocks are placed as a base along the surface of the
supporting mound, projecting two or three feet from the line of
the wall, the stones of the upper tier sloping inward. On this
base is erected a kind of framework of large, hewn blocks with
perfectly plain, unsculptured fronts, which divide the surface
of the wall into oblong panels of different dimensions."<43>
Illustration of Ornamentation at Mitla.------------
It would, then, seem as if the panels were thickly coated with
clay. Into this clay was then driven small, smoothed blocks of
wedge-shaped stones, in such a way as to cover them with
geometrical ornamentations, which, though not absolutely
symmetrical, present a striking and agreeable appearance.
Each section of the wall presents a different pattern, but this
difference is so slight that the general effect is
harmonious.<44> This mosaic ornamentation is found in some of
the inner facings of the walls as well. In general, however, the
walls on the inside were covered with mortar and painted.
Illustration of Hall at Mitla.-------
Some of the blocks of stone forming the basement, the framework
of the panels, and the lintels of the door are of great size,
and the lintels were in some cases sculptured. One of the
largest rooms at Mitla is represented in the preceding cut.
The peculiar feature about it is the range of columns seen in
the drawing. The inner plastering has fallen, exposing the rough
wall. The columns are simple stone pillars, having neither
chapter nor base. It is generally supposed that these pillars
supported the roof. As in the pueblo buildings to the north, as
well as the Toltec house at Tulla, the roof was probably formed
of the trunks of small-sized trees laid close together and
covered with clay and cement.
We have as yet not seen any thing in these ruins sufficiently
striking to justify the somewhat extravagant assertion made
about them. The ornamentation is indeed peculiar and tasteful,
but aside from that, we see no reason to speak of them as
magnificent structures. The buildings are low and narrow; the
rooms are small, dark, and illy ventilated. "Light could only
have been admitted from one side, and the apertures for this
purpose were neither lofty nor broad." Mr. Bandelier fittingly
characterizes the ruins as the "barbaric effort of a barbarous
people." Those scholars who think we have in Mexico the ruins of
a highly civilized, powerful empire, regard these ruins as in
some way set aside for mourning purposes of the royal family.
"According to tradition," says Mayer, "They were ... intended as
the places of sepulture for their princes. At the death of
members of the royal family, their bodies were entombed in the
vaults beneath; and the sovereign and his relatives retired to
mourn over the departed scion in the chambers above these solemn
abodes, screened by dark and silent groves from the public eye."
Another tradition devotes the edifices to a sect of priests,
whose duty it was to live in perfect seclusion, and offer
expiatory sacrifices for the royal dead who reposed in the
vaults beneath.<45>
With all due respect to traditions, we think a much more
reasonable explanation can be given. One reason why Mitla has
been regarded as such an important place, is because it has been
assumed that there were no other ruins like it, especially in
Mexico. This, according to Mr. Bandelier, is a mistake.
He examined one or two quite similar ruins in the near vicinity,
and at another place he found a group of ruins in every way
worthy of being compared to Mitla, but he was not able to
examine them. So we must either decide there were a number of
these "Sepulchral Palaces," or else adopt some simpler
explanation. But still stronger is the fact, that at the time of
the conquest, Mitla was an inhabited pueblo. We have the account
of a monk who visited it in 1533. He mentions in particular
the ornamentation of the walls, the huge doorways, and the hall
with the pillars. It is extremely probable that if it was
devoted to any such purpose, some mention would have been made
of it. We think Mr. Bandelier is right when he concludes that
these structures are communal buildings, but little different
from others.
As for the other ruins in Oaxaca, we will not stop longer to
examine them. At Guingola, in the southern part of the State,
was found a ruined settlement. The principal ruins were located
on the summit of a fortified hill, which, from a brief
description, must have been much like those we have
already described.
We will now turn our attention to the Gulf-coast. The whole
coast region abounds in great numbers of ruins. It is in this
section, however, that tribes of people belonging to a different
family than the Nahua tribes, were living at no very distant
time in the past. So it is not doubted but that many of these
ruined structures, perhaps the majority of them, were the works
of their hand. When Cortez landed on the coast, in the
neighborhood of Vera Cruz, he was received by the Totonacas.
These were a Nahua tribe, but both to the north and south of
them were Maya tribes.<46> We will, however, describe the ruins
in the present State of Vera Cruz under one head.
We notice, on the coast, the Gulf of Tampico, into which pours
the river Panuco. From an antiquarian point of view, this is a
most interesting locality. It was here that a feeble remnant of
De Soto's disastrous expedition found a refuge in 1543. And it
was here that, at a far earlier period, according to the dim,
uncertain light of tradition, the ancestors of some of the
civilized nations of Mexico made their first appearance;
of this, more hereafter. Certain it is that, commencing at this
river, we find ourselves in a land of ruins.
It is to be regretted, however, that our information is not
definite in regard to them. We are told, in general terms, of a
great field of ruins, but in the absence of cuts, can scarcely
give a clear description of them. On the northern bank of the
Panuco, Mr. Norman found at one place the ground "strewn with
hewn blocks of stone and fragments of pottery and obsidian."<47>
They were found over an area of several square miles. Many of
the blocks of stone were ornamented with sculpture. They imply
the presence, in former times, of some kind of buildings.
We can not form an opinion as to the number, style, etc.
Mr. Norman regards them as the ruins of a great city, the
site of which is now covered with a heavy forest.
Amongst these ruins are about twenty mounds, both circular and
square, from six to twenty-five feet in height. Some authorities
think that the Mound Builders went by water from near the mouth
of the Mississippi to this region. To such as place any real
reliance on this theory, these mounds are full of interest.
But some details of construction would seem to indicate a
different people as their builders than those who reared mounds
in the Gulf States of the Mississippi Valley. The main body of
the mound is earth, but they are faced with hewn blocks of
sandstone, eighteen inches square and six inches thick.
Although one of the mounds is quite large, covering two acres,
yet in but one instance was a terraced arrangement noticed. As a
general thing, the facing of stone had fallen to the ground, and
some of the smaller mounds had caved in; showing, perhaps, that
they were used as burial mounds. In other cases the mounds had
entirely disappeared, leaving the stone facing on the surface.
This may account for some of the stones scattered over the
surface. A few miles away there is another group of
circular mounds.
Across the river in Vera Cruz, from very slight mention, we
gather that, substantially, the same kind of ruins occur.
At Chacuaco the ruins are said to cover three square
leagues--but we have no further account of them than that.
Small relics of aboriginal art are said to be common, and
mention is made of mounds. The antiquities of Vera Cruz are a
topic about which it is very difficult to form correct ideas.
It will he noticed that it presents a long stretch of country to
the Gulf. The land near the coast is low, and very unhealthy.
About thirty miles from the coast we strike the slope of the
mountains bounding the great interior plateau. This section is
fertile and healthy, and was, evidently, thickly settled in
early times. We must remember that it is always in a mountainous
section of country that a people make their last stand against
an invading foe. It was in these mountain chains where the Maya
tribes made their last stand against the invading Nahua tribes,
and even this line was pierced through by the Tonacas.
It is not strange, then, to find abundant evidence of former
occupation in all this section of country. One thing in its
favor was the number of easily defended positions. The country
is cut up by deep ravines. The early inhabitants used all the
land that was at all available for agricultural purposes.
On steep slopes they ran terraces to prevent the soil from
washing. In the smaller ravines they located great numbers of
water-tanks, from which, in the dry season, they procured water
to irrigate their land. Of this section, we are told, "there is
hardly a foot of ground in the whole State of Vera Cruz in
which, by excavation, either a broken obsidian knife, or a
broken piece of pottery, is not found. The whole country is
intersected with parallel lines of stones, which were intended,
during the heavy showers of the rainy season, to keep the earth
from washing away. The number of these lines of stones shows
clearly that even the poorest land, which nobody in our day
would cultivate, was put under requisition by them."<48>
Illustration of Papantla.----------------
They no less conclusively show that a considerable body of
people had here been pressed by foreign invasion into a small,
contracted space. It is useless to attempt a more particular
description of these ruins. In the absence of cuts, the
description would only prove tiresome. Pyramids, both with and
without buildings on their summits, are comparatively frequent.
As they would be noticed where other ruins would be overlooked,
we have some cuts of the more remarkable ones. The preceding cut
is the pyramid at Papantla.
The base is ninety feet square, and the pyramid has seven
stories, as seen in the engraving. Only the last one contains
apartments; with this exception, the pyramid is solid.
Stairways in front lead up to the top. Mr. Mayer says "there is
no doubt, from the mass of ruins spread over the plain, that the
city was more than a mile and a half in circuit." But we have no
further description of them. Other localities with pyramids and
ruins are known. At Tusapan occurs this ruin, which may be taken
as a type of all the pyramids in this region. This was the only
building remaining standing at Tusapan; but, from the ruins
lying about, this is not supposed to have been the grandest
structure there.
Illustration of Tusapan.---------------
This will complete what we have to say of the ruins in territory
occupied by the Nahua tribes. Other remains of their handiwork
we will examine when we treat of their customs and manners.
We will now turn our attention to the ruins in the territory of
the Mayas. As the culture of these two people is so similar, we
will devote but one chapter to the two. Comparison is the great
means we have of fixing in the mind points we wish to keep.
We have to admit that the treatment of the Nahua ruins is not
very satisfactory; but it is difficult to obtain accurate
information in regard to them. We think what resemblance can be
traced, is more in the direction of the Pueblo tribes than of
the Mound Builders. The first ruin found in Mexico, Casa
Grandes, in Chihuahua, is evidently but another station of
Pueblo tribes.
The fortified hill at Quemada is apparently but a further
development of the clustering houses with the little inclosures
noticed on the Gila. Mounds are, indeed, mentioned in a number
of localities, but they seem to be more nearly related to the
terraced foundation of buildings observed in Arizona than to the
mounds of the Mississippi Valley. Surely as striking a ruin as
any is at Mitla, but Mr. Bandelier does not hesitate to compare
it with some in the Pueblo country. Now, it is very unsafe and
very unsatisfactory to trace resemblances of this kind, and we
do not assign any especial value to them. But it only shows
that, so far as this method is of use, it points to a closer
connection with the Pueblo tribes than with the Mound Builders.
REFERENCES
(1) Gregory's "History of Mexico," p. 19.
(2) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. II, p. 92.
(3) The Tierra Caliente.
(4) Ober's "Mexican Resources," p. 2.
(5) "Mexico As It Was," p. 221.
(6) "Six Months in Mexico," p. 386.
(7) Mayer: "Mexico As It Was," p. 234.
(8) Thompson's "Mexico," p. 144.
(9) Bancroft: "Native Races," Vol. IV, p. 526.
(10) "Rambles in Mexico," p. 140.
(11) "Gratacap, in American Antiquarian, October, 1883,
p. 310.
(12) "Native Races," Vol. II, pp. 168-173.
(13) As to this hill, Mr. Bandelier remarks: "As a salient and
striking object, and on account of the freshwater springs,
Chapultepec was worshiped, but I find no trace among older
authors of any settlement there--still less of a Summer palace--
at the time of the conquest." "Report of an Archaeological Tour
in Mexico," p. 73.
(14) Charney in North American Review, September, 1880,
p. 190.
(15) "Recollections of Mexico," p. 140.
(16) We have several times remarked that it is not safe to judge
prehistoric population by the amount of ruins. "Indians never
rebuild on ruins or repair them."
(17) Bancroft: "Native Races," Vol. IV., p. 537.
(18) Bancroft: "Native Races," Vol. IV, p. 547.
(19) The ceilings in the pueblos of Arizona were often made of
poles covered with cement. See Chapter XI.
(20) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. IV, p. 550.
(21) Bandelier: "Fifth Annual Report Arch. Inst.," p. 86.
(22) Bancroft's "Native Faces," Vol. IV, p. 610.
(23) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. IV, p. 613.
(24) "Fifth Annual Report," p. 86.
(25) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. IV, p. 581. These
dimensions are different in different accounts, as may be seen
by consulting Mr. Bancroft's work.
(26) Lyons's Journal. From Mayer's "Mexico As It Was,"
p. 243.
(27) There is something of a similarity between these ruins and
those of the coast tribes of Peru.
(28) Another authority states that it is thirty feet square and
thirty feet high. Bancroft: "Native Races," Vol. IV, p. 587,
note.
(29) As seen in the Drawing. Mr. Lyons states there are seven
stories.
(30) This was Clavigaro. Mayer's "Mexico As It Was," p. 245.
(31) Thompson's "Recollections of Mexico," p. 29.
(32) "An Archaeological Tour in Mexico," p. 163.
(33) The altitude varies according to the side where the
measurement is taken. The average height is about one hundred
and seventy feet.
(34) To be described hereafter.
(35) See Chapter XI.
(36) Different explorers give different figures.
(37) Taylor's "Anahuac," p. 184.
(38) "Mexico As It Was," p. 180.
(39) Mayer: "Mexico As It Was," p. 184.
(40) This is in strict keeping with what we have seen to be true
of their pueblo sites. This is the conclusion of Mr. Bandelier,
who discusses this subject in his essay on "Art of War Among the
Mexicans." Peabody Museum Reports, Vol. II, p. 146, note 186.
(41) Bancroft: "Native Races," Vol. IV, p. 419.
(42) Bancroft's "Native Races," 393, note.
(43) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. IV, p. 395.
(44) Bandelier: "An Archaeological Tour in Mexico," p. 295.
(45) Mayer: "Mexico As It Was," pp. 251-2.
(46) Valentine, in "Proceedings Am. Antiq. Soc.," Oct., 1882.
(47) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. IV, p. 595.
(48) "Smithsonian Report," 1873, p. 373.
END OF CHAPTER XIII**********************
The Prehistoric World: or, Vanished Races
by E. A. Allen
Processed by D.R. Thompson
drthom@ihug.co.nz
Chapter XIV.
THE MAYA TRIBES.
The geographical location of the Maya tribes--Description of
Copan--Statue at Copan--Altars at Copan--Ruins at Quiriga
Patinamit--Utatlan--Description of Palenque--The Palace at
Palenque--The Temple of the Three Inscriptions--Temple of the
Beau-relief--Temple of the Cross--Temple of the Sun--Maler's
Temple of the Cross--Significance of the Palenque crosses--
Statue at Palenque--Other ruins in Tobasco and Chiapas--Ruins in
Yucatan--Uxmal--The Governor's House--The Nunnery--Room in
Nunnery--The sculptured facades--Temple at Uxmal--Kabah--Zayi--
Labna--Labphak--Chichen-Itza--The Nunnery--The Castillo--The
Gymnasium--M. Le Plongon's researches--The tradition of the
Three Brothers--Chaac-mol--Antiquity of Chichen.
In the Central American region of the Western Continent are
found the ruins of what are pronounced by all scholars to be the
highest civilization, and the most ancient in time, of any in
the New World. There it arose, flourished, and tottered to its
fall. Its glory had departed, its cities were a desolation,
before the coming of the Spaniards. The explorer who would visit
them finds himself confronted with very great difficulties.
Their location is in a section of the country away from the
beaten track of travel. Their sites are overspread with the
luxuriant vegetation of tropical lands, through which the
Indian's machete must carve a passage. The states in which they
are situated are notorious for anarchy and misrule, and the
climate is such that it is dangerous for those not acclimated to
venture thither during a large part of the year. So it is not
strange that but few have wandered among these ruins, and
described them to the world at large.
Illustration of Map of Central America.-----------
But the accounts thus presented are interesting in the extreme,
though they have raised many questions that have thus far defied
solution. There is no doubt but what there exist large groups of
ruins not yet described, structures and monuments which might,
perhaps, throw some light on a past that now seems hopelessly
lost. But the ruins thus far described are so numerous, their
similarity is so evident, that we feel we have but little to
hope from such undiscovered ruins. There are, doubtless, richly
ornamented facades, grotesquely sculptured statues, and
hieroglyphic-covered altars, but they would prove as much of an
enigma as those already known. Our only hope is that some
fortunate scholar will yet discover a key by whose aid the
hieroglyphics now known may be read. Then, but not until then,
will the darkness that now enshrouds ancient Maya civilization
be dissipated.
As will be seen from a glance at the map, the most important
ruins are in the modern states of Honduras, Guatemala, Chiapas,
and especially Yucatan, the northern portion of this peninsula
being literally studded with them. The river Usumacinta and its
numerous tributaries flowing in a northern direction through
Chiapas is regarded as the original home of the civilization
whose ruins we are now to describe. From whence the tribes came
that first settled in this valley is as yet an unsettled point.
We notice that we have here another instance of the influence
that fertile river valleys exert upon tribes settling therein.
The stories told us of the civilization that flourished in
primitive times in the valleys of the Euphrates and the Nile are
not more wonderful--the ruins perhaps not more impressive--than
are the traditions still extant, or the material remains fallen
in picturesque ruins, of the civilization that once on a time
held sway in the Usumacinta Valley.
One of the most famous groups of ruins in this section of the
country is that of Copan, situated in Honduras, but very near
the Guatemala line. This is commonly spoken of as "the oldest
city in America,"<1> and has some evidence to substantiate this
claim. Whatever be its relative antiquity, it is doubtless very
old, as it was probably in ruins at the time of the conquest.
There are several facts going to prove this assertion.
When Cortez, in 1524, made his march to Honduras, he passed
within a few leagues of this place. He makes no mention of it,
which he would have been very apt to do had it been inhabited.
Fifty years later Garcia De Palacio made a report on these ruins
to the king of Spain. According to this report, it was then in
much the same state as described by modern travelers, and the
same mystery surrounded it, showing that it must have been in
ruin much longer than the short space of time from the conquest
to the date of his report. But few travelers have visited Copan,
and fewer still have left a good description of it.
Mr. Stephens, accompanied by Mr. Catherwood, explored it in
1839, and this constitutes our main source of information.<2>
We feel that here is the place to speak a word of caution.
In common with other writers, we have used the word cities, in
speaking of the ruins of Maya civilization. In view of the
criticisms that have been freely expressed by some of the best
scholars of American ethnology, as to the generally accepted
view of the civilization of the Mexican and Central American
races, it is necessary to be on our guard as to the language
employed. In the case of Copan, for instance, all the remains
known, occur in an irregularly inclosed space of about nine
hundred by sixteen hundred feet, while but a portion of such
inclosed space is covered by the ruins themselves. Now it can,
of course, be said that this space contains simply the remains
of public buildings, so to speak--such as temples, palaces, and
others--while the habitations of the great body of the common
people, poorly built, and located outside of this area, may have
vanished away. But, on the other hand, it may also be that in
this small area we have the ruins of all the buildings that ever
stood at Copan. In which case the word city is a misnomer;
pueblo would be more appropriate. But looking at them in the
simplest light, we shall find there is still a great deal to
excite astonishment. Fragments of the wall originally inclosing
the area in which are located the temple pyramids and statues,
are still to be found. Very few particulars have been given of
this wall. It was made of blocks of stone, and seems to have
been twenty-five feet thick at the base, but the height is not
given. The northern half of this area is occupied by a large
terrace, somewhat irregular in outline, and impressed
Mr. Stephens with the idea that it had not all been erected at
the same time, but additions had been made from time to time.
Instead of describing the ruins in full, we will let the
illustration speak for itself. The dimensions of this terrace
are, six hundred and twenty-four feet by eight hundred and nine
feet. The side fronting on the river was perpendicular.
The other three sides consist of ranges of steps and pyramidal
structures. All these steps and pyramidal sides were once
painted. The general height of the terrace was about seventy
feet above the surface of the ground.
Illustration of Ruins of Copan.---------------
Though Mr. Stephens warns us that this terrace was not as large
as the base of the Pyramid of Ghizeh, still it must have
required an immense amount of work, since careful computations
show that over twenty-six million cubic feet of stone were used
in its construction. This stone was brought from the quarries
two miles away. We must not forget that this work was performed
by a people destitute of metallic tools.
On the terrace were the ruins of four pyramids, one rising to
the height of one hundred and twenty-two feet. The surface of
the terrace was not continuous. In two places there were
court-yards, or sunken areas. The larger is ninety by one
hundred and forty-four feet, and has a narrow passage-way
leading into it from the north. Whatever buildings that once
stood on this terrace, have vanished away. At one place only, on
the terrace, fronting the river, are the remains of small,
circular towers, thought to have been watch towers. The whole
terrace was thickly overgrown by trees of a tropical growth.
Mr Stephens noticed two immense Ceiba trees growing from the
very summit of one of the pyramids. This structure has been
called the Temple, and a great many surmises have been made as
to the scenes once enacted there. If analogous to other
structures in Central America, this terrace was surmounted with
buildings. They may have been temples or palaces, or they may
have been communal houses, not unlike those of New Mexico, to
the north.
But of more importance than the ruins of this temple, are the
statues and altars peculiar to this region. Mr. Stephens found
fourteen of them. It seems very singular, indeed, to come upon
these statues in the depth of a Central American forest, and
they give us an idea of the state of advancement of these old
tribes that nothing else does. They raise many queries. Why is
it that so many are found here--so few elsewhere? Are they
statues of noted personages, or idols? We are powerless to
answer these questions. These secrets will only be yielded up
when the hieroglyphics with which they are covered shall
be read.
The places where these statues are found is seen to the right of
the main body of ruins. It will be seen that only one is within
the terrace area of the temple. Three others are situated near
it, but the majority are near the southern end of the inclosure.
We are not given the dimensions of all, but the smallest one
given is eleven feet, eight inches high, by three feet, four
inches width and depth; the largest, thirteen feet high, four
feet wide, and three feet deep. No inconsiderable part of the
labor on the statues must have been that of quarrying the large
blocks of stone out of which they were carved, and transporting
them to the place where found. They came from the same quarry as
the other stones used in building; and so were transported a
distance of about two miles. Mr. Stephens found, about midway to
the quarry, a gigantic block, "which was probably on its way
thither, to be carved and set up as an ornament, when the labors
of the workmen were arrested."
Illustration of Copan Statue.----------------
There is such a similarity in all these statues that a
representation of one will suffice. This is the representation
of one of the largest statues. It is seen to be standing on a
sort of pedestal. A face occupies a central position on the
front. Some of the faces have what may be a representation of a
beard. In all but one, the expression is calm and peaceful.
They were once painted red. Traces of color were still visible
at the time of Mr. Stephens's visit. In all but one the hands
are represented as placed back to back on the breast.
The complicated headdress and the ornaments on the robes utterly
defy description. The sides and back of the statues are covered
with hieroglyphics, though now and then a face is introduced.
A side view of another statue shows this feature. All are
convinced that we have in these hieroglyphics an explanation of
each statue, but what it is, is yet unknown. Mr. Stephens says:
"Of the moral effect of the monuments themselves, standing as
they do, in the depths of a tropical forest, silent and solemn,
strange in design, excellent in sculpture, rich in ornament,
different from the works of any other people; their uses and
purposes--their whole history--so entirely unknown, with
hieroglyphics explaining all, but perfectly unintelligible, I
shall not pretend to convey any idea. Often the imagination was
pained in gazing at them. The tone which pervades the ruins is
that of deep solemnity."
In front of most of the statues is what is called an altar,
which would seem to imply that these monuments are really idols.
"The altars, like the idols, are all of a single block of stone.
In general, they are not so richly ornamented, and are more
faded and worn, or covered with moss. Some were completely
buried, and of others it was difficult to make out more than the
form. All differed in position, and doubtless had some distinct
and peculiar reference to the idols before which they stood."
Illustration of Statue, Copan.----------------
These altars are strongly suggestive of sacrificial scenes.
The altar before the idol found in the court-yard on the terrace
of the temple, is one of the most interesting objects found at
Copan. It is six feet square and four feet high. The top is
divided into thirty-six tablets of hieroglyphics which we may
well imagine records some events in the history of this
mysterious people. Each side has carved on it four human
figures. They are generally all represented as facing the same
way. We give an illustration of the east side. Each individual
is sitting cross-legged on a hieroglyphic, and has a ponderous
head-dress.
Illustration of Hieroglyphics, top of Altar.---------
Mr Stephens found the quadrangle at the south-east corner of the
plan to be thickly strewn with fragments of fine sculpture.
Amongst the rest was a "remarkable portrait." (Shown later.)
"It is probably the portrait of some king, chieftain, or sage.
The mouth is injured, and part of the ornament over the wreath
that crowns the head. The expression is noble and severe, and
the whole character shows a close imitation of nature."
Colonel Gallindo, who visited Copan in 1835, discovered a vault
very near where the circular towers are located, on the terrace
fronting the river. This vault was five feet wide, ten feet
long, and four feet high. It was used for burial purposes.
Over fifty vessels of red pottery, containing human bones, were
found in it.<3>
Illustration of Bas-relief, East Site of Altar.------------
In this hasty sketch we do not feel that we have done justice to
Copan. It is, however, all the space we can devote to this
interesting ruin. We call special attention to the hieroglyphics
on the altar and the statues. We will find other hieroglyphics
at Palenque, and in Yucatan, evidently derived from these.<4>
They have been made the subject of very interesting study, and
we will refer to them again at another page. We also notice
especially the fact that we have no ruined buildings at Copan.
In this respect it stands almost alone among the Central
American ruins. The distinguishing features, however, are the
carved obelisks. They are evidently not the work of rude,
people. Mr. Stephens, who was every way qualified to judge,
declares that some of them "are in every way equal to the finest
Egyptian workmanship, and that with the best instruments of
modern times, it would be impossible to cut stone
more perfectly."
Illustration of Portrait, Copan.-------------
A dark mystery hangs over these ruins. Their builders are
unknown. Whether we have here some temple sacred to the gods of
the Maya pantheon or some palace made resplendent for royal
owners, who can tell? Whether these are the ruins of the more
substantial public buildings of a great city, of which all other
buildings have vanished--or whether this is the remains of a
prosperous pueblo, whose communal houses crowded the terraces,
with sacrificial altars on the lofty pyramids--who knows? At
long intervals a passing traveler visits them, ponders over
their fast disappearing ruins, and goes his way. The veil drops,
the tropical forest more securely environs them--and thus the
years come and go over the ruins of Copan.
Nearly north from Copan (see map), about half-way to the coast,
on the bank of the river Montagua, is found a small hamlet, by
the name of Quiriga. Mr. Stephens, when traveling in the country
in 1840, after many careful inquiries, heard of ruins near that
place. Though not able to explore them himself, his companion,
Mr. Catherwood, did. The result of this gentleman's exertion
makes us acquainted with another group of ruins, in many
respects similar to those of Copan, though apparently much
farther gone in decay. His visit was a very hurried one; and he
was not able to clear the moss away from the statues so as to
draw them as it should be done.<5>
We must notice that, though called a city, all the monuments and
fragments thus far brought to light are scattered over a space
of some three thousand square feet. No plan has been given.
We gather, however, from Stephens's work, that a pyramidal wall
inclosed the ruins, as at Copan.<6> No dimensions of this wall
are given. Within the inclosure (if such it was) was a terrace.
Here, again, dimensions are not given; but we are told it was
about twenty-five feet to the top, and that the steps were, in
some places, still perfect. It was constructed of neatly cut
sandstone blocks. No monuments or altars were observed on the
terrace, but in close proximity to it were fragments of
sculpture. At another place near the wall, Mr. Catherwood
mentions eight standing statues, one fallen one, and saw
fragments of at least thirteen others. They are represented as
being very similar to those of Copan, but two or three times as
high. The hieroglyphics are pronounced identical with those
already described.
There are no traditions extant of these ruins. No thorough
exploration has been made. A city may have stood there; but, if
so, its name is lost, its history unknown. "For centuries it has
lain as completely buried as if covered with the lava of
Vesuvius. Every traveler from Yzabel to Guatemala has passed
within three hours of it. We ourselves have done the same;
and yet there it lay, like the rock-built city of Edom,
unvisited, unsought, and utterly unknown."
A large extent of territory in Guatemala and Yucatan is as yet
an unknown country, or at least has never been thoroughly
explored. Strange stories have flitted here and there of wonders
yet to be seen. The country swarms with savages, living in much
the same state as they were when the Spaniards invaded the
country. They have never been conquered, and, in the rugged
fastnesses of their land, bid defiance to all attempts to
civilize them. From all we can learn, there are numerous groups
of ruins scattered here and there--but of their nature we are,
as yet, mostly in the dark.
We have, indeed, historical notices of a few places; but, as the
color of an object is the same as that of the medium through
which it is viewed, we can not help thinking that the glamour of
romance, which the early Spanish writers threw around all their
transactions in the New World, has woefully distorted these
sketches. This same effect is to be noticed in all the
descriptions of the ruins. Where one party sees the ruins of
imperial cities, another can detect but the ruins of imposing
pueblos, with their temples and pyramids. It can be truthfully
stated, that this is a land of ruins. Every few leagues, as far
as it has been explored, are the remains of structures that
excite astonishment.
The meager reports given us raise our curiosity, but fail to
satisfy it. Almost all explorers relate stories of the existence
of an aboriginal city. The location of this city shifts from
place to place; always, however, in a section of country where
no white men are allowed to intrude. The Cure of Santa Cruz, in
whom Mr. Stephens expressed confidence, declared that he had,
years before, climbed to the summit of a lofty sierra, and then
"he looked over an immense plain, extending to Yucatan and the
Gulf of Mexico, and saw, at a great distance, a large city,
spread over a great space, with turrets white and glittering in
the sun." We are afraid a search for this mythical city would be
attended with much the same results as rewards the child's
pursuit of a golden treasure at the end of the rainbow.
As a sample of known ruins, we might cite two in the immediate
neighborhood of Quirigua. At the distance of a few leagues, both
above and below this latter place, are the remains of former
settlements. The accounts are very brief. Of the ruins below, we
are informed that they consist of the remains of a quadrilateral
pyramid, with traced sides, up which steps lead to the summit
platform, where debris of hewn stone are enveloped in
dense vegetation." Of the ruins located above Quirigua, we are
simply told "of a large area covered with aboriginal relics--in
the form of ruined stone structures, vases and idols of burned
clay, and monoliths, buried for the most part in the earth."
These descriptions will serve as samples of many others, and,
though they are interesting in their way, we are afraid they
would grow tiresome by repetition. We will, therefore, only make
mention of one or two important points; premising, however,
that, beyond a doubt, similar ruins are scattered up and down
the river valleys of the entire country.<7>
Two cities of ancient Guatemala especially mentioned by Spanish
writers are Utatlan and Patinamit. Here, if we may believe their
recitals, were the capitals of two powerful monarchies.
The pictures they draw for us are those of cities of Oriental
magnificence. The system of government they describe is that of
absolute monarchy, founded on feudalism. We will briefly glance
at the remains of these "imperial cities." Their location is
seen on the map. The approach to Patinamit is very difficult,
indeed. Situated on a high table-land, it commands an almost
boundless view. On every side are immense ravines, and the only
way of entering it was by a narrow passage cut in the side of
the ravine, twenty or thirty feet deep, and not wide enough for
two horsemen to ride abreast.
Mr. Stephens mentions coming to a wall of stone, but broken and
confused. The ground beyond was covered with mounds of ruins,
and in one place he saw the foundations of two buildings, one of
them being one hundred and fifty by fifty feet. He does not give
us the area covered by the ruins, but there is nothing in his
description to make us think it very large in extent. He also
quotes for us Fuentes's description of this same place, written,
however, one hundred and forty years earlier. In this he speaks
of the remains of a magnificent building, perfectly square, each
side measuring one hundred paces, constructed of hewn stones,
extremely well put together. In front of the building is a large
square, on one side of which stand the ruins of a sumptuous
palace; and near to it are the foundations of several houses.<8>
He also asserts that traces of streets could still be seen, and
that they were straight and spacious, crossing each other at
right angles. Fuentes certainly had remarkable eyes. He wrote a
description of Copan which not only differs from all accounts of
modern travelers, but also from the still earlier description by
Garcia De Palacio.<9>
Patinamit means "The City," and is represented as the capital
city of the Cakchiquel "monarchy." The site of the city was
certainly admirably chosen for defense, and we have no doubt but
what here was the head-quarters of a powerful tribe of Indians;
but, until scholars have settled some very disputed points about
the civilization of the Central American nations, we must be
cautious in the use of the words monarchy and palaces as applied
to these old people or these ruins.
Thirty-five or forty miles north-eastward from Patinamit we come
to the ruins of the most renowned city in Guatemala at the time
of the conquest. This was Utatlan, the Quiche capital, a city
which the Spaniards compared to Mexico in magnificence, and
which, at the time of its destruction, was at its zenith of
prosperity. The location was very similar to that of Patinamit.
It also stood on an elevated plateau, with immense ravines on
every side. It was approached only at one point, and guarding
this one point of approach was a line of fortifications.
They consisted of the remains of stone buildings, probably
towers. The stones were well cut and laid together.
These fortifications were united by a ditch.
Within this line of towers stood a structure, generally regarded
as a fort, directly guarding the line of approach. Steps led up
a pyramidal structure having three terraces, one over the other.
The top was protected by a wall of stone, and from the center
rose a tower. Beyond this fort was the ruins of the city.
Mr. Stephens describes a large ruin which is called The Palace.
It is said, in round numbers, to have been eleven hundred by
twenty-two hundred feet. As this area is more than fifty-five
acres in extent, we can see it was not a palace in our sense of
the word. The stones of which it was composed have been largely
removed to build the modern town of Santa Cruz. But the floor
could still be traced, and some remains of partition walls.
The floor was still covered with hard cement.
Adjoining the palace was a large plaza or court-yard, also
cemented, in the center of which was the ruins of a fountain.
Another structure still remaining was a small pyramid, at the
top of which was probably a temple, or, at least, a place of
sacrifice. No hieroglyphics or statues have been found here.
A few terra-cotta figures have been found, and one small gold
image. It would seem from this description that the ruins simply
consist of a few large structures. For aught we know, they may
have been communal houses.
Mr. Stephens, however, condenses Fuentes's account, which is
truly wonderful. According to him, the center of the city was
occupied by the royal palaces, around which were grouped the
houses of the nobles. The extremities were inhabited by the
plebeians. He tells us there were many sumptuous buildings, the
most superb of which was a seminary, where between five and six
thousand children were educated at royal expense. The palace was
formed of hewn stones of various colors. There were six
principal divisions. In one was lodged the king's body-guard, in
the second the princes and the relatives of the king, and
so forth.
It is not necessary to remind the reader that it is very
doubtful whether such a state of things ever existed. It is
related, for instance, that the king marched from Utatlan with
seventy-two thousand warriors to repel the attack of Alvarade.
This would indicate a total population of between two and three
hundred thousand souls. It seems to us that a city of that size
would not so completely disappear in a little over three
centuries that a careful explorer could find only the ruins of a
few large buildings.
We do not feel that we have done near justice to the ruins of
Guatemala. As we have before remarked, there are, doubtless,
many ruins not yet brought to light. They are rapidly
disappearing, and we do not know that we will ever possess a
description of them, or understand their real import. The light
of history, indeed, fell on the two groups of ruins last
described. But the Spanish writers were totally unacquainted
with Indian society, and may, therefore, have widely erred in
applying to their government terms suited only to European ideas
of the sixteenth century. And it is not doubted but that their
estimate of the population of the towns, and of the enemies with
which they had to contend, were often greatly overdrawn.
In short, the remains themselves are remarkable, but every
ruined pyramid is not necessarily the remains of a great very
great city, nor every large building in ruins necessarily
a palace.
Going northward out of Guatemala, we pass into the modern state
of Chiapas. This is described a country of great natural beauty
and fertility. And here it is that we meet with a group of ruins
which have been an object of great interest to the scientific
world. They have been carefully studied and described, and many
theories have been enunciated as to their builders, their
history, and civilization. The place is supposed to have been
deserted and in ruins when Cortez landed in the country. At any
rate, he marched within a few leagues of it, but, as in the case
of Copan, he is silent in regard to it.
They take their name from the modern town of Palenque, near
which they are located. This town was founded in 1564. It was
once a place of considerable importance, but its trade has died
away, and now it would not be known were it not for the ruins of
a former people located near it. Though distant from the village
only some eight miles, nearly two centuries went by before their
existence was known. Had they been visited and described at the
time of the founding of the village, no doubt much that is now
mysterious in regard to them would have been cleared away.
But for two centuries they were allowed to sleep undisturbed in
the depths of the forest, and in that time the elements played
sad havoc with the buildings, inscriptions, and ornaments.
What are left are not sufficient to impart full information.
Imagination is too apt to supply the details, and these ruins,
grand in proportion, wonderful in location, enwrapt by dense
forests, visited by the storms of tropical lands, are made to do
service in setting forth a picture of society and times which we
are afraid has but little real foundation to rest upon.
The ruins of Palenque are the first which awakened attention to
the existence of ancient ruins in America, and, therefore, it
may not come amiss to state more particularly the circumstances
of their first discovery. The existence of an aboriginal city in
this locality was entirely unknown; there were no traditions
even that it had ever existed. Of course the natives of the
modern town of Palenque must have known of their existence, but
no account of them was published. They are said to have been
discovered in 1750 by a party of traveling Spaniards.
This statement Mr. Stephens doubts. The first account was
published in 1784. The Spanish authorities finally ordered an
exploration. This was made under the auspices of Captain Del
Rio, who arrived on the ground in 1787. His report was locked up
in the government archives, and was not made public until 1822.
The reception of this report illustrates how little interest is
taken in American antiquities. It was scarcely noticed by the
Scientific World. As Mr. Stephens remarks, "If a like
discovery had been made in Italy, Greece, Egypt, or Asia, within
the reach of European travel, it would have created an interest
not inferior to the discovery of Herculaneum, or Pompeii, or the
ruins of Paestum." But, from some cause, so little notice was
taken of this report that in 1831 the explorations of Colonel
Galindo, whose works we have referred to at Copan, was spoken of
as a new discovery. In the meantime another government
expedition under the direction of Captain Dupaix explored these
ruins in 1807. Owing to the wars in Europe and the revolution in
Mexico, his report was not published until 1835. Mr. Stephens
visited the ruins in 1840. His account, profusely illustrated,
was the means of making known to a large class of readers the
wonderful nature of the ruins, not only at Palenque, but in
Yucatan as well.
In this outline we have given an account of the early
explorations at Palenque. Private individuals have visited them,
and governments have organized exploring expeditions, and by
both pencil and pen made us familiar with them. As to the
remains actually in existence, these accounts agree fairly well,
but we have some perplexing differences as to the area covered
by the ruins. Where the early explorers could trace the ruins of
a large city modern travelers can find but a few ruined
structures, which, however, excite our liveliest interest.
One of the earliest accounts speaks of the ruins of over two
hundred buildings. Another speaks of them as covering an area of
many square miles. Mr. Stephens thinks a few acres
would suffice.
From the researches of M. Charney, it would seem that the ruins
are really scattered over quite an area. His exploration made in
1881, seems to confirm the older writers. With abundant means at
his command, he was enabled to explore the forest, and he found
many ruins which escaped the other observers. According to him,
the ruins are scattered over an area extending about one mile
and a quarter from north to south, and about one and
three-fourths from east to west. Throughout this space, the
ruined structures were in all respects similar to those
previously described, consisting altogether of what he calls
palaces and temples.<10>
There seems to be no especial order in the arrangement of the
buildings. They are separated by quite an interval, excepting to
the south of the palace, where there are groups of buildings
near together. The fact that such careful explorers as Stephens
and Waldeck failed to notice these additional ruins, gives us a
faint idea of the density of the forest.
Illustration of Plan of Palenque.-------------------
The plan represents the distribution and relative size of the
ruins of which we have definite descriptions. Those having no
numbers are some of the groups that were passed by as of no
account. We must understand that so dense is the forest that not
one of these structures is visible from its neighbors. Where the
trees are cut down, as they have been several times, only a few
years are necessary for it to regain its former density, and
each explorer must begin anew.
The largest structure, marked one on the plan, is known as the
palace. This is only a conjectural name. We have no reason,
except its size, to suppose it the residence of a royal owner.
Its base is a pyramid which, Mr. Stephens tells us, is of oblong
form, forty feet high, three hundred and ten feet in front and
rear, and two hundred and sixty feet on each side. The pyramid
was formerly faced with stone, which has been thrown down by the
growth of trees, so that its form is hardly distinguishable.
The sides may once have been covered with cement, and perhaps
painted. Dupaix, who examined these ruins in 1808, so represents
them. Mr. Stephens expressly states that the eastern front was
the principal entrance. Mr. Waldeck, however, detected traces of
stairways on the northern side. M. Charney has settled the
point, that the principal entrance was on the northern side.
The principal bulk of this pyramid seems to have been earth;
the facing only being composed of stone. Mr. Bancroft thinks he
has discovered evidence that there were four or more thick
foundation-walls built from the surface of the ground to support
the buildings on top of the pyramid; that the space between
these walls was subsequently filled with earth, and that sloping
embankments, faced with stones, were built upon the outside.<11>
The summit platform of this pyramid supports the building, or
collection of buildings, known as the palace. Though generally
spoken of as one building, we think we have here the ruins of a
number of buildings.
Probably the original inhabitants built a continuous structure
close to the edge of the platform, leaving the interior for an
open court. Subsequently, as population increased, rather than
resort to the labor necessary to raise a new pyramidal
structure, they erected other buildings on this court. From the
plan, as given by Mr. Stephens, there seems to have been no less
than five such put up, besides the tower. Thus covering the
platform with a somewhat confused mass of buildings, and,
instead of the large open court, there were left only three
narrow courts, and one somewhat larger--seventy by eighty
feet.<12> The building erected near the edge of the platform,
inclosing the court, was some two hundred and twenty-eight feet
on its east and west sides, by one hundred and eighty feet on
its north and south sides, and about thirty feet high.
Illustration of General View of Palace.-----------
Our general view, taken from Mr. Stephens's works, represents
the ruined eastern front of this building, surmounting the
pyramid. Trees are seen growing all over the ruins. The outer
wall is pierced by numerous doorways which, being somewhat wider
than the space that separates them, gives to the whole the
appearance of a portico with wide piers: no remains of the doors
themselves have been discovered. Drilled holes in the projecting
cornice, immediately above the doorway, gave Mr. Stephens the
impression that an immense cotton curtain, perhaps painted in a
style corresponding with the ornaments, had been extended the
whole front, which was raised or lowered, according to the
weather. The lintels of the doors were of wood. They had long
since vanished, and the stones over the doorway fallen down.
Of the piers separating the doorways, only fifteen were found
standing, but the crumbling remains of the others were readily
traced on the ruins.
Illustration of Bas-relief, Palenque.-----------
Each of the standing piers, and presumably all the others, was
ornamented with a bas-relief in stucco. This cut gives us a good
example of this style of ornamentation. We notice portions of a
richly ornamented border. This stucco work consists of human
figures in various attitudes, having a variety of dress,
ornaments, and insignia. The stucco is said to be nearly as hard
as the stone itself. Traces of paint, with which the figures
were once ornamented, were still to be seen. The conjectures in
regard to these figures, have been innumerable. Vividly painted,
and placed in a conspicuous place on the wall, we may be very
sure they were full of significance to the builders.
Three hieroglyphics are placed over the head of each group, but
so far, they are as little understood as the figures themselves.
We can imagine the effect, when the building was still perfect
and entire, and all the piers were thus ornamented.
Illustration of Cross-section Palace, Palenque.----
Passing to the top of the pyramid, we find the construction of
the building whose outer wall we have been describing, to be
substantially as follows: Three parallel walls, from two to
three feet in thickness, composed of hewn stones, were erected
about nine feet apart. At the height of ten feet, the walls
commenced approaching each other; not, however, in an arch, for
this was unknown, but in a triangular manner, the stones in each
course projecting a little farther out. This cut represents a
cross-section of the buildings, and shows also the slight
cornice. All inequalities in the surface, as here represented,
were then filled with cement, thus furnishing a smooth surface,
which was then painted. The two outer walls were plentifully
supplied with doorways; the central wall had but few. We are
only given the description of one, which may not apply to all.
This one, opposite the entrance on the east side, has a
trefoil-shaped arch over the door, thus giving it this shape.
Besides the few doorways, the central wall had numerous
depressions, or niches, some of which served for ventilation,
others for the support of beams, and perhaps others as
receptacles for torches or idols. This principle of construction
is substantially the same for all the buildings in the interior
of the court, and indeed for all the buildings at Palenque.
Illustration of Trefoil Arch.-----------------
Passing through the doorway just described, we come into the
second corridor, and continuing through that, we come to what
was once a large court; but, as we stated, it was subsequently
built over so as to leave only a few courts. The largest one,
eighty by seventy feet, is immediately before us, with a range
of steps leading down into it. On each side of the stairway is
sculptured, on stucco, a row of grim and gigantic figures.
The engraving opposite represents the same. "They are adorned
with rich headdresses and necklaces, but their attitude is that
of pain and trouble. The design and anatomical proportions of
the figures are faulty, but there is a force of expression about
them which shows the skill and conceptive force of the artist."
From this small court stairways lead to the other buildings
situated around it.
Illustration of Entrance to Principal Court.--------------
Stucco ornaments were plentiful. In one room, rather more richly
ornamented than the others, was found a stone tablet, which is
the only important piece of stone sculpture about the palace.
We are told it is of hard stone, four feet long by three feet
wide, and the sculpture is in bas-relief. It is set in the wall,
and around it are the remains of a rich stucco border. Its
significance is unknown. We must notice the small medallion,
containing a face, suspended by a necklace of pearls from the
neck of the principal figure. Mr. Stephens conjectures that it
may represent the sun. Mr. Waldeck gives a drawing of this same
subject; but instead of a face, he represents a cross.<13>
Illustration of Stone Tablet.---------------
In the general view we see a tower rising up from the mass of
ruins. Mr. Stephens speaks of this tower as follows. "This tower
is conspicuous by its height and proportions, but an examination
in detail is found unsatisfactory and uninteresting. The base is
thirty feet square, and it has three stories. Entering over a
heap of rubbish at the base, we found within another tower
distinct from the outer one, and a stone staircase, so narrow
that a large man could not ascend it. The staircase terminated
against a dead stone ceiling, closing all further passages, the
last step being only six or eight inches from it. For what
purpose a staircase was carried up to such a bootless
termination we could not conjecture. The whole tower was a
substantial stone structure, and in its arrangements and
purposes about as incomprehensible as the sculptured tablets."
At the best we can do, it is hard to give such a description of
this ruin that it can be readily understood, so we will present
a restoration of it by a German artist,<14> taken, however, from
Mr. Bancroft's work.<15> This is very useful to us, since it
conveys an idea of how the palace looked when it was complete.
This view also includes a second structure, which we will
examine soon. We notice the numerous doorways leading into the
first corridor, the ornamental pier-like portions of the wall
separating the doors, and the several buildings on the court;
rising over all, the tower, which would have been better if the
spire had been omitted.
Illustration of Palace, Palenque.-----------
This may have been a real palace. Its rooms may have been the
habitations of royalty, and its corridors may have resounded
with the tread of noble personages. M. Charney thinks the palace
must have been the home of priests, and not kings--in fact, that
it was a monastery, where the priests lived who ministered in
the neighboring temples. He thinks Palenque was a holy place, a
prehistoric Mecca. We must he cautious about accepting any
theory until scholars are more agreed about the plan of
government and society among the Central American tribes.
But, whatever it was, many years have passed by since it was
deserted. For centuries tropical storms have beat against the
stuccoed figures. The court-yards and corridors are overrun with
vegetation, and great trees are growing on the very top of the
tower. So complete is the ruin that it is with difficulty the
plan can be made out. The traveler, as he gazes upon it, can
scarcely resist letting fancy restore the scene as it was
before the hand of ruin had swept over it. In imagination he
beholds it perfect in its amplitude and rich decoration, and
occupied by the strange people whose portraits and figures may
perhaps adorn its walls.
Illustration of Ruined Temple of the Three Tablets.-----
We must now describe the more important of the remaining
structures of Palenque. Glancing at the plan for a moment, we
see to the south-west of the palace a ruin marked 2. This is the
site of a pyramidal structure known as the "Temple of the Three
Tablets," or "Temple of Inscriptions." The pyramid is not as
large in area as the palace, though of a greater height.
It measures in height one hundred and ten feet on the slope, but
we are not given the other dimensions. All the sides, which were
very steep, seem to have had steps. Trees have grown up all over
the pyramid and on the top of the building. This illustration,
taken from Mr. Stephens's work, can not fail to impress on us
the luxuriant growth of tropical vegetation, and we can also see
how such a growth must accelerate the ruin. The stone steps
leading up the sides of the pyramid have been thrown down, and
such must be in time the fate of the building itself.
The building on the summit platform does not cover all the area.
It is seventy-six feet front by twenty-five feet deep and
about thirty-five feet high.
This small cut is a representation of the same building on a
small scale, but cleared of trees and vines. The roof is seen to
consist of two parts, sloping at different angles. The lower
part was covered with stucco ornaments, which, though too much
injured to be drawn, gave the impression that, when perfect and
painted, they must have been rich and imposing. The upper slope
is of solid masonry. "Along the top was a range of pillars,
eighteen inches high and twelve apart, made of small pieces of
stone laid in mortar and covered with stucco, having somewhat
the appearance of a low, open balustrade."
Illustration of Elevation Temple of the Three Tablets.-------
In this wood-cut the front wall, as in the palace, presents more
the appearance of a row of piers than any thing else. Each of
the corner piers contains on its surface hieroglyphics, each of
which contains ninety-six squares. The other piers have
ornaments of stucco similar to those we have already examined on
the palace. In the building itself we have the usual three
parallel walls. In this case, however, the second corridor is
divided into three rooms, and there is no opening in the third
wall, unless it be three small openings for air. The central
wall is four or five feet thick.<16> The interior is very plain.
The principal point of interest about the building, from whence
the name is derived, is three tablets of hieroglyphics. One on
either side of the principal doorway of the middle wall, and the
third in the rear wall of the middle room. Being so similar to
other tablets, it is not necessary to give separate cuts of
them. The similarity to those of Copan is very great, the
differences being in minute points, which only critical
examination would detect. Mr. Stephens tells us that the Indians
call this building a school. The priests who came to visit him
at the ruins called it a temple of justice, and said the tablets
contained the law. We do not think either are very safe guides
to follow.
At number three on the plan are the ruins of an edifice which is
fast disappearing. The outer wall had already fallen at the time
of Mr. Stephens's visit. It stands on the bank of the stream.
The pyramid base is one hundred feet high on the slope.
The building on the top is twenty-five feet front by eighteen
feet deep. In the inner corridor could be dimly traced the
outlines of a beautiful piece of stucco work. At the time of
Waldeck's visit it was still complete, so we are enabled to give
a cut of it.
Illustration of The Beau-Relief.----------------
We are sure the readers will not fail to notice the many points
which make this such an exceptionally fine piece of work. In the
original drawing the grace of the arms and wrists is truly
matchless, and the chest muscles are displayed in the most
perfect manner. The embroidered girdle and folded drapery of the
figure, as well as the drapery around the leopard's neck, are
arranged with taste. The head-dress is not unlike a Roman helmet
in front, with the addition of numerous plumes. The sandals of
the feet are secured by a cord and rosette, while the ornaments
on the animal's ankles seem secured by leather straps.<17>
Mr. Waldeck, however, who drew this sketch, is supposed to have
drawn at times better than his model.<18> This is generally
called the "Temple of the Beau-relief." Mr. Holden, in his able
article already referred to, comes to the conclusion that this
figure represents the god Quetzalcohuatl, the nature god of
the Mayas.
Illustration of Temple of the Cross. (Smithsonian Institute.)--
Eastward from the palace, and across the creek, are seen on the
plan the location of two other structures. The one marked is a
somewhat famous structure, which, for reasons that will soon
appear, is called the "Temple of the Cross." The pyramid in this
case is one hundred and thirty-four feet on the slope.
It, however, stands on a terrace about sixty feet on the slope.
The forest is so dense that, though other structures are but a
short distance from it, yet they can not be seen. The last two
engravings represent the building and the ground plan. This is
not a fanciful sketch, but is a restoration, "from such remains
and indications that it is impossible to make any thing else out
of it."
Illustration of Plan of Temple. (Smithsonian Institute.)---
"The building is fifty feet front, thirty-one feet deep, and has
three door-ways. The whole front was covered with stucco
ornaments. The two outer piers contain hieroglyphics." We notice
a new feature about the roof. It is similar to the roof of the
temple of the "Three Tablets," in having two different
slopes--the lower one covered with stucco ornaments, but the
range of pillars along the roof is here replaced by a peculiar
two-storied arrangement nearly sixteen feet high. Mr. Stephens
says: "The long sides of this narrow structure are of open
stucco-work, formed into curious and indescribable devices,
human figures with legs and arms spreading and apertures
between, and the whole was once loaded with rich and elegant
ornaments in stucco relief. Its appearance at a distance must
have been that of a high, fanciful lattice. It was perfectly
unique--different from the works of any other people with which
we are familiar, and its uses and purposes entirely
incomprehensible."
It was evidently added to the temple solely for the sake of
appearance. One writer<19> believes the roof structures were
erected by some people that succeeded the original builders of
the temple. The plan of the temple gives us a clear idea of the
arrangement of the inner rooms. Our principal interest centers
in the altar, which we notice placed in the center of the back
room. We give an illustration of a similar altar-form in the
temple, at number 5 of the plan. In form it is that of an
inclosed chamber, having a roof of its own. The altar in the
Temple of the Cross was very similar to this. Mr. Stephens's
description is as follows: "The top of the doorway was gorgeous
with stuccoed ornaments, and on the piers at each side were
stone tablets in bas-relief. Within, the chamber is thirteen
feet wide and seven feet deep."
Illustration of Altar in Temple of the Sun.--(Bureau of
Ethnology.)--------------
The room was plain within, and right against the back was the
famous "Tablet of the Cross." This tablet was six feet four
inches high, ten feet eight inches wide, and formed of three
stones. The right-hand one is now in the National Museum in
Washington. The central one, though torn from its original
place, is still at the ruins. The next cut gives us only the
sculptured part of the tablet. On both the right and left-hand
were tablets of hieroglyphics. A long chain of ornaments hung
suspended from the cap of the right-hand figure. The two figures
are regarded as priests. The cross is very plainly outlined, and
is the regular Latin one. Considerable discussion has arisen as
to what supports the cross. Dr. Brinton thinks it a serpent.<20>
Others think it a human skull.<21> We must also notice the bird
on top of the cross. It is almost impossible to make out the
species. The right-hand figure is offering it something.
Illustration of Tablet of the Cross.------------
We must refer to some more tablets found at Palenque before
proceeding further. At number five of the plan was a temple but
little smaller than the one just described. There is, however,
such a similarity between the buildings, that it is not
necessary to give illustrations. The temple, also, had an
inclosed altar; and against the back of that was placed the
tablet which was very similar to the one just described.
This illustration represents the sculptured portions. On each
side were tablets of hieroglyphics. It needs but a glance to
show that the priests are, evidently, the same personages as in
the other tablet.
Illustration of The Sun.-----------------
The one on the left is standing on the back of a human being.
The one on the right is, perhaps, standing on a beast; or, if a
human being, he is crushed beneath the weight of the priest.
Two other human figures support a platform, from which rise two
batons crossed like a St. Andrew's cross. These support a mask,
from the center of which a hideous human face looks out.
The Aztecs sometimes represented the sun by such a mask, and
hence the name "Temple of the Sun."
In still another temple, situated but a short distance from the
others, was discovered a third tablet, which is shown in the cut
opposite. We give all the tablet, showing the hieroglyphics as
well. We must compare this with the first tablet given.
The priests are, evidently, the same--but, notice, they stand on
different sides of the cross. The same priest is making the
offering as in the first, and the same bird is seen on the top
of the cross. The priests stand on flowered ornaments.
The support of the cross resembles the same thing as in the
first but whether it is a human skull, or a serpent, is hard to
tell. The cross itself is not as well outlined. The two arms are
floral ornaments. We must also notice the two faces seen on the
upright part.<22>
Illustration of Maler's Cross.-----------------
These tablets are all of great interest. That of the cross, the
first one given, has attracted more attention than almost any
other in the field of American antiquities. This is largely
owing to the cross. As far as the sacred emblem itself is
concerned, we do not think this tablet of more significance than
that of the sun. It is well known that the cross, as a sacred
emblem, had peculiar significance in the ancient religions of
the world. Its use as such has come down to us from time
immemorial. On the first expedition of the Spaniards, in 1518,
to the coast and islands of Yucatan, they discovered that the
cross was of some significance to the natives. In the island of
Cozumel they found a large cross, to which the natives prayed
for rain.<23>
Mr. Brinton thinks that the source of this veneration of the
cross, like the the sacredness of the number four, of which he
gives numerous illustrations, is the four cardinal points.<24>
From these points blow the four winds which bring the
fertilizing rains, and thus render the earth fruitful; and hence
the cross, in so many and widely separated portions of the
earth, is used as the symbol of the life-giving, creative, and
fertilizing principle in nature.<25> He thinks this is, perhaps,
the significance of these Palenque crosses. It is true we have
different forms of the cross; but in ancient sculpture they seem
to have been of equal importance.<26>
The results of these inquiries into the hidden meaning of these
tablets are not devoid of interest; but, thus far, but few
conclusions of value have been obtained. They have been made to
do service in support of some far-fetched theories. The early
Spanish writers on these subjects concluded that the crosses
found in Central America were positive proof that St. Thomas had
traveled through the country preaching the doctrines of
Christianity. The padres, who came to visit Mr. Stephens at the
ruins, "at the sight of it, immediately decided that the old
inhabitants of Palenque were Christians, and fixed the age of
the buildings in the third century."
Wilson finds in the tablets of the cross a strong argument for
the existence of a great Phoenician empire in Central America.
This tablet represents, he thinks, the sacrifice of a child to
Astarte,<27> also called Ashtoreth, the great female deity of
the ancient Semitic nations on both sides of the Euphrates, but
chiefly of Phoenicia. The original meaning of this word was
"Queen of Heaven." Modern scholars do not think these early
speculations of the slightest worth. Dr. Charles Rau<28>
concludes that as reasonable a conjecture as any is the
supposition that it represents a sacrifice to the god of rain,
made, perhaps, at a time of drought, apparently influenced to
that conclusion by the fact that the natives of Cozumel regarded
a cross in such a light,<29> and further that a cross represents
the moisture-bearing winds.
E. S. Holden<30> has made a critical study of the hieroglyphics
of Copan and Palenque. Though far from complete, most
interesting results have been obtained. We can not do more than
set forth the results of his investigations.<31> He concludes,
from a careful study of the tablets of the cross and of the sun,
that in both the left-hand priests are representatives of the
god of war,<32> the right-hand priests being in both
representatives of the god of rain and water.<33> In Mexico
these deities frequently occupied the same temple.<34> He does
not state his conclusions in regard to the central figures in
the tablets. Mr. Brinton thinks the central figure in the tablet
of the cross is a rebus for the nature god Quetzalcohuatl.
The cross was one of the symbols of Quetzalcohuatl, as such
signifying the four winds of which he was lord. Another of his
symbols was a bird. We notice the two symbols present in the
tablet. Mr. Holden also finds that the glyph standing for this
god occurs several times in the tables of hieroglyphics
belonging to this figure.
According to these last views, then, the old Palenquians seem to
have been a very religious people, and Quetzalcohuatl, the god
of peace, seems to have been their principal deity, differing in
this regard from Mexico, where all honor was paid to the god of
war. We are not given any explanation of the Temple of the Three
Tablets, but the other temples have to do with the worship of
this benign deity. The beautiful stucco-work in the Temple of
the Beau-relief, Mr. Holden thinks, also represents him. At the
Temples of the Cross, if we be right as to the meaning of the
central figure, the priests of the god of war and the god of
rain do honor to him.<35>
Mr. Bandelier makes a statement in regard to the cross which, if
it be accepted, clears away a number of theories. He remarks:
"The cross, though frequently used previously to the conquest by
the Aborigines of Mexico and Central America as an ornament, was
not at all an object of worship among them. Besides, there is a
vast difference between the cross and the crucifix. What has
been taken for the latter on sculptures, like the 'Palenque
tablet,' is merely the symbol of the 'Newfire,' or close of a
period of fifty-two years. It is the fire drill more or less
ornamented." According to this view, these interesting tablets
have reference to the ceremonies observed by the Mayas at the
expiration of a cycle.<36>
It now only remains to describe some miscellaneous relics
obtained from Palenque. But few specimens of pottery have been
found. One of the early explorers speaks of finding an earthen
vessel about a foot in diameter. Waldeck made an exploration in
a portion of the palace area, and found a gallery containing
hewn blocks of stone and earthen cups and vases, with many
little earthen balls of different colors. He also speaks of
a fine specimen of terra-cotta.<37>
The only statues known were found near the Temple of the Cross.
There were two of them, and they supported a platform before the
central doorway. One was broken to pieces; the other is here
represented. Many writers point out resemblances between this
figure and some Egyptian statues.
Illustration of Statue, Palenque. (Smith. Inst.)------
In the village of Palenque, built in the wall of a church,<38>
are two stone tablets which once stood on each side of the
doorway of the altar containing the tablet of the cross.<39>
Mr. Stephens was under the impression that they were originally
placed on the altar of the tablet of the sun, and they are so
represented in the cut (Illustration of Altar in the Temple of
the Sun.) earlier. This plate represents the left-hand figure.
The only explanation which we have met is contained in that
oft-quoted article by Mr. Holden. He regards it as the
representation of the Maya god of war. We are warned that the
weak part of Mr. Holden's method is his assumption that the
mythology of the Mayas was the same as that of the Aztecs, when
the evidence is not strong enough to assert such a fact.<40>
Illustration of Bas-relief of the left-hand of the Altar
of the Cross. (Bureau of Ethnology.)-------------------
We feel that we have been somewhat lengthy in describing the
ruins of Palenque. But it is one of the most important groups of
ruins that this continent possesses. The most faithful work on
the part of the scholars of all lands has not as yet succeeded
in clearing up the mystery connected with it. We can tread the
courts of their ancient citadel, clamber up to the ruined
temples and altars, and gaze on the unread hieroglyphics, but,
with all our efforts, we know but little of its history.
There was a time when the forest did not entwine these ruins.
Once unknown priests ministered at these altars. But cacique,
or king, and priest have alike passed away. The nation, if such
it was, has vanished, and their descendants are probably to be
found in the savage tribes of Yucatan to-day. "In the romance of
the world's history," says Mr. Stephens, "nothing ever impressed
me more forcibly than the spectacle of this once great and
lovely city, overturned, desolate, and lost, discovered by
accident, overgrown with trees for miles around, without even a
name to distinguish it. Apart from every thing else, it was a
mournful witness to the world's mutation.
"'Nations melt
From power's high pinnacle, when they have felt
The sunshine for awhile, and downward go.'"
The ruins at Palenque have been so well known, that but little
attention has been given to other ruins in the States of Tobasco
and Chiapas; and yet, according to M. Charney, imposing ruins of
great extent exist in the western part of Tobasco. At a place
about thirty-five miles from San Juan, in a north-westerly
direction, he found veritable mountains of ruins "overgrown with
a luxuriant vegetation."<41> In the absence of cuts, we can not
do more than give a general idea of these ruins.
He asserts that the whole State of Tobasco, and part of Chiapas,
is covered with ruins. One landed proprietor informed him that,
on his estate, he had counted over three hundred pyramids, all
of them covered with ruins. In this connection he refers to the
assertions of some of the early Spanish voyagers, that, when
skirting the shores of Tobasco, they "saw on the shore, and far
in the interior, a multitude of structures, whose white and
polished walls glittered in the sun." On one large pyramid, one
hundred and fifteen feet high, he found the remains of a
building two hundred and thirty-five feet long.
This building is named the palace. In this building we met with
the type that we have learned is the prevailing one further
south--that is, three parallel walls, forming two rows of rooms.
In general, the rooms are not well arranged for comfort,
according to our opinion; but they were, doubtless, well adapted
to the communal mode of life prevalent among the Indians.
M. Charney seems to have been strongly impressed with the number
and importance of the ruins in this State; but, strangely
enough, others have not mentioned them.<42> He says: "I am daily
receiving information about the ruins scattered all over the
State of Tobasco, hidden in the forests. ... The imagination
fails to realize the vast amount of labor it would involve to
explore even a tithe of these ancient sites. These mountains of
ruins extend over twelve miles. We still see the hollows in the
ground whence the soil was taken for the construction of these
pyramids. But they did not consist merely of clay; bricks, too,
entered into their construction, and there were strengthening
walls to make them firmer. These structures are more wonderful
than the pyramids and the other works at Teotihuacan, and they
far surpass the pyramids of Egypt.
In the neighboring State of Chiapas, we find the location of
several groups of ruins. At Ocosingo, we have the evident traces
of a large settlement. Mr. Stephens mentions four or five
pyramids crowned with buildings. Immediately beyond these
pyramids he came upon an open plateau, which he considered to
have been the site of the city proper. It was protected on all
sides by the same high terraces, overlooking for a great
distance the whole country around, and rendering it impossible
for an enemy to approach from any quarter without being
discovered. "Across this table was a high and narrow causeway,
which seemed partly natural and partly artificial, and at some
distance on which was a mound, with the foundation of a building
that had probably been a tower. Beyond this the causeway
extended till it joined a range of mountains. ... There was no
place we had seen which gave us such an idea of the vastness of
the works erected by the aboriginal inhabitants."<43>
The ruins at Palenque are considered by some to belong to the
ancient period of Maya architecture; those we are now to examine
are regarded as of more modern date. This is at least true with
respect to the time of their abandonment. Though the efforts of
explorers in Yucatan have been attended with rich results, still
few places have been fully described. The country is fairly
dotted with sites of aboriginal settlements. In all probability
there are many that are yet unknown. Hidden in tropical jungles,
they are fast falling into meaningless mounds of debris.
The early Spanish explorers, skirting the coasts of Yucatan,
gazed in astonishment at the views they occasionally obtained of
pyramids crowned with temples and imposing buildings. But this
gleam of historic light was but momentary in duration. It served
but to throw a sunset glow over the doomed tribes and
civilization of the Mayas. By the aid of that dim, uncertain
light, we are asked to recognize a form of government and
society which, under the clearer light of modern researches is
seen to bear an equally strong resemblance to institutions more
in keeping with the genius of the New World.
The few travelers who visit the country are generally content to
revisit and describe places already known. This is not strange,
considering the difficulties that have to be overcome.
The country swarms with savage Indians, who are jealous of the
intrusions of strangers. We have, however, this consolation:
those ruins already brought to light show such a uniformity of
detail, that it is not probable that any new developments are to
be expected. The ruins that are already known are sufficient to
illustrate all the points of their architecture; and we can draw
from them, doubtless, all that can be drawn from ruins, throwing
light on the civil organization of the Mayas of Yucatan.
Illustration of Plan of Uxmal.--------------------
We can not do better than to describe some of the more important
ruins, and then notice wherein others differ. Examining the map,
we see that Uxmal<44> is one of the first ruins that would meet
us on arriving, in the country. It is more fully described than
any other, though perhaps not of greater importance than those
of some other localities. As at Palenque, while the principal
ruins are said to be situated in a small area, the whole section
abounds in mounds and heaps of debris, and it may well be
said that buildings as imposing as those already described are
concealed in the forest not far removed from the present ruins.
A plat of ground seventeen hundred feet long by twelve hundred
feet wide would include the principal structures now known.
The most imposing single edifice here is that called the
Governor's House. The only reason for giving it this name is its
size. Being of large size, and located on a terraced pyramid, it
has received a name which may be very inappropriate. We will
first notice the pyramid on which the building stands.
At Palenque the pyramid rises regularly from the ground.
Here the pyramid is terraced. In order to understand clearly the
arrangement of these various terraces, we introduce this
drawing. The base is a somewhat irregular figure, though nearly
a square. Another pyramid cuts into one corner of the terrace.
The first terrace is about three feet high, fifteen feet broad,
and five hundred and seventy-five feet long. The second terrace
is twenty feet high, two hundred and fifty feet wide, and five
hundred and forty-five feet in length. The third terrace, on
which the building stands, is nineteen feet high, and its summit
platform is one hundred by three hundred and sixty feet.
The height of this platform above the general surface is a
little over forty feet.<45>
Illustration of Pyramid at Palenque.--------------
The material of which the pyramid is composed, is rough
fragments of limestone, thrown together without order; but the
terraces were all faced with substantial stone work. At the time
of Mr. Stephens's visit the facing of the second terrace was
still in a good state of preservation. Charney believes the
platform was paved with square blocks. This pyramid was not
entirely artificial--they took advantage of a natural hill, as
far as it went. No stairway or other means of ascent to the
first terrace is mentioned. From its low height, probably none
was needed. The second terrace being twenty feet high, some
means of ascent was required. This was afforded, as seen in the
drawing, by an inclined plane, at the south side one hundred
feet broad. From the second terrace a grand staircase, one
hundred and thirty feet wide, containing thirty-five steps, led
up to the summit of the third terrace.
No buildings or other ornaments are mentioned as having been
found on the lower terrace. The wide promenade of the second one
supported some structures of its own, but they were in too
dilapidated a condition to furnish a clear idea of their
original nature, except in one instance--that is of the building
at A of the drawing. This building was ninety-four feet long,
thirty-four feet wide, and about twenty feet high.
The roof had fallen in, so that we do not know the arrangement
of the rooms in the interior. The simplicity of ornaments on the
outer wall is commented on. Instead of the complicated
ornaments, so apparent on the buildings of Yucatan, the only
ornament in this case was a simple and elegant line of round
columns, standing close together, and encircling the whole
edifice. At regular intervals on the upper cornice appeared a
sculptured turtle. From this circumstance, the building was
named "The House of Turtles." No steps lead to the terrace below
or to the one above. "It stands isolated and alone, seeming to
mourn over its own desolate and ruinous condition."
At B, along the south end of the terrace, there was a long, low
mound of ruins, and arranged along its base was a row of broken
columns about five feet high and nearly five feet in
circumference. Some have supposed, from this, that columns
extended along the entire promenade of the second terrace.
This would indeed give it a very grand appearance; but there is
no foundation for such a view. East of the central stairway at
C, was a low, square inclosure. This contained a standing
pillar, now in a slanting position, as if an effort had been
made to throw it over. It was about eight feet above the surface
of the ground and five below. The Indians called it a
whipping-post. Mr. Stephens thinks it was connected with the
ceremonial rites of an ancient worship. He found a similarly
shaped stone in connection with other buildings at Uxmal, and at
other places in Yucatan.
Illustration of Two-headed Monument, Uxmal.-------------
Still further east, at D, he found a rude, circular mound of
rough stones. On excavating this, he was rewarded by the
discovery of a double-headed monument. It was carved out ot a
single block of stone. The probabilities are that it was
purposely buried when the natives abandoned Uxmal, to prevent
the Spaniards from destroying it. Scattered about over this
platform were found excavations much like well-made cisterns in
shape. As it is something of a mystery where the inhabitants
obtained water, it is a reasonable supposition that these were
really cisterns. Similar excavations were discovered all over
the area of the ruins.
Leaving the second terrace, and passing up the ruined stairway,
we find ourselves on the summit platform of the third terrace,
and see before us one of the long, low, richly ornamented
buildings of Yucatan. This cut presents us an end view, but
gives us a good idea of the building as a whole. It does not
occupy the entire summit; there is a wide promenade all around
it. Its length is three hundred and twenty-two feet; its width,
thirty-nine feet, and its height twenty-six feet.
Illustration of End View.------------
In order to understand clearly the arrangement of the rooms, we
will here give the ground-plan. The two end portions may have
been additions to the original structure. There are, at any
rate, reasons for supposing the small rooms in the two recesses
of later construction. We must notice that we have here the
usual three parallel walls and two rows of rooms. All the walls
are massive, the rear wall especially so. It is nine feet thick
throughout, and so are the transverse walls of the two recesses.
Supposing the rear wall might contain rooms, Mr. Stephens made
an opening through it. He found it to be solid.
Illustration of Ground Plan.------------
Illustration of Cross-sectiion of Uxmal.----------
The stones facing the walls and rooms are smooth and square, and
the mass of the masonry consists of rough, irregular fragments
of stone and mortar. This cross-section makes this meaning
plain. We can but notice what an immense amount of useless labor
was bestowed on the walls and ceilings of this building.
We gather more the idea of galleries excavated in a rocky mass,
than of rooms inclosed by walls. The rooms are very plain;
no attempt at decoration was observed. In one or two instances
the remains of a fine coat of plastering was noticed.
"The floors were of cement, in some places hard, but by long
exposure broken, and now crumbling under foot." The arches
supporting the roof are of the same style as those at
Palenque--that is, triangular,--though, in this case, the ends
of the projecting stones were beveled off so as to form a smooth
surface. At Palenque, we remember, the inequalities were filled
with cement. Across the arches were still to be observed beams
of wood, the ends buried in the wall at both sides.
The supposition is that they served to support the arches while
building, and afterwards for the suspension of hammocks.<46>
There are no openings for light and ventilation, consequently
some of the rear rooms are both damp and dark. The lintels over
each doorway were of wood. This was the common and ordinary
material employed for lintels in Yucatan, though in one or two
instances stone was used. They used for this purpose beams of
zapote, a wood noted for its strength and durability. Some inner
lintels still remain in place. The one over the central doorway
of the outer wall was elaborately carved, the others were plain.
The outside of the building is also of interest to us. By a
careful examination, we notice a cornice just above the doorway.
The wall below the cornice presents a smooth surface of
limestone, no traces of plaster or paint appearing; above the
cornice the facade is one solid mass of rich, complicated, and
elaborately sculptured ornaments. This is not stucco work, as at
Palenque, but the ornaments are carved on stone. Mr Stephens
tells us, "Every ornament or combination is made up of separate
stones, each of which had carved on it part of the subject, and
was then set in its place in the wall. Each stone, by itself, is
an unmeaning fractional portion, but placed by the side of
others, makes, part of a whole which, without it, would
be incomplete."
It is not possible to give a verbal description of all of the
ornaments; we can notice but few. Over each doorway was
represented a person apparently seated on a sort of throne,
having a lofty head-dress, with enormous plumes of feathers
falling symmetrically on each side. Though the figures varied in
each case, in general characteristics they were the same as the
one here represented, which was the figure over the central
doorway of the building.
Illustration of Figure over the Doorway.---------
Illustration of Ornament over the Doorway.-------------
Among the most commonly reappearing ornaments at Uxmal, and at
other places, is one that has received the name of the
"Elephant's Trunk," and has given rise to no little discussion.
One occurs immediately above the figure. Part of this ornament
is represented in this plate. The central part of this figure,
which appears as a plain band, is in reality a curved projecting
stone, which, when looked at sideways, has the appearance given
in this cut. Though requiring a little imagination, the majority
of travelers see in this some monster's face. The eyes and teeth
are seen in the first engraving. This projecting stone is
the nose.
Illustration of Elephant's Trunk.---------------
We stand in amazement before this sculptured facade. We must
reflect that its builders were not possessed of metallic tools.
It extends entirely around the building, though the end and rear
walls are not as elaborately decorated as the front. A little
calculation shows that it contains over ten thousand square feet
of carved stone. The roof of the building was flat. It had been
covered with cement. But vegetation had somehow acquired a
foothold, and the whole is now overgrown with grass and bushes.
Such is a brief description of this "casa." Hastening to ruins,
it appeals powerfully to the imagination. It is a memorial of
vanished times. We wonder what of the strange people that
pressed up these stairs and entered these rooms? For many years
it has been abandoned to the elements. Year by year portions of
the ornamented facade fall. Though the walls are massive and the
roof is strong, it is but a question of time when a low mound of
ruins will alone mark its site.
Like the palace at Palenque, this structure has given rise to
conflicting theories as to its use. While many of the writers on
this subject claim that it was the residence of royalty, there
are, on the other hand, those who think it is simply a communal
house of village Indians, or the official house of the tribe.
In whatever light we shall ultimately view it, it is surely an
interesting monument of native American culture. The labor
necessary to rear the terraced pyramid, even though advantage
was taken of a natural eminence, must have been great.
The building itself, though not of great dimensions, except in
length, must have required the labor of a large number of
Indians for a long time. For purposes of defense, the location,
from an Indian point of view, was an excellent one, since with
them elevation constitutes the principal means of defense.
The terraces could be easily ascended from but one point, where
an enemy could be easily resisted. In a general way, it may be
regarded as a representative of Yucatan buildings, and so we
will be able to more rapidly describe the remaining structures.
Illustration of Plan of Nunnery.-----------------
On the general plan we see, to the north of the structure we
have just described, a group of ruins marked "C." This is
regarded as the most wonderful collection of edifices in
Yucatan, and as exhibiting the highest state of ancient
architecture and sculpture in North America. They are known as
the "Nunnery," which we think is a very absurd name. The pyramid
on which they stood is also terraced, though on one side only.
We give a drawing showing the position on the summit platform of
the four buildings forming this group. Since we have so many
ruined structures to describe, we must avoid such details as
will prove tiresome. We will give in a note the dimensions of
these buildings, and of the pyramid, and pass at once to some
points of special interest.<47>
Traces of stairways are mentioned as leading up to the terrace,
but none of the steps remained in place. The southern building
is seen to have doors in both the court and terrace walls, but
in this case the middle wall is unbroken. All the rooms of this
building are single. In the plan it appears divided into two
buildings; the opening is, however, but a triangular arched
doorway, through which access was had to the court.
There is no one to dispute our right of way, and so, climbing up
the ruined stairs, and passing through the deserted gateway, we
emerge into a courtyard, now silent and deserted and overgrown
with bushes and grass. It was once paved and covered with
cement, and in the center are the remains of a stone pillar,
similar to that in front of the governor's house. When the
houses were all occupied this court must have presented an
animated scene. But, now that the buildings are tenantless and
going to ruin, it must impress all beholders with a sense of the
changes wrought by time.
Illustration of Room in Nunnery.---------------
It will be noticed that the northern building does not stand in
quite the same direction as the southern one, which detracts
from the symmetry of the whole. It stands on a fourth terrace,
twenty feet higher than the others. A grand, but ruined,
staircase leads up the center of the terrace. At each end of
this staircase built against the terrace, could be distinguished
the ruins of a small building. There is one unusual feature
about the ruins in the eastern building. In general, only two
rooms open into each other. In this building, however, six rooms
form one suite, and, furthermore, all the doorways of this suite
are decorated with sculpture. As this suite of rooms was
evidently a place of interest, we will introduce this
illustration, which gives us a good idea of the appearance of
the rooms on the inside. We would do well to compare this cut
with that of the room in Pueblo Bonito (Chapter XI). The arched
roof is not a true arch but simply the triangular arch we have
already spoken of.
Illustration of Facade, Southern Building.-----
The principal attraction about these buildings is the beautiful
facades which overlook the court-yard. They are pronounced by
all to be the finest examples of native American art. With one
exception, they are neither complicated nor grotesque, but
chaste and artistic. As in the Governor's House, the part below
the cornice is plain, but the remaining part, both front and
rear, is covered with sculpture. On entering the court-yard from
the arched gateway of the southern building, we notice that its
facade is composed of diamond lattice-work and vertical columns,
while over each doorway is something that resembles a house,
with a human figure seated in a doorway. This cut represents but
a small portion of this facade, but it gives us an idea of
the whole.
Illustration of Facade, Eastern Building.---------
The facade of the eastern building was in the best state of
preservation of any. We give a section of this also.
The ornaments over the doorway, shown in the cut, consist of
three of those mysterious masks, with the projecting curved
stone, already described. "The ornaments over the other doorways
are less striking, more simple, and more pleasing. In all of
them there is, in the center, a masked face, with the tongue
hanging out, surmounted by an elaborate head-dress. Between the
horizontal bars is a range of diamond-shaped ornaments, in which
the remains of red paint are still distinctly visible, and at
each end of these bars is a serpent's head, with the mouth wide
open." It is necessary to examine the drawing attentively, to
distinguish these features. Some think the masked face
represents the sun.
Illustration of Serpent Facade, Western Building.--------
The western facade is known as the Serpent Facade. It was very
much in ruins at the time of Mr. Stephens's visit. When entire,
it must have been of great beauty. Two serpents are trailed
along the whole front, and by the interlacing of their bodies
divide the surface into square panels. In the open mouth of
these serpents is sculptured a human head. The panels are filled
with ornaments similar in design to those of the "Governor's
House," and among the ornaments of each panel are found one or
more human faces, while full-sized figures are not entirely
absent. This cut represents but a small portion of the facade.
It gives us, however, an idea of the whole. We notice, over the
doorway again, the elephant's trunk ornament.
The northern building, standing high above the rest, on its own
terrace, was doubtless intended to have the grandest front of
all. It was, however, in such a ruined state, and the few
remaining fragments so complicated, that no drawings have been
given us. Human figures are represented in several places; two
are apparently playing on musical instruments. We recall that at
Palenque, the roof of some of the temples bears a curious
two-storied work, erected apparently for ornamental purposes.
The same instinct reappears in this building. At regular
intervals along the front they carried the wall above the
cornice, forming thirteen turret-like elevations ten feet wide,
and seventeen feet high. These turrets were also loaded with
ornaments. Another curious feature about this building is, that
it was erected over, and completely inclosed, a smaller building
of an older date. Wherever the outer walls have fallen, the
ornamented cornice of the inner building is visible.
When we reflect on the patient labor that must have been
expended on this pyramid and these buildings, we are filled with
admiration for their perseverance and ingenuity. They had
neither domestic animals or metallic tools. The buildings were
massively built and richly ornamented. The sculptured portion
covers over twenty-four thousand square feet.<48> The terraced
mound supporting the house contained over sixty thousand cubic
yards of materials, though this may not be wholly artificial.
To our eyes, as these rooms had neither windows nor fire-places,
they are not very desirable. But we may be sure that the
builders considered them as models of their kind.
Leaving this interesting ruin, we will now visit one of the
temples. This is east of the Nunnery, and is marked "D" on the
plan. The mound on which this building stands is high enough to
overlook the entire field of ruins. This cut represents the
eastern side of the mound, up which a flight of stone steps lead
to the building on the summit. There are some grounds for
supposing a grander staircase, supported on triangular arches,
led up the western side.
Illustration of Temple, Uxmal.-------------
The building on the top is not large--only seventy-two feet
long, and twelve feet wide--and consists of but three rooms,
none opening into each other. The front of the building, though
much ruined, presented an elegant and tasteful appearance.
There seems to be no doubt that this temple was the scene of
idolatrous worship; perhaps of human sacrifices. In a legal
paper which Mr. Stephens saw at Meridia, containing a grant of
the lands on which these ruins stand, bearing date 1673, it is
expressly stated that the Indians at that time had idols in
these ancient buildings, to which, every day, openly and
publicly, they burned copal. Nor is there any doubt that this
was the continuation of an old custom. In the end room of this
temple are engraved two circular figures which, by some, are
considered as proofs of the presence of Phallic worship.<49>
The buildings we have described will give us a very good idea of
the structures of this ancient city. We have described but a few
of them, but we have now only space to make some general
observations. We wish to point out some resemblances to the
ruins at Palenque. In both, buildings that served as temples
were not large, but of small dimensions, and contained but few
rooms. They occupy the summits of high pyramids. Such was
probably the building on the summit of the pyramid at "F" (see
plan). The buildings on the top of this pyramid, like that just
described, had but three rooms. A very large pyramid is seen at
"E." Our information in regard to it is very meager. A square
platform was found on the summit. It is not unreasonable to
suppose that this platform was intended to support a temple.
But, before it was erected, the presence of the Spaniards put an
end to all native building. There are, however, no proofs to be
advanced in support of this statement; it is a mere suggestion.
We think the House of the Nuns illustrates the general plan of
building employed at both places. That is as follows: They first
erected a rectangular pyramid or mounds often terraced.
Buildings were then put up parallel to the four sides, thus
inclosing a court. At Palenque this court, as we have seen, was
built over. Besides the House of Nuns, there are several other
instances at Uxmal of courts with buildings on their sides.
Looking at the plan, we see one at "G," and a still more ruined
one between that and "F." Such a court, with traces of ruined
buildings, also exists between the nunnery and the temple, at
"D." It is not improbable that groups of low ruins existing to
the westward of the structures described would be found, on
examination, to reveal the same arrangements.
As for the grand terraced pyramid supporting the Governor's
House, it may well be that other buildings would have been added
in process of time, as population increased. It is not necessary
to suppose they erected all the buildings around a court at
once. It seems very reasonable to suppose the northern building
of the House of Nuns the oldest. The direction is not quite the
same as the others; it stands on a higher terrace; and,
furthermore, the present exterior walls are simply built around
the older building. It may be, however, that the great terraced
mound of the Governor's House was intended to support but one
building. As there is the best of reason for supposing that
Uxmal was inhabited at the time of the conquest, there is
nothing to forbid the conclusion that the erection of pyramids,
temples, and buildings was still going on.
Hieroglyphics, which formed such an interesting feature at
Palenque, are here almost entirely wanting. A few rows occur
around the head of the figure over the principal doorway of the
Governor's House. They are of the same general character as
those already described, but are "more rich, elaborate, and
complicated." As to the probable antiquity of these ruins, we
must defer consideration until we become more acquainted with
the ruins of Yucatan.
The places we have now described will make us acquainted with
the general character of the ruins scattered all over Yucatan.
We do not feel as if we would be justified in dwelling at any
great length over the remainder, though one or two important
places must be mentioned. A word as to the frequency with which
the ruins occur. We want to repeat that Yucatan, even to this
day, is far from being thoroughly explored. Almost our only
source of information is the writings of Mr. Stephens. But he
only described a few places. In a trip of thirty-nine miles he
took in a westerly direction from Uxmal he saw no less than
seven different groups of ruins. Some of these, though in a very
dilapidated state, presented points of great interest. When he
started he knew of but few of those ruins. Some he heard of
quite by accident while on his way, and some he first saw as he
journeyed along the road. We must suppose the whole country
equally well supplied.
After he had left Uxmal for good, at the village of Nochahab
(see map), a little inquiry brought him information of so many
ruins that he did not have time to visit them all. As to the
question of use to which these buildings were applied, we must
either suppose they had an immense number of temples and
palaces--one or the other every few miles--or else they were the
residences of the people themselves. And, though it may seem
very strange that an imperfectly developed people should
ornament so profusely and delicately their ordinary places of
abode,<50> yet it is difficult to understand why they should
rear such an abundance of temples and palaces.
At Kabah (see map) Mr. Stephens found a most interesting field
of ruins, rivaling Uxmal in extent, if not surpassing it.
One group of buildings, arranged much like the House of Nuns,
has some interesting features about it. The highest terrace in
this case is nearly square, and the building on its summit is
nearly the same shape. We have here two rows of double rooms,
separated by a middle wall, very massive, as if two of the
typical Maya buildings had been placed back to back. The front
of this building was elaborately ornamented. In all the
buildings at Uxmal the part above the cornice only was
ornamented. Here the entire front was covered with carved stone.
To make room for further ornaments the roof bore an additional
appendage, like the second story of the Palenque temples.
This building must have presented a wonderful appearance
when entire.
Another feature at this place has reference to the pyramid.
We are familiar with the idea of a terraced mound supporting
buildings. In one of these Kabah structures the buildings are
arranged in a different and suggestive way. That is, the pyramid
was terraced off. There were three ranges of buildings, the roof
of one range forming a promenade in front of the other.
In another of the Kabah structures was found a wooden lintel,
elegantly carved. Mr. Stephens tells us the lines were clear and
distinct, and the cutting, under any test, and without any
reference to the people by whom it was executed, would be
considered as indicating great skill and proficiency in the art
of carving on wood. At the expense of a great deal of hard work,
he succeeded in getting this lintel out and removed to New York,
where it was unfortunately destroyed by fire.
They worked stone to better advantage at Kabah than at Uxmal.
For the first time we meet with lintels of stone and a doorway
with carved jambs. The lintels were supported in the center by a
pillar. The pillars were rude and unpolished, but they were not
out of proportion, and, in fact, were adapted to the lowness of
the building. We will only mention one more structure. This is a
lonely arch, of the same form as all the rest, having a span of
fourteen feet. It stands on a ruined mound, disconnected from
every other structure, in solitary grandeur. "Darkness rests
upon its history, but in that desolation and solitude, among the
ruins around, it stood like the proud memorial of a Roman
triumph." There was the usual pyramid with a temple. In a plan
given of the field of ruins seventeen groups are seen, and,
withont a doubt, many more exist in the immediate forest.
Illustration of Arch, Kabah.--------------
M. Charney has of late years made a discovery which conclusively
shows that this was an inhabited place at the time of the
conquest. In a room as ruined as the rest he discovered the
stueeo'figure of a horse and its rider. They are formed after
the Indian manner by an inexperienced hand guided by an
over-excited imagination. Both figures are easily recognized.
The horse has on its trappings. We can see the stirrups. The man
wears his cuirass. We all know what astonishment the appearance
of men on horseback produced among the Indians, and so we are
not at a loss to divine the cause which led to the construction
of this figure. We must remember Mr. Stephens was hurried for
time. Portions of this figure were mutilated, and other portions
had been covered over by a layer of stucco, which Charney had to
remove before the figure could be distinctly made out.<51>
Illustration of Zayi.------------------
Within a radius of ten miles from Kabah are located no less than
six so-called cities. The general appearance of all is the
same--low ranges of buildings on terraced mounds, and ornamented
facades. One of these places, by the name of Zayi, is of
interest to us, because it gives us a hint as to how these
people constructed their buildings. Amongst other buildings they
found one large terraced mound, with buildings arranged on it in
a very significant manner. There were three ranges of
buildings, one over the other--the roof of one range on a level
with the foundation of the range above. A grand stair-way led up
the mound. This feature is illustrated in the plate opposite.
We can imagine what a grand appearance must have been presented
by this great terraced mound, when its buildings were
all perfect.
Illustration of Plan of Zayi. (Bureau of Ethnology.)----
The plan of this mound and buildings is shown in the last cut.
Ten rooms on the north side of the second range presented a
curious feature. They were all filled up with a solid mass of
stone and mortar, and this filling up must have gone on as fast
as the walls rose, and the arched ceiling must have closed over
a solid mass. A very reasonable explanation is given of this
state of things by Mr. Morgan.<52> He considers that such was
the rudeness of mechanical knowledge among these people that the
only way they could construct their peculiar arched roof was to
build it over an internal core of masonry. Once put together
over such a core, and carried up several feet, the down weight
of the arch would articulate and hold the mass together.
Then the core of masonry would be cleaned out, and the room was
ready for use. If this be true, it follows that these rooms were
the last erected. They were not yet cleared out when the
operations of the Spaniards put an end to all native building.
We must notice the structures at Zayi are in as ruined a
condition as the others--thus strengthening the conviction that
their abandonment was at about the time of the conquest of
the peninsula.
We have not space to follow Mr. Stephens in all his journey.
Every few miles he came across one of these peculiar structures.
A common design is apparent in all; but all are alike enveloped
in mystery. At Labna he found an extensive field of ruins, equal
in importance to any in Yucatan. The next illustration
represents an arched gateway, which reminds us of that in the
"House of Nuns." Passing through this he found himself in a
ruined court-yard, fronting which were the remains of buildings;
but this was only one of many groups of ruins, and Labna was but
one of many places visited. At Labphak Mr. Stephens found "the
tottering remains of the grandest structure that now rears its
ruined head in the forests of Yucatan." This was a terraced
mound, faced by buildings on three sides, leaving an immense
stair-way occupying the fourth side.
Illustration of Gateway at Labna.----------------
Small interior stair-ways are mentioned in this building, but no
particular description is given of them. At two places
sculptured tablets were found. These tablets are worthy of
notice. They were the only ones Mr. Stephens found, except at
Palenque. It will be seen, on the map, that this ruin is nearer
Palenque than any of the places in Yucatan yet described.
Stucco ornaments, so apparent at the latter place, were now
becoming numerous again. At Uxmal stone for building could be
had in the greatest abundance--it was not as plenty here.
The builders, apparently, adapted their ornamentation to the
material at hand; and, while at Palenque they employed stucco in
ornament, at Uxmal they carved stone.<53>
We must now leave this interesting section of Yucatan, though
only a few places have been mentioned. The reader is well aware
of the difference of opinion with which these ruins are viewed.
Some of them are unquestionably temples. If we regard the others
as palaces and the public buildings of great cities, we are at
once puzzled to account for their great numbers. If we look on
the majority of them as communal residences of the inhabitants,
we are amazed at the mass of decorations with which they are
adorned. But our admiration stops there--we are accustomed to
speak of them as stately edifices. This is owing to their
exterior ornaments, and their position on terraced mounds.
The houses are often of great length, but not striking in other
regards. The rooms, in the majority of cases, are small, low,
dark, and ill ventilated. A great amount of useless labor was
bestowed upon the walls, which were unnecessarily massive.
Near the center of the northern part of the peninsula is seen a
place marked Chichen, to which is generally added the word Itza,
making the entire name of the place Chichen-Itza. In this case
the ancient Maya name has come down to us with the
ruins--Chichen meaning the "mouth of wells," having reference to
two springs which supplied the place with water. Itza is the
name of a branch of the Maya people. This place is of interest
to us in several ways. It was, unquestionably, a renowned city
in aboriginal times. Here the Spaniards met with a very severe
repulse. As a ruin it attracted the attention of early writers,
and it has been the subject of antiquarian research in recent
times. The description of the buildings will not detain us long.
They are, evidently, the work of the same people as those whose
structures we have already described.
One of the most important buildings is known as the Nunnery,
reminding us at once of the collection of buildings of that name
at Uxmal. In this case, however, the pyramid is represented by a
solid mass of masonry one hundred and twelve by one hundred and
sixty feet, rising with perpendicular sides to the height of
thirty-two feet. This is seen to be a departure from the method
of constructing pyramids hitherto described. The proprietor of
the estate on whose grounds these ruins are located used this
mound as a stone-quarry. An excavation of thirty feet revealed
no secret chambers.
The probabilities are that it is solid throughout. A grand
staircase, fifty-six feet wide, leads up to the top of this
mound. Mr. Stephens tells us that three ranges of buildings
occupied the summit, and his drawings represent the same.
The roof of the one forms a promenade in front of the one above.
So each range of buildings rests on a foundation solid from the
ground. Mr. Bancroft describes this mound as having but two
ranges of buildings on the summit. Of these buildings the second
range was, seemingly, the most important. Several of its rooms
contained niches in the back wall, extending from floor to
ceiling. From traces still visible, they were once covered with
painted ornaments. One of the rooms was fifty-seven feet long
and nine wide.
In the rear wall of this room were nine of these niches. "All of
the walls of this room, from the floor to the peak of the arch,
had been covered with painted designs, now wantonly defaced, but
the remains of which present colors, in some places, still
bright and vivid; and among these remains detached portions of
human figures continually reappear, well drawn, the heads
adorned with plumes of feathers and the hands bearing shields
and spears." To this pile of masonry, at one end, a wing had
been attached. This building was similar in design to other
buildings in Yucatan. Theoretically we would expect this wing to
be much later in time than the buildings on the mound. That it
is so, is proven by the fact that in two rooms the internal core
of masonry, as described at Zayi, had not been wholly removed.
We have noticed in all these structures, the builders first
threw up a mound or pyramid to support the building. In one of
the Chichen edifices the earth had been excavated from all
around it, so as to still present the appearance of a mound.
Perhaps the most prominent object at this place is a stately
pyramid, with an imposing building, represented in the plate
opposite. The mound itself is nearly two hundred feet square,
and rises to the height of seventy-five feet. On the west and
north sides are ruined staircases.
Illustration of Castillo, Chichen-Itza.--------
On the ground, at the foot of the stairway on the north side,
"forming a bold, striking, and well conceive commencement to
this lofty range, are two colossal serpents' heads, ten feet in
length, with mouths wide open, and tongues protruding. No doubt
they were emblematic of some religious belief, and, in the mind
of an imaginative people passing between them, to ascend the
steps, must have excited feelings of solemn awe." The temple on
the summit of this pyramid has some peculiar features about it.
It is nearly square--forty-three by forty-nine feet--only one
door in each side. In the room within, instead of partition
walls supporting arches, were two immense beams, resting on
square pillars, and supporting two arches--the only instance in
the ruins of Yucatan of such use of beams.
Illustration of Gymnasium, at Chichen-Itza.--------------
We now wish to speak of one class of ruins which are present at
Uxmal, but which we did not describe. They are two parallel
walls. On the plan of Uxmal they are noticed between the
Governor's House and the House of Nuns. This illustration
represents this feature. These walls are each two hundred and
seventy-four feet long, thirty feet thick, and twenty-six feet
high. The distance separating them is one hundred and twenty
feet. About one hundred feet from the north end, is seen a
building fronting the open space between the walls. A building
stood in a like position at the south end. In the cut a stone
ring is seen projecting from each side. On the rim and border of
these rings were sculptured two serpents, represented below.
The general supposition is that this structure was used in the
celebration of public games. Mr. Stephens refers us to the
writings of Herrera, an early historian, for a description of a
game of ball played at Mexico, where the surroundings must have
been much the same as is here represented.
Illustration of Ring.----------------
Most of the structures in Yucatan have been left in undisturbed
quiet since the visit of Mr. Stephens. Five years after his
visit, the Indians rose in revolt, and a large portion of
country through which he traveled in perfect safety has, since
then, been shunned by cautious travelers. As he says, "For a
brief space the stillness that reigned around them was broken,
and they were again left to solitude and silence." At Uxmal, and
some places near the coast, more recent travelers have
investigated the ruins, wondered over them, and passed on,
without materially adding to our knowledge respecting them.
In 1873 a French scientists Dr. A. Le Plongon, accompanied by
his wife, visited Yucatan for the purpose of exploring the
ruins. They spent a year in Meridia, thoroughly studying the
customs of the country, and preparing for work.
Their first field of work was this ancient city, Chichen-Itza.
As a result, he lays before us a picture of life and times not
only vastly remote from us, but surpassing in wonder any thing
hitherto presented. In the field of American antiquities we need
scarcely be surprised at whatever conclusions are presented to
us. We believe, however, we are not too harsh in saying that
scholars, as a rule, consider Le Plongon as too much carried
away by enthusiasm to judge coolly of his discoveries.<54>
The most important part of his discoveries seem to have been in
the buildings in connection with the Gymnasium last described.
At the time of the Spanish conquest, a very common tradition
among the natives was that, in ancient times, three brothers
governed the country. This legend of three rulers in olden
times, was not peculiar to the Mayas, but was found among all
the Indian nations of Central America.<55> In our opinion this
last statement at once shows we have here to deal with a
question belonging to mythology and not to history. But M. Le
Plongon considers the buildings at Chichen, especially those of
the Gymnasium, illustrative of the lives of the three brothers,
and of the queen of one of them. In brief, he tells us the names
of these three brothers were, Chaac-mol, Huuncay, and Aac.
The first of these, Chaac-mol, means Tiger King. It was he who
raised Chichen-Itza to the height of its glory. M. Le Plongon
would have us believe that the merchants of Asia and Africa
traded in its marts, and that the wise men of the world came
hither to consult with the H-men,<56> whose convent, together
with their astronomical laboratory, is still to be seen. Aac was
the younger brother of the three. He conspired against the life
of Chaac-mol, and finally killed him. The queen of Chaac-mol
then erected the buildings around the Gymnasium as his memorial.
Illustration of Building at end of Gymnasium.------------
At the south end of the eastern wall Mr. Stephens noticed two
ruined buildings, an upper and a lower one, of which our next
cut is a representation. He was struck with the remains of
painting, which entirely covered the walls. He tells us the
walls were everywhere covered with designs in painting,
representing, in bright and vivid colors, human figures,
battles, houses, trees, and scenes of domestic life. We give, in
a plate, detached portions of these figures. We must understand
that, in the original, these were beautifully colored.
The colors used were "green, yellow, red, blue, and reddish
brown, the last being invariably the color given to
human flesh."
Illustration of Painted Stucco-work.----------
M. Le Plongon contends that these paintings represent scenes in
the lives of the three brothers and the Queen of Chaac-mol, "in
the funeral chamber." Says he: "The terrible altercation between
Aac and Chaac-mol, which had its termination in the murder of
the latter by his brother, is represented by large figures
three-fourths life size."<57> And in another place he tells us:
"The scenes of his death is impressively portrayed on the walls,
which the queen caused to be raised to the memory of her
husband, in the two exquisite rooms, the ruins of which are yet
to be seen upon the south end of the east wall of the Gymnasium.
The rooms were a shrine where the conjugal love of the queen
worshiped the memory of her departed lover. She adorned the
outer walls with his effigies, his totem-tiger, and his shield
and coat-of-arms between tiger and tiger;<58> whilst on the
admirably polished stucco, that covers the stones in the
interior of the rooms, she had his deeds--his and her own life,
in fact--painted in beautiful, life-like designs, superbly
drawn, and sweetly colored."<59>
He tells us further, that Aac, after the commission of his
crime, fled to Uxmal for protection, where he built the edifice
described as the "Governor's House." The seated figures over the
central door-way (see Illustration of Figure over Doorway,
earlier), he says, represents Aac. In the hieroglyphics around
the head he finds the name. Although neither Mr. Stephens nor
the other travelers mention any thing of the kind, he says that,
under the feet of this figure, "are to be seen the bodies of
three figures, two men and one woman, flayed."<60> Though the
figures are headless, he has no doubt but that they represent
Huuncay, Chaae-Mol, and the queen, his wife. We are further told
that the ruined structure on the second terrace, called the
"House of Turtles," was Aac's private residence.
Illustration of Queen consulting the H-men.-------
This wonderful story of the lives and adventures of the three
brothers was revealed to the doctor by a careful study of the
detached painting mentioned by Mr. Stephens. One of the
paintings which served him so good a turn is shown in the cut
above, which he considers represents the queen, when a child,
consulting one of the wise men as to her future destiny.<61>
Perhaps as interesting a portion of his discoveries as any, is
finding sculptured figures of bearded white men on the pillars
of the temple, and painted on the walls of Chaac-mol's chambers.
He thinks they have Assyrian features. He also claims to have
discovered figures having true Negro features.
As to the antiquity of this city he readily figures up nineteen
thousand years; but this did not take him to the beginning.
He arrives at this estimate in this way: To the north-east of
the pyramid, we have described, are to be seen rows of small
columns, which have excited the curiosity of all who have seen
them. Mr. Stephens represents them in four rows, inclosing a
rectangular area. M. Le Plongon says they surrounded three sides
of a terraced pyramid, which once supported the main temple of
the city. Mr. Stephens has no suggestions to offer as to
their use.
Le Plongon claims they were used to measure time, and quotes
from old authors to the effect, that each stone in them stands
for twenty years; and, as there is always just eight stones in a
column, each column means one hundred and sixty years.
He counted one hundred and twenty of these columns--and then, as
he says: "Got tired of pushing my way through the nearly
impenetrable thicket, where I could see many more among the
shrubs." From this number he computes nineteen thousand two
hundred years.
What shall we say to this story that M. Le Plongon brings us of
ancient Maya civilization? It is unquestioned that he has
expended a great amount of patient labor in his work, has braved
many dangers, and is thoroughly in earnest. He has also spent
years in the field, and ought to be well qualified to judge of
the ruins. We believe, however, he is altogether wrong in his
conclusions. The keystone of his discoveries--the one on which
he relies to prove the accuracy of his methods--fails him.
This was the discovery of the statue of Chaac-mol himself, which
is here represented. He claims to have found it as the result of
successfully rendering certain mural tablets in the funeral
chamber, but a careful reading of his own account of the affair
leaves us under the impression that the "instincts of the
archaeologist" had as much to do with it as any thing else.<62>
Illustration of Chaac-mol.-----------------
Be that as it may, he certainly did find this statue buried in
the ground. He is very positive it is Chaac-mol, claiming to
have read the name readily in hieroglyphics on the ear-tablets.
He says: "It is not an idol, but a true portrait of a man who
has lived an earthly life. I have seen him represented in
battle, in council, and in court receptions. I am well
acquainted with his life, and the manner of his death."
This statue was seized by the Mexican Government, and taken to
Mexico. Here a curious discovery was made. Another statue
similar to this was already in the museum. This latter had been
found not far from Mexico. Since then, still a third, smaller
than the others, but evidently representing the same personage,
has been discovered. In short, it has been shown that this is an
idol, worshiped as well by the Aztecs as by the Mayas, and,
instead of being buried, as Le Plongon asserts, five thousand
years ago, we have not much doubt it was buried to prevent its
falling in to the hands of the Spaniards.<63>
Illustration of Bearded Itza.-------------
As to the antiquity with which Le Plongon would clothe Chichen,
if his method be right, he has not more than made a beginning.
Mr. Stephens counted three hundred and eighty of these same
columns, and tells us there were many more.<64> We know no good
reason for supposing Chichen was not inhabited at the time of
the conquest. The wooden beams and lintels in the temples have
not yet decayed, and the masonry had not been cleaned out of
some of the rooms. On this point we wish to make a suggestion, a
mere hint. The pillars that supported the arches in the temple
mentioned some pages back were covered with sculpture.
Amongst some others, but very faintly represented, was the
preceding figure of a bearded man. May it not be that it
represents a Spaniard? We must recall the stucco figure of the
horse and its rider at Kabah. It seems to us a reasonable
suggestion that they should carve on the pillars of their
temples representations of the Spaniards, for the Spaniards were
twenty-five years in gaining a permanent foothold in Yucatan,
and during that time the Indians would continue to build and
ornament as before.
Illustration of Arizona Ruin.------------
REFERENCES
(1) Bancroft: "Native Races," Vol. V, p. 78.
(2) Stephens's "Incidents of Travel in Central America, Chiapas,
and Yucatan," Vol. I, p. 113, et seq.
(3) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. IV, p. 95.
(4) "Report of Bureau of Ethnology," Vol. I. Mr. Holden's
article.
(5) Fourteen years later, these ruins were visited and described
by an Austrian traveler, Dr. Scherzer. His account, though much
more complete than Mr. Stephens's, has not yet appeared in
English. Mr. Bancroft, in "Native Races," Vol. IV, p. 118, et
seq., gives a resume of all information known as to
these ruins.
(6) "Central America," Vol II, p. 122. We are not sure about
this inclosure. But Mr. Catherwood mentions a wall, and we are
told the ruins are, in all respects, similar to those of Copan.
(7) For full information consult Bancroft's "Native Races,"
Vol. IV, pp. 115 to 139.
(8) "Central America," Vol. II, pp. 152-3.
(9) Brasseur De Bourbourg styles Fuentes's description of Copan
"La description menteuse de Fuentes." Bancroft: "Native Races,"
Vol. IV, p. 80, note.
(10) Charney, in North American Review, 1881.
(11) "Native Races," Vol. IV, p. 300, et seq.
(12) Morgan's "Contribution to N.A. Ethnology," Vol. IV, p. 268.
(13) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. IV, p. 319.
(14) Armin: "Das Heute Mexico."
(15) "Native Races," Vol. IV.
(16) Bancroft's "Native Races," p. 326.
(17) Short's "North Americans of Antiquity," p. 389.
(18) Holden, in "First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology."
(19) Brasseur De Bourbourg.
(20) "Myths of the New World."
(21) Holden, in "First Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology."
(22) This tablet is named after its discoverer. The building in
which it is situated was but a short distance from the others;
yet, owing to the density of the forest, neither Waldeck nor
Stephens discovered it. A cast of it is now in the National
Museum at Washington.
(23) Rau, in "Smithsonian Contribution to Knowledge," Vol. XXII,
p. 40.
(24) "Myths of the New World," p. 95.
(25) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. V, p. 506.
(26) See, also, "American Encyclopedia," Art. "Cross."
(27) "Conquest of Mexico," p. 160.
(28) "Smithsonian Contribution to Knowledge," Vol. XXII.
(29) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. III, p. 470.
(30) "Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology," Vol. I.
(31) Mr. Holden uses, as an important link in his arguments, a
figure engraved on a chalchiute (a sacred stone). He concludes
it to be a representative of Huitzilopochtli, the god of war, or
rather the Maya representative of the Mexican god of that name.
It is unfortunate that Prof. Valentine gives to this same figure
a different significance. In the "Proceedings of the American
Antiquarian Society," for April, 1884, in a paper on that
subject, he concludes it to be a representation of a victorious
warrior giving sacrifice to his god. The only persons entitled
to speak on such subjects are those thoroughly acquainted with
Maya Archaeology.
(32) Huitzilopochtli.
(33) Tlaloc.
(34) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. III, p. 324.
(35) While such seem to us to be the results of Mr. Holden's
labors, it must not be understood that he vouches for them.
They must be regarded as personal views which we express with
some mental forebodings. In this matter we must abide by further
investigations.
(36) Bandelier: "An Archaeological Tour in Mexico," p. 184.
(37) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. IV, p. 345.
(38) See Charney, in North American Review, 1881. They
wore formerly in a house.
(39) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. IV, p. 332.
(40) Brinton's "Contribution to North American Ethnology," Vol.
V, p. 36. "Introduction to Study of Manuscript Troano," by Prof.
Thomas.
(41) North American Review, February, 1881, p. 187.
(42) Bancroft's "Native Races," p. 287.
(43) "Central America," Vol. II, p. 261. At this time Mr.
Stephens had not seen the ruins at Palenque, and those in
Yucatan.
(44) Pronounced "oosh-mal."
(45) Our principal authority on the ruin's of Yucatan is Mr.
Stephens, whose work, "Incidents of Travel in Yucatan," in two
volumes, is all that can be desired. Mr. Bancroft, in "Native
Races," Vol. IV, has gathered together whatever of worth there
is in the writings of various explorers.
(46) Mr. Stephens thinks they were for the support of the
arches, while building. As, however, it is almost certain they
constructed this arch over a solid cove of masonry, which they
afterwards removed (see "Contributions to N.A. Ethnology,"
Vol. IV, p. 262), they could not have been intended for
such use.
(47) The pyramid is three hundred and fifty feet square at the
base and nineteen feet high. The terraces are along the south
side. The lowest terrace is three feet high and twenty feet
wide. The second is twelve feet high and forty-five feet wide.
The third is four feet high and five feet wide. The building on
the south side is two hundred and seventy-nine feet long,
twenty-eight feet wide, and eighteen feet high. The north one is
two hundred and sixty-four feet long, twenty-eight feet wide,
and twenty-five feet high. The eastern one, one hundred and
fifty-eight feet long, thirty-five feet wide, and twenty-two
feet high. The western one, one hundred and seventy-three feet
long, thirty-five feet wide, and twenty feet high. (Bancroft's
"Native Races," Vol. IV, p. 174.) The area of the court is two
hundred and fourteen feet by two hundred and fifty-eight feet.
It is about two and a half feet lower than the buildings on the
eastern, western, and southern sides. There are seventy-six
rooms in the four ranges of buildings, and twelve more in the
facings of the terrace of the north building, to be described.
In size the rooms vary from twenty to thirty feet long by from
ten to twelve feet wide.
(48) Bancroft: "Native Races," Vol. IV, p. 179.
(49) The dimensions of this mound are as follows: Length of
base, two hundred and thirty-five feet; width of base, one
hundred and five feet; height, eighty-eight feet. Though
diminishing as it rises, it is not exactly pyramidal, but its
corners are rounded. It is incased with stone, and is apparently
solid from the plain.--Stephens's "Yucatan," Vol. I, p. 316.
(50) See "Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society," April, 1880, p. 57.
(51) North American Review, 1882.
(52) "Contributions to North American Ethnology," Vol. IV,
p. 267.
(53) Stephens's "Yucatan," Vol. II, p. 164.
(54) Short's "North Americans of Antiquity," p. 396; Charney:
North American Review, October, 1880.
(55) "Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society," Oct., 1878, p. 73.
(56) Learned men of the Mayas.
(57) American Antiquarian Society, October 1878.
(58) The tigers can be seen on the engraving of the gymnasium.
(59) Proceedings American Antiquarian Society, April, 1877,
p. 97.
(60) Proceedings American Antiquarian Society, April, 1877,
p. 101.
(61) M. Le Plongon interprets the curved figures issuing from
the throat of the wise-man. In the original, different parts of
this figure were of different colors. The doctor frankly tells
us, that "imagination does the greater part of the work" in his
interpretation.
(62) "Guided, as I have said, by my interpretations of the mural
paintings, bas-reliefs, and other signs, ... I directed my
steps, perhaps inspired by the instincts of the archaeologist,
to a dense part of the thicket." Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society,
April, 1877, p. 85.
(63) North American Review, October, 1880. And yet there
are indications that this is a statue. See Bandelier's
"Archaeological Tour in Mexico," p. 74.
(64) Stephens's "Yucatan," Vol. II, p. 318.
END OF CHAPTER XIV.****************
The Prehistoric World: or, Vanished Races
by E. A. Allen
Processed by D.R. Thompson
drthom@ihug.co.nz
Chapter XV.
THE CULTURE OF THE CIVILIZED TRIBES.<1>
Different views on this question--Reason for the same--Their
architecture--Different styles of houses--The communal house--
The tecpan--The teocalli--State of society indicated by this
architecture--The gens among the Mexicans--The phratry among the
Mexicans--The tribe--The powers and duties of the council--The
head chiefs of the tribe--The duties of the "Chief-of-men"--The
mistake of the Spaniards--The Confederacy--The idea of property
among the Mexicans--The ownership of land--Their laws--
Enforcement of the laws--Outline of the growth of the Mexicans
in power--Their tribute system--How collected--Their system of
trade--Slight knowledge of metallurgy--Religion--
Quietzalcohuatl--Huitzilopochtli--Mexican priesthood--Human
sacrifices--The system of Numeration--The calendar system--The
calendar stone--Picture writing--Landa alphabet--Historical
outline.
A landscape presents varied aspects according to the standpoint
from which it is viewed. Here we have a glimpse of hill and
dale; there a stretch of running water. But two persons,
standing in the same position, owing to their different mental
temperaments, will view things in a different light. Where one,
an artist born, is carried away with the beautiful scenery,
another, with a more practical turn of mind, perceives only its
adaptability for investments. Education and habits of life are
also very potent factors in determining our views on various
questions. Scholars of wide and extended learning differ very
greatly in their views of questions deeply affecting human
interests. We know how true that is of abstruse topics, such as
religion and questions of state polity. It is also true of the
entire field of scientific research. The unknown is a vastly
greater domain than the known, and men, after deep and patient
research, adopt widely different theories to explain the
same facts.
It need, therefore, occasion no surprise to learn that there is
a great difference of opinion as to the real state of culture
among the so-called civilized tribes of Mexico and Central
America. We have incidentally mentioned this difference in
describing the ruins and their probable purpose. As one of the
objects we have in view, and perhaps the most important one, is
to learn what we can of the real state of society amongst the
prehistoric people we treat of, it becomes necessary to examine
these different views, and, if we can not decide in our own
minds what to accept as true, we will be prepared to receive
additional evidence that scholars are now bringing forward, and
know to how weigh them and compare them with others.
It has only been within the last few years that we have gained
an insight into the peculiar organization of Indian society.
After some centuries of contact between the various tribes of
Indians and whites, their social organization was still unknown.
But we are now beginning to understand this, and the important
discovery has also been made that this same system of government
was very widely spread, indeed. This subject has, however, been
as extensively treated as is necessary in chapter xii, so we
need not stop longer. But if, with all the light of modern
learning, we have only lately gained a clear understanding of
the social organization of Indian tribes, it need occasion no
surprise, nor call for any indignant denial, to affirm that the
Spaniards totally misunderstood the social organization of the
tribes with which they came in contact in Mexico.
We must also take into consideration the political condition of
Europe at this time. Feudalism still exercised an influence on
men's minds. The Spanish writers, in order to convey to
Europeans a knowledge of the country and its inhabitants,
applied European names and phrases to American Indian (advanced
though they were) personages and institutions. But the means
employed totally defeated the object sought. Instead of
imparting a clear idea, a very erroneous one was conveyed.
As an illustration of this abuse of language, we might refer to
the case of Montezuma, which name itself is a corruption of the
Mexican word "Motecu-zoma," meaning literally "my wrathy chief."
Mr. Bandelier<2> and Mr. Morgan have quite clearly shown what
his real position was. His title was "chief of men."<3> He was
simply one of the two chief executive officers of the tribe and
general of the forces of the confederacy. His office was
strictly elective, and he could be deposed for misdemeanor.
Instead of giving him his proper title, and explaining its
meaning, the Spaniards bestowed on him the title of king, which
was soon enlarged to that of emperor, European words, it will
be observed, which convey an altogether wrong idea of Mexican
society. Many such illustrations could be given.
The literature that has grown up about this subject is very
voluminous, but the authors not being acquainted with the
organization of Indian society, have not been able to write
understandingly about them. We do not flatter ourselves that we
have now solved all the difficulties of the case. But since
Mr. Morgan has succeeded in throwing such a flood of light on
the constitution of ancient society, and especially of Indian
society, and Mr. Bandelier has given us the results of his
careful investigation of the culture of the Mexicans, we feel
that a foundation has been laid for a correct understanding of
this vexed problem.
We will now examine their architecture, or style of building.
In dealing with prehistoric people, we have several times
referred to the tribal state of government, involving village
life and communism in living. We have seen how this principle
enabled us to understand the condition of Europe during the
Neolithic Age. In still another place we have used this
principle to show the connection of the Pueblo Indians and other
tribes of the United States. Now we think this is the key which
is to explain many of the ruins we have described in the
preceding chapter. But another principle to be borne in mind, is
that of defense. War, we have seen, is really the normal state
of things amongst tribal communities. Therefore, either some
position naturally strong must be selected as a village site, or
the houses themselves must be fortified, after the fashion of
Indians. This will be found to explain many peculiarities in
their method of construction.
Amongst the pueblo structures of to-day, and among the ruins of
the cliff-dwellers, we have seen how compact every thing was.
The estufa, or place of council and worship, was built in close
proximity to the other building, and sometimes it formed part of
it, and we do not learn that there was any thing distinguishing
about the apartments of the chief. Further South a change is
noticed. A specialization of structures, if we may use such an
expression, has taken place, and, among the Mexicans, three
kinds of houses were distinguished. It is extremely probable the
same classification could be made elsewhere. There was, first of
all, the ordinary dwelling houses. Every vestige of aboriginal
buildings in the pueblos of Mexico has long since disappeared,
and our knowledge of these structures can only be gathered from
the somewhat confused accounts of the early writers.
Many, perhaps most, of the houses had a terraced, pyramidal
foundation. Some were constructed on three sides of a court,
like those on the Rio Chaco, in New Mexico. Others probably
surrounded an open court, or quadrangle. The houses were of one
and two stories in height. When two stories, the upper one
receded from the first, probably in the terraced form.
As serving to connect them with the more ornamental structures
in Yucatan, we are told they were sometimes "adorned with
elegant cornices and stucco designs of flowers and animals,
which were often painted with brilliant colors. Prominent among
these figures was the coiling serpent."<4> After pointing out,
by many citations, that the evidence always was that these
houses were occupied by many families, Mr. Morgan concludes,
"They were evidently joint tenement-houses of the aboriginal
American model, each occupied by a number of families ranging
from five and ten to one hundred, and perhaps, in some cases,
two hundred families in a house."<5>
We can discern this kind of dwelling-house in many of the
descriptions we have given of the ruins in the preceding
chapter. M. Charney evidently found them at Tulla and
Teotihuacan. Mr. Bandelier concludes that similar ruins once
crowded the terraces at Cholula, and that to this class belongs
the ruins at Mitla. The Palace, at Palenque, is evidently but
another instance, as well as the House of Nuns, at Uxmal.
In fact, with our present knowledge of the pueblos of Arizona,
and the purposes which they subserved, as well as the uses made
of such houses by the Mexicans, we are no longer justified in
bestowing upon the structures in Yucatan the name of palaces.
The mistake was excusable among the Spaniards. They were totally
ignorant of the mode of life indicated by these joint
tenement-houses. When they found one of these large structures,
capable of accommodating several hundred occupants, with its
inner court, terraced foundation, and ornamented by stucco work,
or sculpture, it was extremely natural that they should call it
a palace, and cast about for some titled owner.
A second class of houses includes public buildings. The
Mexicans, when at the height of their power, required buildings
for public use, and this was doubtless true of the people who
inhabited Uxmal and Palenque. The most important house was the
tecpan, the official house of the tribe, the council house
proper. This was the official residence of the "chief of men"
and his assistants, such as runners. This was the place of
meeting of the council of chiefs. It was here that the
hospitality of the Pueblo was exercised. Official visitors from
other tribes and traders from a distance were provided with
accommodations here. When Cortez and his followers entered
Mexico they were provided for at the tecpan. We would not expect
to find these public buildings, except in rich and prosperous
pueblos. It has been suggested that the Governor's House at
Uxmal was the official house of that settlement. The large
halls, suitable for council purposes, favor this idea.<6>
A third class of buildings was the teocalli, or "House of
God"--in other words, the temple. These were quite common.
Each of the gens that composed the Mexican tribe had its own
particular medicine lodge or temple. This was doubtless true of
each and every tribe of sedentary Indians in the territory we
are describing. "The larger temples were usually built upon
pyramidal parallelograms, square or oblong, and consisted of a
series of superimposed terraces with perpendicular or sloping
sides."<7> It is not necessary to dwell longer on this style of
buildings. We have only to recall the temples of the Sun, of the
Cross, and of the Beau-relief at Palenque; the House of the
Dwarf at Uxmal, and the Citadel at Chichen-Itza, to gather a
clear idea of their construction.
The architecture of a people is a very good exponent of their
culture. Yet all have seen what different views are held as to
the culture of the tribes we are considering. We have, perhaps,
said all that is required on this part of the subject, yet even
repetition is pardonable if it enables us to more clearly
understand our subject. The ornamentation on the ruins of
Yucatan is so peculiar that in our opinion it has unduly
influenced the judgment of explorers in this matter. They lose
sight of the fact that the apartments of the houses are small,
dark, and illy ventilated.
That they should hive gone to the trouble of so profusely
decorating their usual places of abode is, indeed, somewhat
singular.<8> But Mitla was certainly an inhabited pueblo at the
time of the Spanish conquest, and there is no good reason for
concluding it was ever any thing more than a group of communal
buildings. Yet, from the description given of it, we can not see
that the buildings are greatly inferior in decoration to the
structures in Yucatan. And yet again, from the imperfect
accounts we have of the aboriginal structures in the pueblo of
Mexico, we infer they were constructed on the general plan of
communal buildings. As for the decorations, we have seen they
had sometimes elaborate cornices, and were covered with stucco
designs of animals and flowers. In this case some of them were,
to be sure, public buildings for tribal purposes, but the
majority of them were certainly communal residences. With these
facts before us, we can not do otherwise than conclude that
these so-called ruins of great cities we have described are
simply the ruins of pueblos, consisting of communal houses,
temples, and, in the case of large and powerful tribes, official
houses. To this conclusion we believe American scholars are
tending more and more.
This requires us to dismiss the idea that the majority of the
people lived in houses of a poorer construction, which have
since disappeared, leaving the ruins of the houses of the
nobles. There was no such class division of the people as this
would signify. These ruins were houses occupied by the people in
common. With this understanding, a questioning of the ruins can
not fail to give us some useful hints. We are struck with their
ingenuity as builders. They made use of the best material at
hand. In Arizona the dry climate permits of the use of adobe
bricks, which were employed, though stone was also used.
Further south the pouring tropical rains would soon bring down
in ruins adobe structures and so stone alone is used.
In the Arizona pueblo we have a great fortress-built house,
three and four stories high, and no mode of access to the lower
story. This is in strict accord with Indian principles of
defense, which consists in elevated positions. Sometimes this
elevated position was a natural hill, as at Quemada, Tezcocingo,
and Xochicalco. Where no hill was at hand they formed a terraced
pyramidal foundation, as at Copan, Palenque, and Uxmal. In the
highest forms of this architecture this elevation is faced with
stone, or even composed throughout of stone, as in the case of
the House of Nuns at Chichen-Itza. In the construction of houses
progress seems to have taken place in two directions. The rooms
increased in size. In some of the oldest pueblo structures in
Arizona the rooms were more like a cluster of cells than any
thing else.<9>
They grow larger towards the South. In the house at Teotihuacan
M. Charney found a room twenty-seven feet wide by forty-one feet
long. Two of the rooms in the Governor's House at Uxmal are
sixty feet long. But the buildings themselves diminish in size.
In Mexico the majority of the houses were but one story high,
and but very few more than two stories. In Yucatan but few
instances are recorded of houses two stories high. We must
remember that throughout the entire territory we are considering
the tribes had no domestic animals, their agriculture was in a
rude state, and they were practically destitute of metals.<10>
They could have been no farther advanced on the road to
civilization than were the various tribes of Europe during the
Bronze Age. Remembering this, we can not fail to be impressed
with the ingenuity, patient toil, and artistic taste they
displayed in the construction and decoration of their edifices.
It may seem somewhat singular that we should treat of their
architecture before we do of their system of government, but we
were already acquainted with the ruins of the former. When we
turn to the latter we find ourselves involved in very great
difficulties. The description given of Mexican society by the
majority of writers on these topics represent it as that of a
powerful monarchy. The historian Prescott, in his charming
work<11> draws a picture that would not suffer by comparison
with the despotic magnificence of Oriental lands. At a later
date Mr. Bancroft, supporting himself by an appeal to a
formidable list of authorities, regilds the scene.<12>
But protests against such views are not wanting. Robertson, in
his history, though bowing to the weight of authority can not
forbear expressing his conviction that there had been some
exaggeration in the splendid description of their government and
manners.<13> Wilson, more skeptical, and bolder, utterly
repudiates the old accounts, and refuses to believe the Aztecs
were any thing more than savages.<14>
With such divergent and conflicting views, we at once perceive
the necessity of carefully scanning all the accounts given, and
make them conform, if possible, to what is known of Indian
institutions and manners. The Mexicans are but one of several
tribes that are the subjects of our research; but their
institutions are better known than the others, and, in a general
way, whatever is true of them will be true of the rest. We have
seen the efforts of the Spanish explorers to explain whatever
they found new or strange in America by Spanish words, and the
results of such procedure. We are at full liberty to reject
their conclusions and start anew.
What the Spaniards found around the lakes of Mexico was a union
or confederacy of three tribes. Very late investigations by Mr.
Bandelier have established the presence of the usual
subdivisions of the tribes. So we have here a complete
organization according to the terms of ancient society: that is,
the gens, phratry, tribe, and confederacy of tribes. It is
necessary that we spend some time with each of these
subdivisions before we can understand the condition of society
among the Mexicans, and, in all probability, the society among
all of the civilized nations of Central America.
We will begin with the gens, or the lowest division of the
tribe. We must understand its organization before we can
understand that of a tribe, and we must master the tribal
organization before attempting to learn the workings of the
confederacy. To neglect this order, and commence at the top of
the series, is to make the same mistake that the older writers
did in their studies into this culture. A gens has certain.
rights, duties, and privileges which belong to the whole gens,
and we will consider some of the more important in their proper
place. We must understand by a gens a collection of persons who
are considered to be all related to each other. An Indian could
not, of his own will, transfer himself from one gens to another.
He remained a member of the gens into which he was born.
He might, by a formal act of adoption, become a member of
another gens; or he might, in certain contingencies, lose his
connection with a gens and become an outcast. There is no such
thing as privileged classes in a gens. All its members stand on
an equal footing. The council of the gens is the supreme ruling
power in the gens. Among some of the northern tribes, all the
members in the gens, both male and female, had a voice in this
council. In the Mexican gens, the council itself was more
restricted. The old men, medicine men, and distinguished men met
in council--but even here, on important occasions, the whole
gens met in council.
Each gens would, of course, elect its own officers. They could
remove them from office as well, whenever occasion required. The
Mexican gentes elected two officers. One of these corresponded
to the sachem among northern tribes. His residence was the
official house of the gens. He had in charge the stores of the
gens; and, in unimportant cases, he exercised the powers of a
judge. The other officer was the war-chief. In times of war he
commanded the forces of the gens. In times of peace he was, so
to speak, the sheriff of the gens.
The next division of the tribe was the phratry--the word
properly meaning a brotherhood. Referring to the outline below,
we notice that the eight gentes were reunited into two
phratries. Mr. Morgan tells us that the probable origin of
phratries was from the subdivision of an original gens. Thus a
tradition of the Seneca Indians affirms that the Bear and the
Deer gentes were the original gentes of that tribe.<15>
In process of time they split up into eight gentes, which would
each have all the rights and duties of an original gens--but,
for certain purposes, they were still organized into
two divisions.
First Phratry, Bear
or Wolf Gens.
Brotherhood. Beaver
Turtle
TRIBE.
Second Phratry, Deer
or Snipe Gens.
Brotherhood. Heron
Hawk
Each of these larger groups is called a phratry. All of the
Iroquois tribes were organized into phratries, and the same was,
doubtless, true of the majority of the tribes of North America.
The researches of Mr. Bandelier have quite conclusively
established the fact, that the ancient Mexican tribe consisted
of twenty gentes reunited as four phratries, which constituted
the four quarters of the Pueblo of Mexico.
It is somewhat difficult to understand just what the rights and
duties of a phratry were. This division does not exist in all
tribes. But, as it was present among the Mexicans, we must learn
what we can of its powers. Among the Iroquois the phratry was
apparent chiefly in religious matters, and in social games.
They did not elect any war-chief. The Mexican phratry was
largely concerned with military matters. The forces of each
phratry went out to war as separate divisions. They had their
own costumes and banners. The four phratries chose each their
war-chief, who commanded their forces in the field, and who, as
commander, was the superior of the war-chiefs of the gentes.
In time of peace, they acted as the executors of tribal justice.
They belonged to the highest grade of war-chiefs in Mexico--but
there was nothing hereditary about their offices. They were
strictly elective, and could be deposed for cause. They were in
no case appointed by a higher authority. One of these chiefs was
always elected to fill the office of "Chief of Men;"<16> and, in
cases of emergency, they could take his place--but this would be
only a temporary arrangement.
Ascending the scale, the next term of the series is the tribe.
The Spanish writers took notice of a tribe, but failed to notice
the gens and phratry. This is not to be considered a singular
thing. The Iroquois were under the observation of our own people
two hundred years before the discovery was made in reference to
them. "The existence among them of clans, named after animals,
was pointed out at an early day, but without suspecting that it
was the unit of a social system upon which both the tribe and
the confederacy rested."<17> But, being ignorant of this fact,
it is not singular that they made serious mistakes in their
description of the government.
We now know that the Mexican tribe was composed of an
association of twenty gentes, that each of these gens was an
independent unit, and that all of its members stood on an equal
footing. This, at the outset, does away with the idea of a
monarchy. Each gens would, of course, have an equal share in the
government. This was effected by means of a council composed of
delegates from each gens. There is no doubt whatever of the
existence of this council among the Mexicans. "Every tribe in
Mexico and Central America, beyond a reasonable doubt, had its
council of chiefs. It was the governing body of the tribe, and a
constant phenomenon in all parts of aboriginal America."<18>
The Spanish writers knew of the existence of this council, but
mistook its function. They generally treat of it as an advisory
board of ministers appointed by the "king."
Each of the Mexican gens was represented in this council by a
"Speaking Chief," who, of course was elected by the gens he
represented. All tribal matters were under the control of this
council. Questions of peace and war, and the distribution of
tribute, were decided by the council. They also had judicial
duties to perform. Disputes between different gentes were
adjusted by them. They also would have jurisdiction of all
crimes committed by those unfortunate individuals who were not
members of any gens, and of crimes committed on territory not
belonging to any gens, such as the Teocalli, Market-place,
and Tecpan.
The council must have regular stated times of meeting;
they could be called together at any time. At the time of
Cortez's visits they met daily. This council was, of course,
supreme in all questions coming before it; but every eighty days
there was a council extraordinary. This included the members of
the council proper, the war-chiefs of the four phratries, the
war-chiefs of the gentes, and the leading medicine men.
Any important cause could be reserved for this meeting, or, if
agreed upon, a reconsideration of a cause could be had. We must
understand that the tribal council could not interfere in any
matter referring solely to a gens; that would be settled by the
gens itself.
The important points to be noticed are, that it was an elective
body, representing independent groups, and that it had supreme
authority. But the tribes needed officers to execute the decrees
of the council. Speaking of the Northern tribes, Mr. Morgan
says, "In some Indian tribes, one of the sachems was recognized
as its head chief; and so superior in rank to his associates.
A need existed, to some extent for an official head of the
tribe, to represent it when the council was not in session.
But the duties and powers of the office were slight.
Although the council was superior in authority, it was rarely in
session, and questions might arise demanding the provisional
action of some one authorized to represent the tribe, subject to
the ratification of his acts by the council."<19>
This need was still more urgent among the Mexicans; accordingly
we find they elected two officials for this purpose. It seems
this habit of electing two chief executives was quite a common
one among the tribes of Mexico and Central America. We have
already noticed that the Mexican gentes elected two such
officers for their purpose. We are further told that the
Iroquois appointed two head war-chiefs to command the forces of
the confederacy.<20>
One of the chiefs so elected by the Mexicans bore the somewhat
singular title of "Snake-woman." He was properly the head-chief
of the Mexicans. He was chairman of the council and announced
its decrees. He was responsible to the council for the tribute
received, as far as it was applied to tribal requirements, and
for a faithful distribution of the remainder among the gentes.
When the forces of the confederacy went out to war, he commanded
the tribal forces of Mexico; but on other occasions this duty
was fulfilled by his colleague, who was the real war-chief of
the Mexicans. His title was "Chief-of-men." This is the official
who appears in history as the "King of Mexico," sometimes, even,
as "Emperor of Anahuac." The fact is, he was one of two equal
chiefs; he held an elective office, and was subordinate to
the council.
When the confederacy was formed, the command of its forces was
given to the war-chief of the Mexicans; thus he was something
more than a tribal officer. His residence was the official house
of the tribe. "He was to be present day and night at this abode,
which was the center wherein converged the threads of
information brought by traders, gatherers of tribute, scouts and
spies, as well as all messages sent to, or received from,
neighboring friendly or hostile tribes. Every such message came
directly to the 'Chief-of-men,' whose duty it was, before
acting, to present its import to the 'Snake-woman,' and, through
him, call together the council." He might be present at the
council, but his presence was not required, nor did his vote
weigh any more than any other member of the council, only, of
course, from the position he occupied, his opinion would be much
respected. He provided for the execution of the council's
conclusions. In case of warp he would call out the forces of the
confederacy for assistance. As the procurement of substance by
means of tribute was one of the great objects of the
confederacy, the gathering of it was placed under the control of
the war-chief, who was therefore the official head of the
tribute-gatherers.
We have thus very imperfectly and hastily sketched the
governmental organization of the Mexican tribe. It is something
very different from an empire. It was a democratic organization.
There was not an officer in it but what held his office by
election. This, to some, may seem improbable, because the
Spaniards have described a different state of things. We have
already mentioned one reason why they should do so--that was
their ignorance of Indian institutions. We must also consider
the natural bias of their minds. The rule of Charles the V was
any thing but liberal. It was a part of their education to
believe that a monarchical form of government was just the
thing; they were accordingly prepared to see monarchical
institutions, whether they existed or not.
Then there was the perfectly natural disposition to exaggerate
their achievements. To spread in Europe the report that they had
subverted a powerfully organized monarchy, having an emperor, a
full line of nobles, orders of chivalry, and a standing army,
certainly sounded much better than the plain statement that they
had succeeded in disjointing a loosely connected confederacy,
captured and put to death the head war chief of the principal
tribe, and destroyed the communal buildings of their pueblo.
We must not forget that, from an Indian point of view, the
confederacy was composed of rich and powerful tribes. This is
especially true of the Mexicans. The position they held, from a
defensive standpoint, was one of the strongest ever held by
Indians. They received a large amount of tribute from subject
tribes, along with the hearty hatred of the same. From the time
Cortez landed on the shore he had heard accounts of the wealth,
power, and cruelty of the Mexicans. When he arrived before
Mexico the "Chief-of-men," Montezuma, as representative of
tribal hospitality, went forth to meet him, extending "unusual
courtesies to unusual, mysterious, and therefore dreaded,
guests." We may well imagine that he was decked out in all the
finery his office could raise, and that he put on as much style
and "court etiquette" as their knowledge and manner of life
would stand.
The Spaniards immediately concluded that he was king, and so he
was given undue prominence. They subsequently learned of the
council, and recognized the fact that it was really the supreme
power. They learned of the office of "Snake-woman," and
acknowledged that his power was equal to that of the
"Chief-of-men." They even had some ideas of phratries and
gentes. But, having once made up their minds that this was a
monarchy, and Montezuma the monarch, they were loath to change
their views, or, rather, they tried to explain all on this
supposition, and the result is the confused and contradictory
accounts given of these officials and divisions of the people.
But every thing tending to add glory to the "Empire of
Montezuma" was caught up and dilated upon. And so have come down
to us the commonly accepted ideas of the government of the
ancient Mexicans.
That these views are altogether erroneous is no longer doubted
by some of the very best American scholars. The organization set
forth in this chapter is one not only in accord with the results
obtained by the latest research in the field of ancient society,
but a careful reading of the accounts of the Spanish writers
leads to the same conclusions.<21> In view of these now admitted
facts, it seems to us useless to longer speak of the government
of the Mexicans as that of an empire.
We have as yet said nothing of the league or confederacy of the
three tribes of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan; nor is it
necessary to dwell at any great length on this confederacy now.
They were perfectly independent of each other as regards tribal
affairs; and for the purpose of government, were organized in
exactly the same way as were the Mexicans. The stories told of
the glories, the riches, and power of the kings of Tezcuco, if
any thing, outrank those of Mexico. We may dismiss them as
utterly unreliable. Tribal organization resting on phratries and
gentes, and the consequent government by the council of the
tribe was all the Spaniards found. These three tribes, speaking
dialects of the same stock language, inhabiting contiguous
territory, formed a league for offensive and defensive purposes.
The commander-in-chief of the forces raised for this purpose was
the "Chief-of-men" of the Mexicans.
We have confined our researches to the Mexicans. Mr. Bandelier,
speaking of the tribes of Mexico, remarks: "There is no need of
proving the fact that the several tribes of the valley had
identical customs, and that their institutions had reached about
the same degree of development." Or if such proofs were needed,
Mr. Bancroft has furnished them. So that this state of society
being proven among the Mexicans, it may be considered as
established among the Nahua tribes. Neither is there any
necessity of showing that substantially the same state of
government existed among the Mayas of Yucatan. This is shown by
their architecture, by their early traditions, and by many
statements in the writings of the early historians. These can
only be understood and explained by supposing the same social
organization existed among them as among the Mexicans.
But this does not relegate these civilized nations to savagism.
On the other hand, it is exactly the form of government we would
expect to find among them. They were not further along than the
Middle Status of barbarism. They were slowly advancing on the
road that leads to civilization, and their form of government
was one exactly suited to their needs, and one in keeping with
their state of architecture. When we gaze at the ruins of their
material structures, we must consider that before us are not the
only ruins wrought by the Spaniards; the native institutions
were doomed as well. Traces of this early state of society are,
however, still recoverable, and we must study them well to learn
their secret.
We have yet before us a large field to investigate; that is, the
advance made in the arts of living among these people. This is
one of the principal objects of our present research. We are
here slightly departing from the prehistoric field, and entering
the domain of history. But the departure is justifiable, as it
serves to light up an extensive field, that is, the manner of
life among the civilized nations just before the coming of the
Spaniards. And first we will examine their customs in regard to
property. We have in a former chapter reverted to the influence
of commerce and trade in advancing culture. The desire for
wealth and property which is such a controlling power to-day was
one of the most efficient agents in advancing man from savagism
to civilization. The idea of property, which scarcely had an
existence during that period of savagism, had grown stronger
with every advance in culture. "Beginning in feebleness, it has
ended in becoming the master passion of the human mind."
The property of savages is limited to a few articles of personal
use; consequently, their ideas as to its value, and the
principles of inheritance, are feeble. They can scarcely be said
to have any idea as to property in lands, though the tribe may
lay claim to certain hunting-grounds as their own. As soon as
the organization of gens arose, we can see that it would affect
their ideas of property. The gens, we must remember, was the
unit of their social organization.
They had common rights, duties, and privileges, as well as
common supplies; and hence the idea arose that the property of
the members of a gens belonged to the gens. At the death of an
individual, his personal property would be divided among the
remaining members of the gens. "Practically," says Mr. Morgan,
"they were appropriated by the nearest of kin; but the principle
was general that the property should remain in the gens."<22>
That this is a true statement there is not the shadow of a
doubt. This was the general rule of inheritance among the Indian
tribes of North America. As time passed on, and the tribes
learned to cultivate the land, some idea of real property would
arise--but not of personal ownership.
This is quite an important topic; because, when we read of lords
with great estates, we are puzzled to know how to reconcile such
statements with what we now know of the nature of Mexican tribal
organization. Mr. Bandelier has lately gone over the entire
subject. He finds that the territory on which the Mexicans
originally settled was a marshy expanse of land which the
surrounding tribes did not value enough to claim.
This territory was divided among the four gentes of the tribe.
As we have already seen, each of these four gentes subsequently
split up into other independent gentes until there were twenty
in all. Each of these gens held and possessed a portion of the
original soil. This division of the soil must have been made by
tacit consent. The tribe claimed no ownership of these tracts,
still less did the head-chief. Furthermore, the only right the
gentes claimed in them was a possessory one. "They had no idea
of sale or barter, or conveyance, or alienation." As the members
of a gens stood on equal footing, this tract would be still
further divided for individual use. This division would be made
by the council of the gens. But we must notice the individual
acquired no other right to this tract of land than a right to
cultivate it--which right, if he failed to improve, he lost.
He could, however, have some one else to till it for him.
The son could inherit a father's right to a tract.
We have seen that the Mexicans had a great volume of tribal
business to transact, which required the presence of an official
household at the tecpan. Then the proper exercise of tribal
hospitality required a large store of provisions. To meet this
demand, certain tracts of the territory of each gens were set
aside to be worked by communal labor. Then, besides the various
officers of the gens, and the tribe, who, by reason of their
public duties, had no time to till the tracts to which, as
members of a gens, they would be entitled, had the same tilled
for them by communal labor. This was not an act of vassalage,
but a payment for public duties.
This is a very brief statement of their customs as regards
holding of lands. It gives us an insight into the workings of
ancient society. It shows us what a strong feature of this
society was the gens, and we see how necessary it is to
understand the nature of a gens before attempting to understand
ancient society. We see that, among the civilized nations of
Mexico and Central America, they had not yet risen to the
conception of ownership in the soil. No chief, or other officer,
held large estates. The possessory right in the soil was vested
in the gens composing the tribe, and they in turn granted to
individuals certain definite lots for the purpose of culture.
A chief had no more right in this direction than a common
warrior. We can easily see how the Spaniards made their mistake.
They found a community of persons holding land in common, which
the individuals could not alienate. They noticed one person
among them whom the others acknowledged as chief.
They immediately jumped to the conclusion that this chief was a
great "lord," that the land was a "feudal estate," and that the
persons who held it were "vassals" to the aforesaid "lord."<23>
We must now consider the subject of laws, and the methods of
enforcing justice amongst the civilized nations. The laws of the
Mexicans, like those of most barbarous people, are apt to strike
us as being very severe; but good reasons, according to their
way of thinking, exist for such severity. The gens is the unit
of social organization; which fact must be constantly borne in
mind in considering their laws. In civilized society, the State
assumes protection of person and property; but, in a tribal
state of society, this protection is afforded by the gens.
Hence, "to wrong a person was to wrong his gens; and to support
a person was to stand behind him with the entire array of his
gentile kindred."
The punishment for theft varied according to the value of the
article stolen. If it were small and could be returned, that
settled the matter. In cases of greater value it was different.
In some cases the thief became bondsman for the original owner.
In still others, he suffered death. This was the case where he
stole articles set aside for religion--such as gold and silver,
or captives taken in war; or, if the theft were committed in the
market-place. Murder and homicide were always punished with
death. According to their teaching, there was a great gulf
between the two sexes. Hence, for a person of one sex to assume
the dress of the other sex was an insult to the whole gens--the
penalty was death. Drunkenness was an offense severely
punished--though aged persons could indulge their appetite, and,
during times of festivities, others could. Chiefs and other
officials were publicly degraded for this crime. Common warriors
had their heads shaved in punishment.
These various penalties necessarily suppose judicial officers to
determine the offense and decree the punishment. Having
established, on a satisfactory basis, the Mexican empire, the
historians did not scruple to fit it out with the necessary
working machinery of such an organization. Accordingly we are
presented with a judiciary as nicely proportioned as in the most
favored nations of to-day. But when, under the more searching
light of modern scholarship, this empire is seen to be something
quite different, we find the whole judicial machinery to be a
much more simple affair.
Not much need be added on this point to what we have already
mentioned. Each gens, through its council, would regulate its
own affairs, and would punish all offenses against the law
committed by one of its members against another. Of necessity
the decision of this council had to be final. There was no
appeal from its decision. The council of the tribe had
jurisdiction in all other cases--such as might arise between
members of different gentes, or among outcasts not connected
with any gens, or such as were committed on territory not
belonging to any gens.
For this work, the twenty chiefs composing the council were
subdivided into two bodies, sitting simultaneously in the
different halls of the tecpan. This division was for the purpose
of greater dispatch in business. They did not form a higher and
lower court, with power of the one to review the decisions of
the other. They were equal in power and the decisions of both
were final. The decision of the council, when acting in a
judicial capacity, would be announced by their foreman, who was,
as we have seen, the head-chief of the Mexicans--the
Snake-woman. It is for this act that the historian speaks of him
as the supreme judge, and makes him the head of judicial
authority.<24> His decisions were, of course, final, not because
he made them, but because they were the conclusions of
the council.
The "Chief-of-men," the so-called "king," did not properly have
any judicial authority. He was their war-chief, and not a judge;
but from the very nature of his office he had some powers in
this direction. As commander-in-chief, he possessed authority to
summarily punish (with death, if necessary) acts of
insubordination and treachery during war. It was necessary to
clothe him with a certain amount of discretionary power for the
public good. Thus, the first runner that arrived from the coast
with news of the approach of the European ships was, by the
order of Montezuma, placed in confinement. "This was done to
keep the news secret until the matter could be investigated, and
was therefore a preliminary measure of policy." Placed at the
tecpan as the official head of the tribe, he had power to
appoint his assistants. But this power to appoint implied equal
power to remove, and to punish.<25>
This investigation into their laws and methods of enforcing
them, carries us to the conclusion already arrived at. It is in
full keeping with what we would expect of a people in the Middle
Status of barbarism. We also see how little real foundation
there is for the view that this was a monarchy. There is no
doubt but that the pueblo of Mexico was the seat of one of the
largest and most powerful tribes, and the leading member of one
of the most powerful confederacies that had ever existed
in America.
It may be of interest for us to inquire as to what was the real
extent of this power, and the means employed by the Mexicans to
maintain this power; also how they had succeeded in attaining
the same. They were not by nature more gifted than the
surrounding tribes. The valley of Mexico is an upland basin.
It is oval in form, surrounded by ranges of mountains, rising
one above the other, with depressions between. The area of the
valley itself is about sixteen hundred square miles.
The Mexicans were the last one of the seven kindred tribes who
styled themselves, collectively, the Nahuatlacs. We treat of
them as the Nahuas.
The Nahuas on the north and the Mayas on the south included the
civilized nations. When the Mexicans arrived in this valley,
they found the best situations already occupied by other tribes
of their own family. To escape persecution from these, they fled
into the marsh or swamp which then covered the territory which
they subsequently converted into their stronghold. Here on a
scanty expanse of dry soil, surrounded by extensive marshes,
they erected their pueblo. Being few in numbers they were
overlooked as insignificant, and thus they had a chance to
improve their surroundings. They increased the area of dry land
by digging ditches, and throwing the earth from the same on the
surrounding surface, and thus elevated it. In reality, in the
marshes that surrounded their pueblo was their greatest source
of strength. "They realized that while they might sally with
impunity, having a safe retreat behind them, an attack upon
their position was both difficult and dangerous for the
assailant." They were, therefore, strong enough for purposes of
defense. But they wished to open up communication with the
tribes living on the shore of the great marsh in the midst of
which they had their settlement. For this purpose they applied
to their near and powerful neighbors, the Tecpanics, for the use
of one of the springs on their territory, and for the privilege
of trade and barter in their market. This permission was given
in consideration that the Mexicans become the weaker allies of
the Tecpanics, that is, pay a moderate tribute and render
military assistance when called upon.
The Pueblo of Mexico now rapidly increased in power.
Communication being opened with the mainland, it was visited by
delegates from other tribes, and especially by traders.
They fully perceived the advantages of their location and
improved the same. By the erection of causeways, they entirely
surrounded their pueblo with an artificial pond of large extent.
To allow for the free circulation of the water, sluices were
cut, interrupting these causeways at several places.
Across these openings wooden bridges were placed which could be
easily removed in times of danger.
Thus it was that they secured one of the strongest defensive
positions ever held by Indians. The Tecpanics had been the
leading power in the valley, but the Mexicans now felt
themselves strong enough to throw off the yoke of tribute to
which they were subject. In the war that ensued the power of the
Tecpanics was broken, and the Mexicans became at once one of the
leading powers of the valley. We must notice, however, that the
Mexicans did not gain any new territory, except the locality of
their spring. Neither did they interfere at all in the
government of the Tecpanics. They simply received tribute
from them.
Once started on their career of conquest, the Mexicans,
supported by allies, sought to extend their power. The result
was that soon they had subdued all of the Nahua tribes of the
valley except one, that was a tribe located at Tezcuco.
This does not imply that they had become masters of the
territory of the valley. When a modern nation or state conquers
another, they often add that province to their original domain,
and extend over it their code of laws. This is the nature of the
conquests of ancient Rome. The territory of the conquered
province became part of the Roman Empire. They became subject to
the laws of Rome. Public, works were built under the direction
of the conquerors, and they were governed from Rome or by
governors appointed from there.
Nothing of this kind is to be understood by a conquest by the
Mexicans, and it is necessary to understand this point clearly.
When they conquered a tribe, they neither acquired nor claimed
any right to or power over the territory of the tribe. They did
not concern themselves at all with the government of the tribe.
In that respect the tribe remained free and independent.
No garrisons of troops were stationed in their territory to keep
them in subjection; no governors were appointed to rule over
them. What the Mexicans wanted was tribute, and in case of war
they could call on them for troops. Secure in their pueblo
surrounded by water, they could sally out on the less fortunate
tribes who chose to pay tribute rather than to be subject to
such forays.
Instead of entering into a conflict with the tribe at Tezcuco,
the result of which might have been doubtful, a military
confederacy was formed, into which was admitted the larger part
of the old Tecpanic tribe that had their chief pueblo at
Tlacopan. The definite plan of this confederacy is unknown.
Each of the three tribes was perfectly independent in the
management of its own affairs. Each tribe could make war on its
own account if it wished, but in case it did not feel strong
enough alone, it could call on the others for assistance.
When the force of the confederacy went out to war, the command
was given to the war chief of the Mexicans, the "Chief-of-men."
If a member of the confederacy succeeded in reducing by its own
efforts a tribe to tribute, it had the full benefit of such
conquest. But when the entire confederacy had been engaged in
such conquest, the tribute was divided into five parts, of which
two went to Mexico, two to Tezcuco, and one to Tlacopan.
This co-partnership for the purpose of securing tribute by the
three most powerful tribes of the valley, under the leadership
of Mexico, was formed about the year 1426, just about one
hundred years from the date of the first appearance of the
Mexicans in the valley.
From this time to the date of the Spanish conquest in 1520, the
confederate tribes were almost constantly at war with the
surrounding Indians, "and particularly with the feeble village
Indians southward from the valley of Mexico to the Pacific, and
thence eastward well towards Guatemala. They began with those
nearest in position, whom they overcame, through superior
numbers, and concentrated action, and subjected to tribute.
These forays were continued from time to time for the avowed
object of gathering spoil, imposing tribute and capturing
prisoners for sacrifice, until the principal tribes within the
area named, with some exceptions, were subdued and
made tributary.<26>
The territory of these tribes, thus subject to tribute,
constitutes what is generally known as the Mexican Empire.<27>
But, manifestly, it is an abuse of language to so designate this
territory. No attempt was made for the formation of a State
which would include the various groups of aborigines settled in
the area tributary to the confederacy. "No common or mutual tie
connected these numerous and diverse tribes," excepting hatred
of the Mexican confederacy. The tribes were left independent
under their own chiefs. They well knew the tribute must be
forthcoming, or else they would feel the weight of their
conquerors' displeasure. But such a domination of the strong
over the weak, for no other reason than to enforce an unwilling
tribute, can never form a nation, or an empire.<28>
These subject tribes, held down by heavy burdens--inspired by
enmity, ever ready to revolt--gave no new strength to the
confederacy: they were rather an element of weakness.
The Spaniards were not slow to take advantage of this state of
affairs. The tribes of Vera Cruz, who could have imposed an
almost impassable barrier to their advance through that section,
were ready to welcome them as deliverers.<29> The Tlascaltecans,
though never made tributary to the Mexicans, had to wage almost
unceasing war for fifty years preceding the coming of the
Spaniards. Without their assistance, Cortez would never have
passed into history as the conqueror of Mexico.
A word as to the real power of the Mexicans. Their strength lay
more in their defensive position than any thing else. As we have
just stated, the entire forces of the confederacy were unable to
subject the Tlascaltecans, the Tarasca of Michhuacan were fully
their equal in wealth and power. The most disastrous defeat that
ever befell the forces of the confederacy was on the occasion of
their attack upon this last-named people in 1479. They fled from
the battle-field in consternation, and never cared to renew the
attempt. As to the actual population of the Pueblo of Mexico,
the accounts are very much at variance. Mr. Morgan, after taking
account of their barbarous condition of life--without flocks and
herds, and without field agriculture, but also considering the
amount of tribute received from other tribes--considers that an
estimate of two hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants in the
entire valley would be an excessive number. Of these he would
assign thirty thousand to the Pueblo of Mexico.<30>
This is but an estimate. In this connection we are informed,
that, when the forces of the confederacy marched against
Michhuacan, as just stated, they counted their forces, and found
them to be twenty-four thousand men. This includes the forces of
the three confederate tribes, and their allies in the valley,
and would indicate a population below Mr. Morgan's estimate.
The Spanish writers have left statements as to the population
of Mexico which are, evidently, gross exaggerations. The most
moderate estimate is sixty thousand inhabitants; but the
majority of the writers increase this number to three
hundred thousand.
The main occupation of the Aztecs, then, was to enforce the
payment of tribute. From the limited expanse of territory at the
disposal of the Mexicans, and the unusually large number of
inhabitants for an aboriginal settlement, as well as the natural
inclination of the Mexicans, they were obliged to draw their
main supplies from tributary tribes. It is human for the strong
to compel the weak to serve them. The inhabitants of North
America were not behind in this respect.<31> This is especially
true of the civilized tribes of Mexico and Central America.
The confederacy of the three most powerful tribes of Mexico was
but a copartnership for the avowed purpose of compelling tribute
from the surrounding tribes, and they were cruel and merciless
in exacting the same.
Our information in regard to this tribute is derived almost
entirely from a collection of picture writings, known as the
Mendoza collection, which will be described more particularly
when we describe their picture writings. The confederacy was
never at a loss for an excuse to pounce upon a tribe and reduce
them to tribute. Sometimes the tribe marked out for a prey,
knowing their case to be hopeless, submitted at once when the
demand was made; but, whether they yielded with or without a
struggle, the result was the same--that is, a certain amount of
tribute was imposed on them. This tribute consisted of articles
which the tribe either manufactured, or was in situation to
acquire by means of trade or war; but, in addition to this, it
also included the products of their limited agriculture.
The same distribution of land obtained among all the civilized
tribes that we have already sketched among the Mexicans. So, a
portion of the territory of each conquered tribe would be set
aside to be cultivated for the use of the confederacy. But, as
the tribe did not have any land of its own, except for some
official purpose, this implies that each gens would have to set
aside a small part of its territory for such purpose. Such lots
Mr. Bandelier calls tribute lots. These were worked by the
gentes for the benefit of the Mexicans. It is to be noticed
right here, that the Mexicans did not claim to own or control
the land; this right remained in the gentes of the
conquered tribe.
The miscellaneous articles demanded were generally such that
they bore some relation to the natural resources of the pueblo.
For instance: pueblos along the coast, in the warm region of
country, had to furnish cotton cloth, many thousand bundles of
fine feathers, sacks of cocoa, tiger-skins, etc. In other, and
favorable locations for such products, the pueblos had to
furnish such articles as sacks of lime, reeds for building
purposes, smaller reeds for the manufacture of darts.
Illustration of Tribute Sheet.--------------
These facts are ascertained in the Mendoza collection. We are
given there the pictorial symbol, or coat-of-arms, of various
pueblos; also, a pictorial representation of the tribute they
wore expected to pay. The plate is a specimen of their tribute
rolls. The pueblos paying it are not, however, shown.
Considerable can be learned from a study of this collection
--such, for instance, as that the Pueblo of Chala had to pay a
tribute of forty little bells, and eighty copper ax blades.<32>
And, in another place, we learn that the Pueblo of Yzamatitan
was tributary to eight thousand reams of paper. The articles are
here pictured forth; the number is indicated by the flags,
feathers, etc. The tribute of provisions consisted of such
articles as corn, beans, cocoa, red-pepper, honey, and
salt--amounting in all, according to this collection<33> to
about six hundred thousand bushels. Still it will not do to
place too great a reliance on picture records. The number of
tributary pueblos must have been constantly changing.
The quantity of articles intended for clothing was certainly
very great. A moderate quantity of gold was also collected from
a few pueblos, where this was obtainable.
The collection of this tribute was one of the most important
branches of government among the Mexicans. The vanquished stood
in peril of their lives if they failed to keep their part of the
contract. In the first place, the Mexicans took from each
subject tribe hostages for the punctual payment of tribute.
These hostages were taken to the Pueblo of Mexico, and held
there as slaves; their lives were forfeited if the tribute was
refused.<34> But special officers were also assigned to the
subject tribes, whose duty it was to see that the tribute was
properly gathered and transmitted to Mexico. These stewards or
tribute gatherers, are the officers that the early writers
mistook for governors. Their sole business, however, had to do
with the collection of the tribute, and they did not interfere
at all in the internal affairs of the tribe.
Where the forces of the confederacy had conquered a tribe, but
one steward was required to tend to the tribute, but each of the
confederate tribes sent their representative to such pueblos as
had become their own prey, and as sometimes occurred, one pueblo
paid tribute to each of the confederate tribes, it had to submit
to the presence among them of three separate stewards.
We can easily enough see that it required men of ability to fill
this position. They were to hold their residence in the midst of
a tribe who were conquered, but held in subjection only by fear.
To these people they were the constant reminder of defeat and
disgrace. They were expected to watch them closely and report to
the home tribe suspicious movements or utterances that might
come to their notice. We need not wonder that these stewards
were the tokens of chiefs. It was a part of their duty to
superintend the removal of the tribute from the place where
gathered to the Pueblo of Mexico. The tribe paying tribute were
expected to deliver it at Mexico, but under the supervision of
the steward. Arrived at Mexico the tribute was received, not by
the so-called king, the Chief-of-men, but by the Snake-woman, or
an officer to whom this personage delegated his authority.
This officer was the chief steward, and made the final division
of the tribute. We are not informed as to details of this
division. A large part of it was reserved for the use of the
tribal government. It was upon this store that the Chief-of-men
could draw when supplies were needed for tribal hospitality or
for any special purpose. The stores required for the temple, its
priests and keepers were gathered from this source. The larger
division must have gone direct to the stewards of the gentes,
who would set some aside for their official uses, some for
religion or medicine, but the larger part would be divided among
the members of the gentes.
In our review of the social system of the Mexicans we have
repeatedly seen how the organization of gentes influenced and
even controled all the departments of their social and political
system. One of the cardinal principles, we must remember, is
that all the members of a gens stand on an equal footing.
In keeping with this we have seen that all were trained as
warriors; yet the great principle of the division of labor was
at work. Some filled in their leisure during times of peace by
acting as traders; others became proficient in some branch of
work, such as feather work, or making gold and silver ornaments.
Yet under a gentile system of society, persons practising such
callings could never become very rich or proficient, simply
because, being members of different gentes, there could not be
that cooperation and united efforts among workmen in these
various trades and callings that is necessary to advance them to
the highest proficiency. It required the breaking up of the
gentes and substituting for that group a smaller one, our modern
family, as the unit of social organization, before great
progress could be made.
From what we have just said it follows that it is not at all
likely that there was any great extremes in the condition of the
people. No very wealthy or extremely poor classes. This brings
us to consider the condition of trade and commerce among
them. They had properly no such a thing as money, so their
commerce must have consisted of barter or trade and exchange.
Some authorities assert quite positively that they had money,
and mention as articles used for such purposes grains of cacao,
"T" shaped pieces of tin or copper, and quills of gold dust.<35>
But Mr. Bandelier has shown that the word barter properly
designates the transactions where such articles passed. But this
absence of money shows us at once that the merchants of Mexico
were simply traders who made their living by gathering articles
from a distance to exchange for home commodities.
We are given some very entertaining accounts of the wealth and
magnificence of the "merchant princes of Mexico."<36> It needs
but a moment's consideration of the state of society to show how
little foundation there is for such accounts. Mr. Bancroft also
tells us that "throughout the Nahua dominions commerce was in
the hands of a distinct class, educated for their calling, and
everywhere honored by the people and by kings. In many regions
the highest nobles thought it not disgraceful to engage in
commercial pursuits."
Though we do not believe there is any foundation for this
statement, yet trading is an important proceeding among
sedentary tribes. "The native is carried over vast distances,
from which he returns with a store of knowledge, which is made a
part of his mythology and rites, while his personal adventures
become a part of the folk lore."<37> It was their principal way
of learning of the outside world. It was held in equally high
esteem among the Mexicans. Such an expedition was not in reality
a private, but a tribal undertaking. Its members not only
carried into distant countries articles of barter, but they also
had to observe the customs, manners, and resources of the people
whom they visited. Clothed with diplomatic attributes, they were
often less traders than spies. Thus they cautiously felt their
way from tribe to tribe, from Indian fair to Indian fair,
exchanging their stuff for articles not produced at home, all
the while carefully noting what might be important to their own
tribe. It was a highly dangerous mission; frequently they never
returned, being waylaid or treacherously butchered even while
enjoying the hospitality of a pueblo in which they had
been bartering."
We may be sure the setting out of such an expedition would be
celebrated in a formal manner.<38> The safe return was also an
important and joyful event. The reception was almost equal to
that afforded to a victorious war-party. After going to the
temple to adore the idol, they were taken before the council to
acquaint them with whatever they had learned of importance on
their trip. In addition to this, their own gens would give
them appropriate receptions. From the nature of things but
little profit remained to the trader. They had no beasts of
burden, and they must bring back their goods by means of
carriers; and the number of such men were limited. Then their
customs demanded that the most highly prized articles should be
offered up for religious purposes; besides, the tribe and the
gens each came in for a share. But the honors given were almost
as great as those won in war.
The Mexicans had regular markets. This, as we have already
stated, was on territory that belonged to the tribe; not to any
one gens alone. Hence the tribal officers were the ones to
maintain order. The chiefs of the four phratries were charged
with this duty. The market was open every day, but every fifth
was a larger market.<39> They do not seem to have had weights,
but counted or measured their articles. In these markets, or
fairs, which would be attended by traders from other tribes,
who, on such occasions, were the guests of the Mexicans, and
lodged in the official house, would be found the various
articles of native manufacture: cloth, ornaments, elaborate
featherwork, pottery, copper implements and ornaments, and a
great variety of articles not necessary to enumerate.
We must now briefly consider their arts and manufactures.
Stone was the material principally used for their weapons and
implements. They were essentially in their Stone Age.
Their knives, razors, lancets, spear and arrowheads were simply
flakes of obsidian. These implements could be produced very
cheaply, but the edge was quickly spoiled. Axes of different
varieties of flint were made. They also used flint to carve the
sculptured stones which we have described in the preceding
chapter. They also had some way of working these big blocks of
stone used in building. But they were not unacquainted with
metals--the ornamental working of gold and silver had been
carried to quite a high pitch. Were we to believe all the
accounts given us of their skill in that direction, we would
have to acknowledge they were the most expert jewelers known.
How they cast or moulded their gold ornaments is unknown.
They were also acquainted with other metals, such as copper,
tin, and lead. But we can not learn for what purpose they used
lead or tin, or where they obtained it.<40>
Cortez, in one of his letters, speaks of the use of small pieces
of tin as money. But we have already seen that the natives had
not risen to the conception of money. They certainly had copper
tools, and bronze ones. It seems, however, that their bronze was
a natural production and not an artificial one--that is to say,
the ores of copper found in Mexico contain more or less gold,
silver, and tin. So, if melted, just as nature left them, the
result would be the production of bronze.<41> They were then
ignorant of the knowledge of how to make bronze artificially.
This shows us that they had not attained to a true Bronze Age;
and yet the discovery could not have been long delayed.
Sooner or later they would have found out that tin and copper
melted together would produce the light copper that experience
had taught them was the most valuable.
Illustration of Yucatan Axes.---------------
The most important tool they made of copper was the ax. The ax,
in both Mexico and Yucatan, was made as represented in this
illustration. From their shape and mode of hafting them, we see
at once they are simply models of the stone ax; and this recalls
what we learned of the Bronze Age in Europe. At first they
contented themselves with copying the forms in stone.
Illustrations of Carpenter's Ax, Mexican Carpenter, and
Copper Tool.------------------------
Nature, everywhere, conducts her children by the same means to
the same ends. This form of ax is a representation of a
carpenter's hatchet. The next cut is from the Mendoza
collection, and represents a carpenter at work. He holds one of
these hatchets in his hand, and is shaping a stick of timber.
The other cut represents a form of copper tool found in Oaxaca,
where they were once used in abundance. The supposition is that
this implement was used for agricultural purposes--probably as a
hoe. The pieces of T-shaped copper said to have been used as
money, are diminutive forms of this same tool. The statement is
sometimes made that they had a way of hardening copper. "This,"
says Mr. Valentine, "is a hypothesis, often noted and spoken of,
but which ranges under the efforts made for explaining what we
have no positive means to verify or to ascertain." The presence
of metals necessarily implies some skill in mining; but their
ability to mine was certainly very limited. Gold and silver were
collected by washing the sands. We do not know how copper was
mined; the probabilities are that this was done in a very
superficial way. Whenever, by chance, they discovered a vein of
copper, they probably worked it to an easy depth, and then
abandoned it. M. Charney speaks of one such locality, discovered
in 1873. In this case they had made an opening eleven feet long,
five feet wide, and three feet deep. To judge from appearances,
they first heated the rock, and then perhaps sprinkled it with
water, and thus caused it to split up.<42> This is about all we
can discover of their Metallic Age. It falls very far short of
the knowledge of metallurgy enjoyed by the Europeans of the
Bronze Age; and, with the exception of working gold and silver,
it was not greatly in advance of the powers of the North
American aborigines.<43> Certainly no trace of mining has been
discovered at all on the scale of the ancient mines in Michigan.
A few words as to some of their other arts, and we will pass on
to other topics. In manufacturing native pottery, they are
spoken of as having great skill. The sedentary Indians
everywhere were well up in that sort of work.<44> They knew how
to manufacture cotton cloth, as well as cloth from other
articles. We have stated that paper furnished an important
article of tribute. They made several kinds of paper. One author
states that they made paper from the membrane of trees--from the
substance that grows beneath the upper bark.<45> But they also
used for this purpose a plant, called the maguey plant. This was
a very valuable plant to the aborigines, since we are told that
the natives managed to extract nearly as great a variety of
useful articles from it as does an inhabitant of the East Indies
from his cocoa palm. Amongst other articles, they made paper.
For this paper, we are told, "the leaves were soaked, putrefied,
and the fibers washed, smoothed, and extended for the
manufacture of thin as well as thick paper."<46>
They used feathers for plumes, fans, and trimmings for clothing.
The articles the Spaniards are most enthusiastic in praising is
that variety of work known as feather mosaic. They took very
great pains with this sort of work. The workman first took a
piece of cloth, stretched it, and painted on it, in brilliant
colors, the object he wished to reproduce. Then, with his bunch
of feathers before him, he carefully took feather after feather,
arranging them according to size, color, and other details, and
glued each feather to the cloth. The Spanish writers assert that
sometimes a whole day was consumed in properly choosing and
adjusting one delicate feather, the artist patiently
experimenting until the hue and position of the feather, viewed
from different points, and under different lights, became
satisfactory to his eye.<47>
This disregard of time is a thoroughly Indian trait of
character. Years would be spent in the manufacture of a choice
weapon. The impression is given that these feather-workers
formed a craft, or order, and that they lived by themselves.
But this would be such an innovation on the workings of the gens
that there is probably no foundation for it.
We will now consider the subject of religion. We can never judge
of the real state of culture of a people by their advance in the
arts of government and of living alone. Constituted as men are,
they can not help evolving, in the course of time, religious
conceptions, and the result is that almost all the races and
tribes of men have some system of belief, or, at any rate, some
manner of accounting for the present condition of affairs, and
some theory as to a future state. It is true that these theories
and beliefs are often very foolish and childish, still they are
not on that account devoid of interest. From our present
standpoint, we can clearly see that the religions belief of a
people is a very good index of their culture. At first such
conceptions are necessarily rude, but as the people advanced in
culture, they become clearer.
Fearing that we will be misunderstood in the last statement, we
will state to whom it applies. The Christian world hold that God
revealed himself to his chosen people, and that we draw from his
Word what is permitted mortals to know of his government and the
future world. We make no question but that this is true.
But long before there was a Hebrew people there was a
Paleolithic race, who doubtless had some vague, shadowy, ill
defined idea of supernatural power, and sought, in some
infantile way, to appease the same. Afterwards, but long before
the glories of Solomon, a Neolithic people were living in
Palestine, and the same culture was wide-spread over the world.
To this day a large part of the world's inhabitants have never
so much as heard of the Christian religion. It is to such people
that we especially refer.
The religious beliefs of the Indians have not been fully studied
as yet; but, until that is done, it is scarcely possible to
understand and fully weigh what is said as to the religious
beliefs of the Mexicans. What we can discern of the religion of
the Nahua and Maya tribes shows us that it is not at all
probable they had reached a stage of development in which they
had any idea of One Supreme, Over-ruling Power. But our scholars
differ on that point, many contending that the Mexicans
distinctly affirmed the existence of such a God.<48> To form
such conceptions implies a power of reasoning on abstract topics
that is vain to expect of a people in their state of
development. We think, therefore, that the idea that they had
such a belief, arises from a misconception. Let us see if we can
discover how that was.
Nearly all of the North American tribes had some word to express
supernatural power. The Iroquois used for this purpose the words
"oki" and "otkon."<49> The first meaning of these words is
"above." As used by these Indians, however, they expressed the
working of any unseen, mysterious, and, therefore, to them,
supernatural power. There was, however, no idea of personality
or of unity about it. Other Indian tribes had words to express
the same meaning. The English and French explorers translated
these words into their languages in various ways. The most
common is the rather absurd one of "medicine," which has passed
into common use. Thus, to mention one in very frequent use, we
have the expression "Medicine-men"--meaning their priests and
conjurers. The same custom prevailed among the higher class of
sedentary Indians of Mexico and Central America. The Aztecs used
the word "teotl" to express the name meaning; the Mayas, the
word "ku;" the Peruvians, "huaca." But the word used, in each
case, meant not so much a personal supreme-being as it did an
ill-defined sense of supernatural, mysterious power. This point
not being clearly understood, it was quite natural that the
early writers understood by these various expressions their name
of the First Cause.
In the present state of our knowledge, it is certainly very hard
to give an intelligent statement of the religious conceptions of
the Maya and Nahua tribes. Among the Nahuas, their conception of
creative power was that of a pair--a man and wife. These were
not the active agents, however--they engendered four sons, who
were the creators. This seems to be a widely extended form of
tradition. Two authors, writing about fifty years after the
conquest, speak of the four principal deities and statues.
They had a great many idols besides--but four were the
principal ones.
It would be very satisfactory could we frame some theory to
account for this state of things. If we could only be sure that
each god was symbolic of some of the elements--or, if we could
only say that this was but another instance of the use of the
number "four"--and thus connect them with the cardinal points,
it would be very satisfactory to many. The amount of study that
has been bestowed on this question is very great, and it is very
far from being settled. Each of these four was the principal, or
guardian, deity of a particular tribe.<50> All of these appear
in native traditions as historical personages, as well as
deities. It is for this reason that Mr. Bandelier concludes that
the "four principal gods were deified men, whose lives and
actions became mixed up with the vague ideas of natural forces
and phenomena."<51>
As prominent a figure as any in Central American Mythology is
Quetzalcohuatl; and we can form a good idea of the force of the
preceding remarks by considering this case. The name is a
compound of two words, "quetzal-cohuatl"--and is, says Mr.
Bandelier, a fair specimen of an Indian personal name. He tells
us that the meaning is "bright," or "shining snake." Others have
translated it, "feathered serpent." We have referred to the
attempt to show that the tablet of the cross, at Palenque, had
reference to him. Those who think he was the nature-god of the
Nahuas find a great deal of significance in the name.<52>
Mr. Bandelier, after carefully considering all reference to him
by the early writers, shows that it is quite as likely that
Quetzalcohuatl "was a man of note, whose memory was afterward
connected with dim cosmological notions." It is plain that our
idea of the culture of the Mexicans will vary according as we
consider the base of this myth to be a man, or the forces in
nature producing the fertilizing summer rain.<53>
The worship of Quetzalcohuatl was very widely extended; but it
was mostly confined to the Nahua tribes. But there are somewhat
similar traditions among the Maya tribes; and this is one of
those few points which, like the similarity of their calendar
systems, seems to point to a close connection in early times.
The Quiches have a very similar myth. Briefly, it is to the
effect that four principal gods created the world. One of these
was named Gucumatz--meaning, also, shining, or brilliant snake.
Some think that this is the same personage as Quetzalcohuatl,
and from this fact show how true it is that the operations of
the forces of nature everywhere affect the minds of men in a
similar manner.<54> Others will not, however, go as far as this,
and will only say there is a similarity between the two
characters. The tribes in Yucatan also have a tradition of
Cuculcan, whose name means the same as the two already
mentioned. The authority who refers to him speaks of him only as
a man. The Quiche legend, already referred to, speaks of
Gucumatz only as a god. The Nahua traditions of Quetzalcohuatl,
as we have seen, are confused accounts of a man and a god.
The traditions having reference to the earthly career of
Quetzalcohuatl represent him as having considerable to do with
Tulla and Cholula. At Tulla he appears in the light of a great
medicine-man, or priest; at Cholula, as a sachem. Still other
traditions represent him as a great and successful warrior.
None of these characters are incompatible with the others, from
an Indian point of view. These traditions are so hopelessly
confused, that it is doubtful if any thing of historical value
can be gained from them. As a deity, he was worshiped as god of
the air or wind. Why he should be so considered is answered in
various ways. If, reasoning from his name, we choose to believe
he is a nature-god--as such standing for the thunder-storm,
clouds of summer--then, as the winds "sweep the path for the
rain-clouds," he would be considered their god. Also, following
out this line of thought, we can see how, as the god which
brings the fertilizing summer rain, he would be considered the
god of wealth, and the patron deity of traders.
We must not lose sight of the fact that all these traditions are
most woefully mixed; that, since the conquest, many ideas from
other than native sources have been engrafted on them; and,
furthermore, that other explanations that are worth considering
can be presented. The horticultural tribe located at Cholula had
Quetzalcohuatl for their tutelar deity. Their crops depend upon
the timely descent of the rain. What more natural than that they
should regard such rains as sent by him? This pueblo was also
famous for its fairs. "By its geographical position, its natural
products, and the industry of its people," it became a great
trading market. Near it was raised cochineal dye, in large
quantities. This was eagerly sought after by traders from a
distance. Cholula was also famous for its pottery.
The Tlaxcaltecos told Cortez that the inhabitants of Cholula
were a tribe of traders; what more natural, then, than that
their tutelar deity should become, in the eyes of foreign
tribes, the god of traders.<55>
Quetzalcohuatl was but one of the four principal gods.
The tutelar deity of the Mexicans was Huitzilopochtli.
His altars were almost daily wet with the blood of sacrificed
victims. No important war was undertaken, except with many
ceremonies he was duly honored. If time were so short that
proper care could not be bestowed on the ceremonies, then there
was a kind of deputy god that could be served in a hurried
manner that would suffice.<56> After a successful battle, the
captives were conducted at once to his temple, and made to
prostrate themselves before his image. In times of great public
danger, the great drum in his temple was beaten. The Spaniards,
by dire experience, knew well the meaning of that awful sound.
Illustration of Huitzilopochtli.------------
The plate represents what was probably the idol of
Huitzilopochtli. "It was brought to light in grading the Plaza
Mayor in the City of Mexico in August, 1790. It was near the
place where the great Teocalli stood, and where the principal
monuments of Mexico were. They were thrown down at the time of
the conquest and buried from sight. It is an immense block of
bluish-gray porphyry, about ten feet high and six feet wide and
thick, sculptured on front, rear, top and bottom, into a most
complicated and horrible combination of animal, human, and ideal
forms."<57> This idol is generally stated to be that of the
goddess of death. But Mr. Bandelier, after carefully reviewing
all the authorities, concludes that it represents the well-known
war-god of the Mexican tribe.<58>
To properly conduct the services in honor of these various gods,
required established rites and a priesthood. What we call
"Medicine men" wizards, and names of similar import among the
northern tribes, were more correctly priests. There was no tribe
of Indians so poor but what they had these priests. But we would
expect this office to increase more in power and importance
among the southern Indians. Among the Iroquois, we are told each
gens elected certain "keepers of the faith." These included
persons both male and female. Their principal duty was to see
that the feast days were properly celebrated. From what we know
of the gens we feel confident that they would be perfectly,
independent in religious matters as well as in other respects.
Consequently it is not probable that there was even in Mexico
any hereditary caste of priests.<59>
However set aside, or chosen, or elected, we have every reason
to believe that the organization of the priesthood was
systematic. The aspirant for the office had to acquaint himself
with the songs and prayers used in public worship, the national
traditions, their principles of astrology, so as to tell the
lucky and unlucky days. When admitted to the priesthood, their
rank was doubtless determined by meritorious actions.
Successes in war would contribute to this result as well as
sanctity, a priest who had captured several prisoners ranking
higher than one who had captured but one, and this last higher
than the unfortunate who had taken none.<60> We must not forget
that war was the duty of all among the Mexicans. The priests
were not in all cases exempt; part of their duties may have been
to care for the wounded. It is not likely that the priests of
any one god ranked any higher than the priests of others, or had
any authority over them.
This body of priests of whom we have just treated concerned
themselves a great deal with the social life of the Mexicans,
and their power was doubtless great. Their duties commenced with
the birth of the child, and continued through life. No important
event of any kind was undertaken without duly consulting the
priests to see if the day selected was a lucky one. The Nahuas
were, like all Indians, very superstitious, so there was plenty
of work cut out for the priests. Into their hands was committed
the art of explaining dreams, fortune-telling, astrology, and
the explanation of omens and signs. Such as the flight and songs
of birds, the sudden appearance of wild animals; in short, any
unexpected or unusual event, was deemed of sufficient importance
to require in its explanation priestly learning. In addition
there was the regular routine of feasts.<61> We have seen what a
multitude of gods the Nahuas worshiped. Like all Indian people,
they were very fond of feasts and gatherings of that character;
therefore feast days in honor of some one of the numerous
deities were almost constantly in order, and every month or two
were feasts of unusual importance. The most acceptable sacrifice
to these gods, and without which no feast of any importance was
complete, was human life.
This introduces us to the most cruel trait of their character.
It was not alone true of the Mexicans, but of all the Nahua
tribes and of the Mayas, though in a less degree. On every
occasion of the least importance victims were sacrificed.
Any unusual event was celebrated in a similar manner. Before the
departure of a warlike expedition, the favor of Huitzilopochtli
was sought by the sacrifice of human life; on the return of the
same, similar scenes were enacted. On all such occasions the
more victims the better. These victims were mostly captives
taken in war, and wars were often entered into for the express
purpose of procuring such victims. They were even made a subject
of tribute. Devout people sometimes offered themselves or their
children for the sacrifice. The number of victims, of course,
varied from year to year, but it is possible that it counted up
into the thousands every year.
What we are able to gather from the religious beliefs of the
civilized nations sustains the conclusions we have already
arrived at in reference to their culture. We can but believe
this had been greatly overrated. It is the religion of
barbarians, not of a cultivated and enlightened people the
historians would have us believe in. It is a religion in keeping
with the character of the people who had confederated together
for the purpose of compelling unwilling tribute from weaker
tribes. It is in keeping with what we would expect of a people
still in the Stone Age, who still practised communism in living,
and whose political and social organization was founded on the
gens as a unit.
It will not be out of place to devote some space to a
consideration of their advance in learning; and first of all let
us see about their system of counting or numeration.
This knowledge, as Mr. Gallatin remarks, must necessarily have
preceded any knowledge of astronomy, or any effort to compute
time. They must have known how to count the days of a year
before they knew how many days it contained. We all know how
natural it is for a child to count by means of his fingers.
This was undoubtedly the first method employed by primitive
man. Proof of this is found in the wide extended use of the
decimal system. Among the civilized nations, traces of this
early custom are still preserved in the meaning of the words
used to express the numbers.
To express the numbers up to twenty, small dots or circles were
used--one for each unit. For the number twenty they painted a
little flag, for the number four hundred, a feather; and for
eight thousand, a purse or pouch. The following table represents
the method of enumeration employed by the Mexicans. But it is
necessary to remark they used different terminations for
different objects.<62>
Illustration of Mexican System of Numeration.----------
Substantially the same system of numeration prevailed among all
the Nahua tribes and the Mayas. It will be seen from this table
that the only numbers having simple names are one, two, three,
four, five, ten, fifteen, twenty, four hundred, and eight
thousand. The other names are compounds of these simple names.
It is also easy to understand their method of pictorial
representation. In reference to the flag, the feather, and the
purse, we must remark that, when these were divided into four
parts, only the colored parts were counted. The collective
number, used among them much as we use the word dozen, was
always twenty; but queerly enough their word for twenty varied
according to the object to be counted. The regular word given in
the table was "pohualli." In counting thin objects that could be
arranged one above the other, the word twenty was "pilli."
Objects that were round and plump and thus resembling a stone,
were counted with "tetl" for twenty, and other words for
different objects.<63>
The division of time or their calendar system, is one that was
thought to show great advance in astronomical learning, but of
late years it has been shown that this also was overrated.
This question of how to keep a record of time was a difficult
one for primitive man to solve; that is, when he began to think
about it at all. A long while must have elapsed, and
considerable advance in other respects been made before the
necessity of such a thing occurred to them. The increase and
decrease of the moon would form a natural starting point. It is
well known that this is about as far as the knowledge of the
Indians extended. The Maya word for month means also moon,
showing this was their earliest system of reckoning time.<64>
Illustration of Table of Days.--------------------
The various Nahua and Maya tribes of Mexico and Central America
had reached about the same stage of development. But their
calendar system is so similar that it affords a strong argument
of the original unity of these people.<65> All of the civilized
tribes had months of twenty days each, and each of these days
had a separate name, which was the same for every month of the
year. This period of twenty days was properly their unit of time
reckoning. It is true they had smaller divisions,<66> but for
all practical purposes, they were ignored. As none of these
tribes possessed the art of writing, they had to represent these
days by means of hieroglyphics. The following table shows the
Mexican and Maya days, the meaning of each, and the pictorial
sign by which they were represented. We must notice that the
Maya hieroglyphics look more arbitrary, more conventional than
the Mexican. This is interesting, because some of our scholars
now believe the Mayas were the inventors of the calendar.
Their hieroglyphics, therefore, as being the older of the two,
should appear more conventional. In the Mexican hieroglyphics
for the days, we can still trace a resemblance to the natural
objects they represent; in the Maya hieroglyphics, this
resemblance has disappeared.
It is not out of place to theorize as to the facts already
mentioned. The first thing that strikes us is that they should
have chosen twenty days for a unit of time. There must have been
some reason lying back of this selection. It would have been
more natural for them to have chosen a number of days (say
thirty) more nearly corresponding to the time from one new moon
to another. Whether we shall ever learn the reason for choosing
this number of days is doubtful; but Mr. Bandelier has given us
some thoughts on this subject, which, though he is careful to
state are not results, but mere suggestions, seem to us to have
some germs of truth, the more so as it is fully in keeping with
Indian customs.
He points out that many of the names for these days mean the
same as the names of the gens in the more northern Indian
tribes. Thus seven of the days have the same meaning as the
names of seven of the nine gens of the Moqui tribe in Arizona.
He, therefore, suggests that the names of these twenty days are
the names of the twenty gens of the aboriginal people from whom
have descended the various civilized tribes under consideration.
Indeed, this is expressly stated to be the method of naming the
days adopted by the Chiapanecs, one of the tribes
in question.<67>
As soon as the people commenced to take any observation at all,
they would perceive that it took just about eighteen of these
periods of twenty days to make a year. So the next step appears
to have been the division of the year into eighteen months.
These months received each a name, and were of course designated
by a hieroglyphic. The names of the Mexican months seem to have
been determined by some of the feasts happening therein.
There is great diversity among the early writers both as to the
names of these months, and the order in which they occur, as
well as by the hieroglyphics by which they are represented.<68>
It does not seem worth while to give their names and meaning.
We give a plate showing the name, order in which they occur, and
hieroglyphic symbol of the Maya months. In point of fact, the
months were very little used, as we shall soon see it was not
necessary to name the month to designate the day; but of
that hereafter.
Illustration of Maya Months.---------
But it would not take these people very long to discover that
they had not hit on the length of a year. Eighteen months, of
twenty days each, make only three hundred and sixty days; so the
next step would be to add on five days to their former year.
As these days do not make a month, they were called the nameless
days. They were considered as being unlucky--no important
undertaking could be commenced on one of them. The child born
therein was to be pitied. But we will see that the expression,
"nameless days" was hardly the case among the Mayas, though it
was among the Mexicans.
Perhaps this will be as good a place as any to inquire whether
they had exact knowledge of the length of the year. As every one
knows, the length of the year is three hundred and sixty-five
and one quarter days, or very nearly; and for this reason we add
an extra day to every fourth year. We would not expect to find
this knowledge among tribes no farther advanced than we have
found these to be. If, as our scholars suspect, the Maya be the
one from which the others were derived, they would be apt to
possess this knowledge, if known. Perez, however, could find no
trace of it among them.<69> Many authors have asserted that the
Mexicans knew all about it. Some say they added a day every four
years; others, that they waited fifty-two years, and then added
thirteen days; and some, even, give them credit for still closer
knowledge, and say they added twelve and one-half days every
fifty-two years.<70> Prof. Valentine, who has made their
calendar system a special study, concludes that they knew
nothing at all about the matter.<71>
The beginning of the year is variously stated. Among the
Mexicans it seems that, while the authors differ very much, all
but one places it on some day between the second day of February
and the tenth of April. As their word for year means "new
green," it is probable they placed its commencement about the
time new grass appeared. The Mayas are said to have placed the
commencement of the year about the sixteenth of July. As this
happens to be just about the time that the sun is directly
overhead in Yucatan, it has been surmised that the natives took
astronomical observations, and tried to have their year commence
at that time. But it must be manifest that, if they did not
possess a knowledge of the true length of the year, and so make
allowance for the leap-year, in the course of a very few years
they would have to revise this date.
Refer once more to the Maya table of days. Suppose the first day
of the year to commence with the day Kan. As there are twenty
days in a month, we see that the second month would also
commence with Kan. In like manner, Kan would be the first day of
every month of that year. When the eighteen months were past,
there would still remain the five days to complete the year.
Now, although they were said to be nameless days, the Mayas gave
them names. The first day was Kan, the second day Chichan, the
third day Quimij, the fourth day Manik, the fifth day Lamat.
The regular order of days we see. They were now ready to
commence a new year.
The next day in the list is Muluc. This becomes the first day of
the first month of the new year. But, being the first day of the
first month, it was the first day of every month of that year.
At the end of the eighteen months of that year, the five days
would have to be named in their order again, which would carry
us down to Gix, the first day of the first month of the third
year. It would also be the first day of every month of that
year. Similarly we see that Cavac would be the first day of
every month of the fourth year. The fifth year would commence
again with Kan. So we see that four of these twenty days became
of more importance than the others. The years were named after
them. The year in which the month commenced with Kan was also
called Kan. The same way with the other days. So the name of the
year was either Kan, Muluc, Gix, or Cavac. These four days were
called "carriers of the year;" because they not only gave the
name to the year, but because the name of the year was also the
name of the first day of every month of that year.
The foregoing will help us to understand the Mexican method.
Let us refer now to the list of Mexican days. The first day of
the first month was Cipac. For the same reason as above set
forth, this would be the first day of every month of the year.
The five extra days either were not named at all, or at any rate
they were not counted off in the table of days. The consequence
was that Cipac was the first day of every month; for we have
just seen that it was the first day of every month of the first
year. At the end of the eighteen months the five nameless days
would come in; but, as they did not form part of a month, were
not named. The first day of the first month of the next year
would be named as if they had not occurred.<72> But, when they
came to name the years, we find they proceeded on exactly the
same principle as the Mayas. Thus four of the twenty days,
occurring just five days apart, were taken to name the years.
These days were Tecpatl, Calli, Tochtli, and Acatl.<73>
Mr. Bandelier, who made the valuable suggestion in regard to the
origin of the names of the days, has also suggested that,
inasmuch as there are four of the days more prominent than the
others, they may signify four original gentes, from which the
others have come. It seem to us, however, when we notice they
are just five days apart, that the system pursued by the Mayas
in naming their years explains the whole matter.
Before we mention the longer periods of time in use among them
we must refer to another mode of reckoning time, and trace the
influence of this second method on the one already named.
The method already explained seems to have been a perfectly
natural one--the second method is founded on superstition.
A large part of the duties of the priests, we remember, was to
determine lucky and unlucky days, and in soothsaying. For this
purpose they made a peculiar division of time, which we will now
try and explain.
For some cause or other, thirteen was a number continually
recurring in their calendar. We can perceive no reason why it
should have been chosen. It has been suggested that it was just
about the time from the appearance of a new moon to its full.
Be that as it may, the number of days thirteen comes very near
to what we would call a week. Among the Mexicans, and probably
among the Mayas, these thirteen days were divided into lucky,
unlucky, and indifferent days, and were supposed to be under the
guidance of different gods. The priests had regularly painted
lists of them, with the deities which governed them. These lists
were used in fortune telling.
We must now inquire as to how they kept track of the years.
The Mayas named their next longer period of time an ahau.
There is some dispute as to what number of years it meant.
Most of the early writers decide that it was twenty years;<74>
but Perez, whose work we have already referred to, contends that
it was twenty-four years. And this conclusion seems to be
confirmed by a careful study of some of their old
manuscripts.<75> Thirteen of these ahaus embraced their longest
period of time, known as an ahau-katun. It had a length of
either two hundred and sixty or three hundred and twelve years,
according as we reckon either twenty or twenty-four years to an
ahau. It may be that the length of an ahau varied among the
different tribes of the Mayas.
The Mexicans also had this week of thirteen days. Twenty of
these weeks, or two hundred and sixty days, formed that part of
the year they called the moon-reckoning; the remainder of the
year was the sun-reckoning. Their longer period of time was also
based on this number. A period of thirteen years they called a
tlapilli; four of these constituted a cycle equal to fifty-two
years. The end of this cycle was anxiously awaited by the
Mexicans. They supposed the world was to come to an end on one
of these occasions. As the time drew near, the furniture was
broken, the household gods were thrown into the water, the
houses were cleaned, and finally, all the fires were
extinguished. As the last day of the cycle drew to a close, the
priests formed a procession, and set out for a mountain about
six miles from Mexico. There an altar was built. At midnight a
captive, the bravest and finest of their prisoners, was laid on
it. A piece of wood was laid on his breast, and on this fire was
built by twirling a stick. As soon as fire was produced, the
prisoner was killed as a sacrifice. The production of new fire
was proof that the gods had granted them a new period of
fifty-two years.
To understand how the years in this cycle were arranged and
numbered, we must refer once more to the Mayas, for though they
did not use the cycle themselves, yet they give us a hint as to
how it was obtained, and afford one more reason why we should
think the Mayas were the originators of this calendar system.
We give a table showing the arrangement of the days of the year
among the Mayas. We will take the year Kan--that is, we
remember, when Kan was the first day of every month. We would
naturally think they would describe a day by giving the name of
the day and the month--as, the day Kan, of the month Xul, or the
first day of the month Xul--but instead of so doing, they made
use of the period of thirteen days.
For instance, we see, by looking at the table, that the day ten
Kan can not be any other day during the year than the day above
mentioned; so that, for all purposes, it is sufficient to give
the day and its number in the week. We notice, however, that the
last five columns of figures for week days of thirteen are just
the same as the first five. But this did not confuse any, for
the last five columns of days belong to the "sun-reckoning," the
others to the moon-reckoning. And though the number of the day
in the week was the same, yet a different deity ruled over them
than in the corresponding days of the first five columns. We can
not affirm that we know this to be true of the Mayas.
Such, however, we know to be the case among the Mexicans.<76>
Illustration of Almanac for Maya Year "Kan"----------------
Now we notice in this almanac that the last day of the year Kan,
is number one of the week. As the count goes right along, the
first day of the next year, Muluc, must be number two. If we
would make an almanac for that year, we would find the first day
of the third year would be number three of the week. If we were
to continue this, we would find that the first days of the
years, would range from one to thirteen. This table shows the
number in the week of the first day of the first fourteen years.
The first day of the fourteenth year would be number one of the
week again, but this time one Muluc, and not Kan. If we would
continue our researches, we would quickly discover that
fifty-two years would go by before we would have a year Kan in
which the first day of the year would be number one again.
No. in the week
of the first day Years.
of the year.
---------------------------------
1 Kan.
2 Muluc.
3 Gix.
4 Cavac.
5 Kan.
6 Muluc.
7 Gix.
8 Cavac.
9 Kan.
10 Muluc.
11 Gix.
12 Cavac.
13 Kan.
----------------------------------
1 Muluc.
We think the above explains the origin of the Mexican cycle of
fifty-two years. The Mayas either never had this cycle, or had
abandoned its use.<77> The Mexicans however, used this period of
time, and they numbered their years in it in such a way that we
can not explain it, unless we suppose they derived it in some
such a way as just set forth. We give a table showing the order
of the years in a cycle, and also notice that all that was
needed was the number and name of the year to show at once what
year of the cycle it was. The year seven Calli, for instance,
could never be any other year than the twentieth of
the cycle.<78>
ARRANGEMENT OF YEARS IN A MEXICAN CYCLE.
No. Name of the Years.
1 Tochli...... Acatl......... Tecpatl...... Calli..........
2 Acatl....... Tecpatl....... Calli........ Tochli.........
3 Tecpatl..... Calli......... Tochli....... Acatl..........
4 Calli....... Tochli ....... Acatl........ Tecpatl........
5 Tochli...... Acatl......... Tecpatl...... Calli..........
6 Acatl....... Tecpatl....... Calli........ Tochli.........
7 Tecpatl..... Calli......... Tochli....... Acatl..........
8 Calli....... Tochli........ Acatl........ Tecpatl........
9 Tochli...... Acatl......... Tecpatl...... Calli..........
10 Acatl....... Tecpatl....... Calli........ Tochli.........
11 Tecpatl..... Calli......... Tochli....... Acatl..........
12 Calli....... Tochli........ Acatl........ Tecpatl........
13 Tochli...... Acatl......... Tecpatl...... Calli..........
Illustration of Day Date.-----------------------
Illustration of Year Date.----------------------
To express the dates, they of course painted the hieroglyphic of
the day, and dots for the number of days. This cut, for
instance, expresses the day-date "seven Acatl." They generally
wrote the dots in sets of five. Seven was sometimes expressed in
the above manner. When they wished to express a year-date, they
made a little frame and painted in the hieroglyphics of the
year, and dots for the number. This date here expressed is their
thirteen Acatl, which, by the above table, is seen to be the
twenty-sixth year of the cycle.
We have already dwelt too long on this part of the subject.
Glancing back over the ground, we see there is nothing implying
astronomical knowledge, more than we would expect to find among
a rude people. We find there are several particulars of the
Mexican system which we could not understand, except by
reference to the Maya system. It would bother us to explain why
they should choose the days Tochli, Acatl, Tecpatl, and Calli,
to be the names of their years, if we did not know how the Mayas
proceeded. We would be at a loss to explain why they choose the
number of fifty-two years for the cycle, and arranged their
years in it as they did, if we had not learned the secret from
the construction of the Mayas' almanac. From this comparison, we
should say the Mexican calendar was the simpler of the two.
As the Mayas had twenty days in the month, and, for priestly
use, weeks of thirteen days, so they took twenty years, which,
as they imagined, were supported by four other years, as a
pedestal for their next longer period, the ahau; and for
apparently no other reason than that they had weeks of thirteen
days, they took thirteen of these ahuas for their longest period
of time. They did not use the cycle of fifty-two years, but they
numbered their years in such a way that, in effect, they were
possessed of it. The Mexican did away with all but the cycle of
fifty-two years.
Illustration of Calendar Stone.---------------
No account of the calendar system of the Mexicans would be
complete without reference to the so-called calendar stone.
The stone, the face of which is sculptured as represented in
this cut, was dug up from the square in front of the cathedral
of the City of Mexico, where it had been buried in 1557.
When the temple was destroyed, this stone still remained entire.
Finally the authorities, fearing it attracted too much attention
from the natives, ordered it buried. It was brought to light
again in 1790, but its early history was completely forgotten.
The astronomer Gama pronounced it a calendar stone, and his
interpretation of the characters engraved on it have been the
foundation for the idea that the Mexicans had considerable
knowledge of astronomy.<79> Prof. Valentine and others have,
however, shown that it was simply a sacrificial stone, which the
artist had decorated in a peculiar manner. This stone is
considered by some to be so important that we will condense
Prof. Valentine's description of it as being the best at hand.
Not all of out scholars accept it, however. The central figure
is the face of the sun-god. It is decorated in a truly savage
style. It has ear-rings, neck-chain, lip-pendant, feathers, etc.
The artist's design has been to surround this central figure
with all the symbols of time. We notice on each side of the sun
a small circle or oval with hieroglyphics resembling claws.
In Mexican traditions these represent two ancient astrologers
who were supposed to have invented the calendar. According to
Nahua traditions of the world, there had been four ages of the
world; at the end of each age, the world was destroyed.
Right above and below the ovals with the claws, we see four
squares containing hieroglyphics.
Each of these squares refers to one of the destructions of the
world. The upper right hand square contains the head of a tiger.
This represents the first destruction of the world, which was by
tigers. The four dots seen, in this square do not refer to a
date as they generally do; it is a sacred number, and constantly
reappears in all hieroglyphics referring to feasts of the sun.
To the left of this square, crowded between it and the pointer,
can be seen the hieroglyphic of the day Tecpatl. The little dot
is one, so this day one tecpatl probably refers to the day in
which the feast in reference to this destruction was celebrated.
The second age was terminated by a hurricane. The upper left
hand square containing the hieroglyphic for wind refers to this
destruction. Between this square and the pointer is crowded in
the hieroglyphic of one Calli, referring to the feast in memory
of this destruction. The third destruction of the world was by
rain, the lower left hand square containing the hieroglyphic of
rain. Below, not very distinctly, is the date of this feast, one
quiahuitl. The last destruction was by water, represented by the
lower right hand square. The date of this feast as represented
below is seven Ozomatl.<80>
Passing out of this central zone we notice the hieroglyphics for
the days of the month arranged in a circle. The A shaped ray
from the head of the sun indicates where we are to commence to
read; and we notice they must be read from right to left.
Resting on this circle of day, we notice four great pointers not
unlike a large capital A. They are supposed to refer to sunrise,
noon, sunset, and midnight. Next in order after the days we
notice a circle of little squares, each containing five dots.
Making allowance for the space covered by the legs of the
pointers just mentioned, there are found to be two hundred and
sixty of these days; they, therefore, refer to the days of the
moon reckoning. We notice four smaller pointers not quite so
elaborate as those already referred to, resting in this circle.
They probably refer to smaller divisions of the days. The next
circle contains a row of glyphs not unlike kernels of corn.
One hundred and five are represented on this circle; they refer
to the days of the sun reckoning.
Illustration of Sign of Rain.-----------------
Resting on this circle of days are small towers; they, like the
smaller pointers, refer to divisions of the day. Adjoining each
of these little towers is a figure; this cut represents one of
them. We notice they form a circle extending clear around the
stone. The meaning of this circle is gathered from other painted
records. It represents a rain storm; four drops are seen falling
to the ground. The ground is cultivated, as shown by the three
ridges; a grain of corn is represented lying on the ground.
This band on the stone is in honor of the rain-god.
Illustration of Sign of Cycle.---------------
There remains only to explain the outer row or band. At the
bottom is a rude representation of two heads with helmets.
The meaning of these figures is unknown. From each of these
figures extend in a semicircle a row of figures of this shape,
ending with pointers at the top, between which is a year-date.
Near the points on each side is what might be described as four
bundles tied together. Each of the small figures just described
is the representation of a cycle of fifty-two years.
The date on the top is the year date, Thirteen Acatl. This is an
easily determinable date. From Mexican paintings, we know the
conquest of Mexico occurred in the year Three Calli. From this
tracing their years back by the table given earlier (Arrangement
of Years in a Mexican Cycle), we would find that the first
Thirteen Acatl we meet was in the year 1479. This is exactly the
date when, according to tradition, the great temple was
finished, and this stone dedicated by bloody sacrifices. If we
count the number of signs for cycles, we find that there are
just twelve on each side, twenty-four in all. As the artist
could easily have made this number more or less, the
probabilities are that it means something. The most plausible
explanation is, that in the year 1479, they had traditions of
twenty-four cycles. But this number of cycles is equivalent to
twelve hundred and forty-eight years, which would carry us back
to about the year 231, A.D., which date we must bear in mind;
not that we think there is any scientific value to it, but for
its bearing on other matter at the close of the chapter.<81>
We come now to consider the subject of their picture writings.
The germ of writing is found in the rude attempts to assist the
memory to recall past events. Some of the northern Indian tribes
resorted for this purpose to belts of wampum. When a new sachem
was to be invested with office among the Iroquois, the
historical wampum belts were produced; an old man taking them in
hand, and walking back and forth, proceeded to "read" from them
the principles of the confederacy. In this case, particular
events were connected with particular strings of wampum.<82>
Pictorial representation would be the next stage. At first the
aim of the artist would be to make his drawings as perfect as
possible. A desire to save labor would soon lead them to use
only the lines necessary to show what was meant. This seems to
be about the stage of picture writing, reached by some Indian
tribes, who have left here and there specimens carved on rocks.
Illustration of Indian Picture Writing.------------
This cut is a specimen of such writing from the canyon of the
San Juan in Arizona. Although quite impossible to read it, there
is no doubt but what it expressed a meaning at the time it was
engraved.
Illustration of Chapultepec.--------------
From this stage of development would naturally arise symbolical
paintings. Thus "footsteps" might signify the idea of going.
A comma-shaped figure, issuing from a person's mouth, would
stand for speech. The next step is what we might call
rebus-writing, where not the thing itself was meant but the
sound. Thus this cut represents Chapultepec--meaning
grasshopper-hill, or locust mount. It is evident, here, the
pictures of the objects represent the name. They, probably, did
not use this principle farther than to represent the proper
names of persons and things before the coming of the Spaniards.
Illustration of Amen.--------------------
Some think that, in addition to the above, the Mexicans used, to
a very limited extent, a true phonetic writing--one in which the
figures refer not to the thought, but to the sound of the
thought.<83> Others are not ready to concede that point.
They could not have been further along than the threshold of the
discovery, at all events. The Spanish missionaries were very
desirous of teaching the Indians the Pater-noster, the
Ave-Maria, and the Credo. Either the Indians themselves, or the
priests (probably the latter), hit on the device of using
painted symbols for the words and syllables of the church
prayers and formulas. Thus in this manner was painted the word
Amen. The first sign is the conventional figure for water, in
Mexican "atl, which stood for A. For the second syllable they
put the picture of a maguey plant, in Mexican "metl." The whole,
then, was "atl-metl," which was as near as they could express
the word amen. We must observe, that this was after the
conquest.<84>
Illustration of Historical Sheet.-----------------
The plate opposite is one of the paintings of the Mendoza
collection. This collection, we must remember, was made after
the conquest, simply to gratify the curiosity of the King of
Spain. The matter treated of is the events connected with time
when Motecuma the fifth "chief-of-men" held office. Around the
edge we see the hieroglyphics of the years. We notice he was
chief-of-men from the year one calli to two tecpatl. About the
only thing recorded of him is the different pueblos he
conquered. In all he subdued thirty-three; but only eleven are
shown in this plate. The pueblos are indicated by a house
toppling over--flames issuing from under the roof. The other
little hieroglyphics are the names of the pueblos. The last one
in the second transverse line from the bottom is the
hieroglyphic of Chalco, which we thus learn was reduced to
tribute under this chief. All the events indicated in this cut
took place before the discovery of America.<85>
Illustration of Chilapi--Tribute.---------------
A second part of this codex has reference to the tribute
received from various tribes. In this cut the left-hand figure
is the hieroglyphic of the town of Chilapi, and is an excellent
representation of their rebus-writing we have just referred to.
It is a tub of water, on which floats a red-pepper pod.
The Mexican word for this last is chilli, for water it is
"atl.". The word "pa" means above. For the full word we have
"chilli-atl-pa." Contracted, it becomes chilapi. The figure to
the right is the tribute. The five flags denotes one hundred.
Below is represented a copper ax-blade--from which we infer that
the Pueblo of Chilapi had to furnish a tribute of one hundred
copper axes.
Illustration of Child Training.--------------
A third part of this same collection refers to the Mexican
customs. In this cut we have represented the training of a boy
at the different ages of four, six, thirteen and fourteen years
of age. The little round marks number the years of his age.
The little elliptical-shaped figures show the number of
tortullas the child is allowed at a meal. The boy is trained to
carry and make various things, to row a boat, and to fish.
Illustration of Migration Chart.-----------
The most interesting of Mexican picture-writings is the record
of their wanderings. This was formerly supposed to represent
their migrations from Asia--but is now known to refer only to
their wanderings in the Valley of Mexico. De Lafield, in his
"Antiquities of America," gives a full representation of this
picture-writing. Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. II, pp. 548-49,
give a very good reduced copy. We will not attempt to reproduce
it all. This cut represents the beginning of it. A man is seen
crossing a stream in a boat. The figure behind him may mean an
island, on which are represented some pueblos and human figures.
On the opposite bank of the stream, to which the footsteps
lead, is the hieroglyphic of Culhuacan, "the curved mountain."
The year date of this movement is "one tecpatl." The character
within that of Culhuacan is Huitzilopochtli, their national god.
The flakes issuing from his mouth signify that he is guiding
them. The principal figures about this map are the hieroglyphic
names of various places where they stopped, and the time spent
at each place.
The Mayas seem to have been further advanced in the art of
writing than their Nahua neighbors. Specimens of their
hieroglyphic writings have been given in the preceding chapter.
The hopes of our scholars were greatly raised when, in 1863, the
announcement was made that there had been discovered, in Madrid,
a Maya alphabet, which, it was expected, would unlock the
mysterious tablets just mentioned.
The alphabet thus discovered is represented in the next cut.
It will be seen that some of the letters have a number of
different forms. This discovery was hailed as of the greatest
importance, and a number of scholars at once set about to
decipher the tablets. They were speedily undeceived.
The alphabet is, practically, of no help whatever.
Prof. Valentine even goes so far as to declare that this
alphabet was not of native origin.
Illustration of Landa Alphabet.------------------
Illustration of Maya T.---------------
He thinks that Bishop Landa, who is the authority for this
alphabet, and who was Bishop of Yucatan from 1549 to 1579, being
anxious to assist the natives in learning the new faith, set
about the manufacture of an alphabet for them. This he did by
having the natives paint some native object which came the
nearest to the sound of our alphabet. Thus, for instance, this
symbol there are excellent reasons for supposing represents the
sun, or the word "day." The Maya word for this is te.
We find that this is the symbol that Landa employs for the
letter T, only, in his drawing, the central dot has fallen into
the lower dashes. Nearly all the other letters can be traced to
a similar source.<86> But the professor's reasoning does not
satisfy all. He is believed to be right in a number of his
identifications; but still the characters might have been used
in a phonetic way.<87>
Illustration of Maya Manuscript.-------------
There is no doubt but that the Mayas had a different system than
that in use among the Nahua people. The knowledge how to use it
was, probably, confined to the priests; and, furthermore, the
system was, doubtless, a mixed one. A few phonetic characters
might have been used; but they also used picture-writing. The
plate above is a sample of the manuscripts they left behind.
It is in the nature of a religious almanac, and refers to the
feasts celebrated at the end of a year. The line of characters
on the left hand are the days characters Eb and Been. In the
lower division, a priest offers a headless fowl to the idol on
the left. In the middle division, the priest is burning incense
to drive away the evil-spirit. In the upper division, the
assistant, with the idol on his back, is on his march through
the village. As yet, we know but very little about the tables.
We know the hieroglyphics of days and of months.
Illustration of Hieroglyphics--Tablet of the Cross.------
Examining the tablets in the Temple of the Cross, at Palenque,
represented below, we notice a large glyph, at the commencement
of the tablet, something like a capital letter. This, Mr.
Valentine thinks, represents the censers which stood in the
temples before the idols, in which fire was constantly kept.<88>
Running through the tablets we notice glyphs, in front of which
are either little dots, or one or more bars with little dots in
front of them. These are day-dates. The dots count one--the
little upright bars, five. The probabilities are that this
tablet is a sort of list of feast-days in honor of the gods
represented by the central tablet.
As we have made a considerable effort to acquaint ourselves with
the social organization and customs of the various tribes, and
have spent some time in learning the details of their calendar
system, and their advance in the art of writing, it will not be
out of place to inquire as to their history--to determine, if
possible, some of the dates to be given for the arrival of the
tribes, and some of the important points of their prehistoric
life. Whatever difficulties we have experienced in acquiring a
knowledge of their customs will be greatly increased now.
Their architecture, social organization, and general
enlightenment could be perceived by the conquering Spaniards,
and our information in regard to the same should have been full
and complete. We have seen, however, how meager it is. The only
light thrown on these disputed points is the result of the
labors of modern scholars. When we were made acquainted with
some of the first principles of Indian society, we could read
with profit the accounts of the early writers.
But, when we come to ask for dates in their history, we are
almost entirely at sea. The traditions, in this respect, are
almost worthless. So, all that we shall attempt to do, is to
present some of the thoughts of our scholars as to the probable
connection of the civilized tribes with each other, and what
value is to be given to the few dates at our command. We will
begin, first, with the Maya tribes. This includes those tribes
that speak the Maya language, and its dialects. It was in their
territory that the most striking ruins were found. They include
the tribes of Yucatan, Guatemala, Chiapas, and Tobasco.
Then there comes a break; but they were also settled on both
banks of the River Panuco. Many theories have been advanced as
to the origin of the Mayas. As yet, the question is not solved.
Not a few have supposed them to be the same as the Mound
Builders of the United States. Dr. Brinton has pointed out that
the language of the Natchez Indians contains some words of the
Maya.<89> A Mexican scholar, Senor Orozco-y-Berra, thinks it
probable that the Mayas once occupied the Atlantic sea-board of
the United States; that they passed from the peninsula of
Florida to Cuba, and thence to the other Caribbean Islands, and
so to Yucatan. He states that the traditions of the Mayas uphold
this view.<90> But others are not ready to admit it. We have
found a number of points of resemblance between the Mayas and
the Nahuas. Differences we would, of course, expect to find; but
still the points of resemblance are sufficiently strong to
indicate either that the tribes were once subject to the same
influence, from whence they derived their culture, or else that
they are descended from the same stock. We have reverted to the
worship of Quetzalcohuatl, and shown how the Quiches, under the
name of Gucumatz, worshiped a similar deity. We have also
referred to the great similarity of the calendar system.
From the limited space at our command, it is not possible to
refer to the traditions of the Maya tribes. We will refer to but
one manuscript bearing on this question; but this is, probably,
the most important one. This manuscript was written by a native
with the Spanish letter, but in the Maya language. It was
written not far from the time of the conquest of Yucatan by the
Spaniards, and the account is, doubtless, as full a one, from
the native stand-point, as can be given. The period of time used
by the author is Ahau, which we have seen is either twenty, or
twenty-four years.
Carefully going over this manuscript, Prof. Valentine arrives at
the following conclusions: About the Year 137, A.D., the Mayas
started from some place they called Tulla, or Tullapan, on their
migration. Where this place was we do not know. The traditions
of all the civilized nations refer to this place as a
starting-point. It was a "land of abundance." It may be that
this was but some fabled place, such as almost all primitive
people have traditions of.<91> About the year 231, A.D., they
arrived on the coast of Central America, and spread themselves
over a large part of it. This same manuscript speaks of the
"discovery" of Chichen-Itza, 522, A.D. The date of the founding
of Uxmal is given as about the year 1000, A.D. From 1000 to
1200, A.D., was the golden era of the Mayas in Yucatan.
The tribes at Uxmal, Mayapan, and Chichen-Itza formed a
confederacy of which Mayapan seems to have been the head.
About the year 1200, inter-tribal war broke out. It seems to
have been caused by the arrival of Nahua tribes, who established
themselves in Mayapan. They were finally expelled, but they left
the Mayas in such a state of exhaustion that they could not
present a united front against the Spaniards. Such are the
conclusions of Prof. Valentine. He estimates the length of an
Ahau at twenty years, and it does seem that the author of the
manuscript used that number of years.<92>
Of the other branch of the civilized tribes we know but very
little. The historical picture writings of the Mendoza
collection, a collection compiled, remember, after the conquest,
and, therefore, representing the traditions then current among
the Mexicans, takes us back to 1325, A.D., to the first
settlement in the Pueblo of Mexico. Sahagun, a Franciscan monk,
who went to Mexico as early as the year 1529, and remained there
until his death in 1590, wrote a very voluminous account of the
Mexicans, their customs and history, and as he was in Mexico at
the time when their traditions were still fresh in the minds of
the natives, his account is probably as good as any. He obtained
his information in a very credible manner. He gathered together
some old Indians, well acquainted with the traditional history
of their country. They are supposed to have "refreshed" their
memory by inspecting a number of picture writings, which have
since disappeared.
It is manifest that this history is valuable, just in proportion
as the traditions are valuable. He makes one statement that
Prof. Valentine has dwelt upon with great ability. He states
that numberless years ago the first settlers came in ships and
landed at a northern port, which, from that cause, was called
Pauntla. This is supposed to be the Panuco River. After they had
settled here, a large part of them, including their leaders and
the priests, went off south; Sahagun says as far as Guatemala.
The party left behind organized themselves into an independent
body. They reconstructed from memory the calendar;
they increased and became powerful, until pushing over the
mountain, they built the pyramid of Cholula, and finally reached
the city of Teotihuacan, where they built a central sanctuary.
For some reason they abandoned their homes, all except the
Otomies, and wandered off across the plains, and high, cold,
desert places, that they might discover new lands.<93>
No dates are mentioned for these occurrences, and we are not
aware that this tradition is mentioned by other writers.
We recall that from the mouth of the Panuco River southward, we
found evidence of considerable population in olden times.
We also recall that in this section are the ruined pyramids of
Tuzpan and Papantla. Prof. Valentine is inclined to think that
this date is referred to on the calendar stone; that is, 231
A.D. Just twenty-four cycles elapsed from this time to the date
of the dedication of the calendar stone in 1479.
He also thinks that the Maya traditions refer to this same
occurrence. One more reference to this same mysterious date is
contained in the traditions of the Tezcucan tribe. According to
the traditions, the beginning of things were in the year 245
A.D. According to this view, then, the ancestors of both Nahua
and Maya people appeared on the gulf coast about 231 A.D.;
in the same place where a Maya-speaking tribe are found to-day.
From here those who developed the Maya culture went to the south
and south-west; those who developed the Nahua went to the west
and north-west.
We do not profess to be a judge as to the value of this
tradition. Our scholars will, probably, at no distant day, come
to more definite conclusions in the matter. Prof. Short thinks
the strangers who at this early time made their appearance on
the gulf shore were colonies of Mound Builders from the
Mississippi Valley.<94> We think it best to be very cautious
about coming to any such conclusions. We must not forget that
back of the twelfth century is nothing but vague traditions.
Mr. Bandelier tells us that "nothing positive can be gathered,
except that even during the earliest times Mexico was settled or
overrun by sedentary, as well as by nomadic tribes that both
acknowledged a common origin."<95> The savage tribes have the
general name of Chichimecas, but by right this term ought to be
applied to the sedentary tribes as well; however, the word
Toltec stands for these sedentary tribes. We have all read about
the great Toltec Empire in Mexico. This is a ridiculous use of
words. There was no tribe or nation of people of the name of
Toltecs.<96> All these prehistoric aborigines were probably
Chichimecas; but by Toltecs we refer to the sedentary tribes,
the skillful workers among them. If we are to judge any thing of
traditions, the original home of these people were somewhere to
the north of Mexico.
There was doubtless the usual state of inter-tribal warfare, but
after a prolonged period the sedentary tribes--the Toltecs--were
exterminated or expelled. Their successors were utter savages,
coming from the north also. We doubt very much whether any date
can be given for this event, but traditions assign it to about
the year 1064. Prof. Valentine thinks he finds a reference to it
in the calendar of stone. If we will notice, in the outer band
near the top are four little bundles, or knots, in all, eight.
We are told that each of these bundles refers to a cycle of
fifty-two years, or in all four hundred and sixteen years.
The date of the inauguration of the stone is 1479. If we
subtract the number of years just mentioned, we have the date
1063. Whether this is simply a coincidence, or was really
intended to refer to that event, we can not say.
Considerable speculations have been indulged in as to where the
Toltecs went when driven out of Mexico. Some have supposed they
went to Yucatan, and that to them we are to look for the
builders of the ruined cities. This is the view of a very late
explorer, M. Charney.<97> Some have supposed we yet see certain
traces of their presence in Guatemala, where they helped to
build up a great Quexche "monarchy."<98> But we know very little
about it. It is not probable that more than a feeble remnant of
them escaped with their lives.
From the same mysterious regions from where had issued the
aboriginal Chichimecas and Toltec people, there subsequently
came still other bands of sedentary Indians, who finally came to
settle around the lakes of Anahuac. These settlers all spoke
closely related dialects of the same language as their
predecessors, the Toltecs. Finally the Aztecs appeared on the
scene, coming from the same mysterious land of the "Seven
Caves." According to their historical picture-writings, they
founded the Pueblo of Mexico in 1325. It is somewhat singular
that no record of this event appears on the calendar stone.
If the artist was ingenious enough, as Prof. Valentine thinks he
was, to represent the dispersion of the Toltecs in the eleventh
century, he surely would have found some way to refer to such an
important event as the founding of their Pueblo. From this date
the Mexicans steadily rose in power, until they finally became
the leading power of the valley.<99>
REFERENCES
(1) The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to A. F.
Bandelier for criticism. The part bearing on religion was
subsequently rewritten. Absence from the country prevented his
examining it.
(2) Mr. Bandelier is the author of three essays on the culture
of the ancient Mexicans. These are published in Volume II of
"Peabody Museum Reports." We wish to make a general reference to
these essays. They are invaluable to the student. Every position
is sustained by numerous quotations from the early writers.
In order to save constant references to them, we will here state
that, unless other authorities are given for striking statements
as to the culture of the Mexicans, their social organizations,
etc., it is understood that our authority is found in
these essays.
(3) In Mexican, "Tlaca-tecuhtli."
(4) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. II, p. 572.
(5) "Contribution to North American Ethnology," Vol. IV, p. 229.
(6) Morgan's "Contributions to N.A. Ethnology," p. 256.
(7) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. II, p. 576.
(8) "Who over heard of an imperfectly developed race decorating
so profusely and so delicately their ordinary abodes, in a
manner usually reserved for temples and palaces?" S. F. Haven,
in Proceedings of Am. Antiq. Society, April, 1880, p. 57.
(9) Morgan's "Contribution to N.A. Ethnology," Vol. IV, p. 186.
(10) Cortez saw "trinkets made of gold and silver, of lead,
bronze, copper, and tin." They were on the confines of a true
Bronze Age. Proceedings of Am. Antiq. Society, April, 1879,
p. 81.
(11) "History of the Conquest of Mexico."
(12) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. II.
(13) "History of America," 1818, Vol. III, book viii, p. 9.
(14) Wilson's "Conquest of Mexico."
(15) Morgan's "Ancient Society," p. 91.
(16) But, on this point, see "Peabody Reports," Vol. II, p. 685
--note, p. 282.
(17) Morgan's "Ancient Society," p. 197.
(18) Ibid., p. 205.
(19) "Ancient Society," p. 118.
(20) Morgan's "Ancient Society," p. 147.
(21) We refer again to Mr. Bandelier's articles. A careful
reading of them will convince any one that the picture of
Mexican Government as set forth in Mr. Bancroft's "Native
Races," Vol. II, is very erroneous. Mr. Bancroft's views are,
however, those of many writers.
(22) "Ancient Society," p. 528.
(23) Morgan's "Ancient Society," p. 537.
(24) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. II, p. 435.
(25) It is needless to remark that these results are greatly at
variance with those generally held, as will be seen by
consulting Mr. Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. II, Chap. xiv.
Mr. Bancroft, however, simply gathers together what other
writers have stated on this subject. We follow, in this matter,
the conclusions of an acknowledged leader in this field,
Mr. Bandelier, who has fully worked out Mr. Morgan's views,
advanced in "Ancient Society."
(26) Morgan's "Ancient Society," p. 193.
(27) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. II, p. 95.
(28) Morgan's "Ancient Society," p. 194.
(29) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. II, p. 94.
(30) Morgan's "Ancient Society," p. 195.
(31) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. I, p. 344.
(32) Valentine, in Proceedings of American Antiquarian Society,
April, 1879.
(33) Gallatin: "American Ethnological Society's Transactions,"
Vol. I, p. 119.
(34) Valentine: Proceedings American Antiq. Soc., October, 1880,
p. 75.
(35) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. II, p. 381. Proceedings
American Antiquarian Society, April, 1879, p. 110.
(36) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. II, p. 193.
(37) "Fifth Annual Report Archaeological Institute of America,"
p. 83.
(38) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. II, p. 389.
(39) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. II, p. 325.
(40) Valentine: Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society, April, 1879,
p. 90.
(41) Ibid., p. 111.
(42) North American Review, Oct. 1880, p. 310.
(43) See "Copper Age in Wisconsin," in Proceedings American
Antiquarian Society, No. 69, p. 57.
(44) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. II, p. 483.
(45) Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society, Oct., 1881, P. 66.
(Valentine.)
(46) Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society, Oct., 1881, p. 66.
(Valentine.)
(47) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. II, p. 489.
(48) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. III, pp. 182-199. In this
connection, see also Bandolier: "An Archaeological Tour in
Mexico," p. 185, note 2. It seems that none of the early writers
speak of such a belief. The idea of one single God is first
found in the writings of Ixtilxochitl.
(49) Brinton's "Myths of the New World," p. 45.
(50) Tezcatlipoca, the tutelar deity of Tezcuco;
Huitzilopochtli, the tutelar deity of Mexico; Camaxtli, the
tutelar deity of Tlaxcala; Quetzalcohuatl, the tutelar deity
of Cholula.
(51) Bandelier: "An Archaeological Tour in Mexico," p. 188.
(52) This subject is fully treated of in Brinton's "Myths of the
New World."
(53) "Among the Indians it is very easy to become deified. The
development of the Montezuma myth among the Pueblo Indians of
New Mexico is an instance." (Bandelier.)
(54) Brinton's "Myths of the New World."
(55) Bandelier: "An Archaeological Tour in Mexico." pp. 168-213.
(56) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. III, p. 298, note 9.
(57) "American Antiquarian," January, 1883, p. 78.
(58) "An Archaeological Tour in Mexico," p. 67.
(59) "Peabody Museum Reports," Vol. II, p. 600. Dr. Brinton in
"Myths of the New World," p. 281, gives some instances that
might be thought to show the contrary. But even in those
extracts we notice the parties had to deserve the office, and
that in no case was it confined to certain persons.
(60) Bancroft: "Native Races," Vol. III, p. 335.
(61) Bancroft: "Native Races," Vol. II, p. 500.
(62) Mr. Bandelier remarks that the numbers from five to ten
should be macuil-pa-oc-ce, etc. We give the same table as both
Mr. Gallatin and Mr Bancroft.
(63) For authorities on this subject see Gallatin in "American
Ethnological Society's Transactions," Vol. I, p, 49; Bancroft's
"Native Races," Vol. II, p. 497; Valentine, in Am. Antiq. Soc.
Proceedings, Oct., 1880, p. 61.
(64) Perez "Chronology of Yucatan," in Stephens's "Yucatan,"
Vol. I, p. 435.
(65) See Valentine: "The Katunes of Maya History," in
Proceedings Am. Antiq. Soc., October, 1879, p. 114.
(66) We refer to the division of five days, not to the thirteen
day period, of which we will soon speak.
(67) Bandelier: "Peabody Museum Reports," Vol. II, p. 579.
Note 29.
(68) Mr. Bancroft, "Native Races," p. 508, gives a table showing
the variation of authors in this respect. Gallatin "American
Ethnological Society's Transactions," Vol. I, p. 66, says, "the
published hieroglyphics are dissimilar in many respects."
(69) Stephens's "Yucatan," Vol. I, p. 438.
(70) Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. II, p. 513, note 15.
(71) Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society, April, 1878, p. 99.
(72) Gallatin: "American Ethnological Soc. Trans.," Vol. I,
p. 71.
(73) See Valentine, in Proceedings American Antiq. Society,
April, 1878, p. 106. Gallatin, who is also good authority, gives
the order different, viz., Tochtli, Acatl, Tecpatl, Calli.
(74) Valentine: Proceedings Am. Antiq. Soc., Oct., 1879, p. 84,
et seq.
(75) Thomas: "A study of the Manuscript Troano," in
"Contributions to North American Ethnology," Vol. V, p. 29.
(76) According to the teachings of the Mexican priests nine
deities governed the days. They had painted lists of these
weeks, and the deities governing each.
(77) Valentine: Proceedings Am. Antiq. Soc., Oct., 1879, p. 85.
(78) In this table we have followed Mr. Gallatin. According to
Prof. Valentine, the order of the years is different.
This, however, is immaterial to an understanding of the system.
(79) Gallatin: "Am. Eth. Soc. Transactions," Vol. I, p. 94,
et seq.
(80) Thus says Prof. Valentine. The cast of this stone in the
Smithsonian Institution gives the date eight, instead of
seven Ozomatl.
(81) For information on the Calendar Stone, consult, "American
Ethnological Society's Transactions," Vol. I, p. 94, et
seq.; Bancroft's "Native Races," Vol. II, chap. xvi, and
p. 755, et seq.; Valentine: American Antiquarian
Society's Proceedings, April, 1878, p. 92, et seq.;
Short's "North Americans of Antiquity," p. 419, et seq.
(82) Morgan's "Ancient Society," p. 143.
(83) Brinton: "Introduction to the Study of the Manuscript
Troano."
(84) Valentine: Proceedings of American Antiquarian Society,
April, 1880.
(85) Gallatin: "American Ethnological Society's Transactions,"
Vol. I, p. 131.
(86) Valentine: Amer. Antiq. Society's Transactions, April,
1880, pp. 59-91.
(87) Brinton's "Introduction to Study of manuscript Troans,"
p. xxvi.
(88) American Antiquarian Society, April, 1881, p. 294.
(89) "Myths of the New World." The doctor now thinks his
statement just referred to, too strong. There is, indeed, a
resemblance, as he pointed out; but it is not strong enough to
found any theories on.
(90) Short's "North Americans of Antiquity," p. 474.
(91) Brinton's "Myths of the New World."
(92) This historical manuscript represents the traditions of the
Maya people shortly after the conquest. It is very likely its
author had before him picture records of what he wrote.
Such records have since disappeared. The manuscript itself, the
interpretation of it, and Perez's remarks are found in Stephen's
"Yucatan," Vol. II, Appendix. The same in Bancroft's "Native
Races," Vol. V, p. 628. The fullest and most complete discussion
is by Prof. Valentine in Proceedings Am. Antiq. Soc., October,
1879, p. 80, et seq. Whether there is any thing worthy of
the name of history is doubtful.
(93) Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society, Oct., 1882.
(94) "North Americans of Antiquity," p. 578.
(95) "Peabody Museum Reports," Vol. II, p. 387.
(96) Valentine: Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society, October, 1882,
p. 209.
(97) North American Review, from Sept., 1880, to 1883.
(98) Short's "North Americans of Antiquity," p. 218.
(99) This historical notice is a mere outline. Such, however, is
all we wished to give. Those who wish for more details can not
do better than to refer to Mr. Bancroft's fifth volume on the
"Native Races." We do not believe, however, that any thing
definite is known of the early periods of which some writers
give such glowing descriptions. When they talk about the doings
of monarchs, the rise and fall of dynasties, and royal
governors, we must remember the majority of the descriptive
matter is mere nonsense, consequently our faith in the dates
given can not be very great.
END OF CHAPTER XV.**********************
The Prehistoric World: or, Vanished Races
by E. A. Allen
Processed by D.R. Thompson
drthom@ihug.co.nz
Chapter XVI.
ANCIENT PERU.
First knowledge of Peru--Expeditions of Pizarro--Geography of
Peru--But a small part of it inhabitable--The tribes of ancient
Peru--How classified--Sources of our knowledge of Peru--
Garcillasso De La Vega--Origin of Peruvian civilization--The
Bolson of Cuzco--Historical outline--Their culture--Divided into
phratries and gentes--Government--Efforts to unite the various
tribes--Their system of colonies--The roads of the Incas--The
ruins of Chimu--The arts of the Chimu people--The manufacture of
pottery--Excavation at Ancon--Ruins in the Huatica Valley--The
construction of a Huaca--The ruins at Pachacamac--The valley of
the Canete--The Chincha Islands--Tiahuanuco--Carved gateway--The
Island of Titicaca--Chulpas--Ruins at Cannar--Aboriginal
Cuzco--Temple of the Sun--The Fortress--General remarks.
The early part of the sixteenth century was surely a stirring
time in the world's history. The night of the Dark Ages was
passing off of the Old World; the darker gloom of prehistoric
times was lifting from off the New. Spanish discoveries followed
each other in rapid succession in the South. As yet, they
supposed these discoveries to be along the eastern shores of
Asia, but, in 1513, Balboa, from a mountain peak, in Darien, saw
the gleam of the great Pacific, which intervenes between America
and Asia. At the same time he was informed there was a country
to the southward where gold was in common use, and of as little
value among the people as iron among the Spaniards. As gold was
what the Spaniards most desired, we can imagine how they
rejoiced over such information.
The rich country of which Balboa was thus informed was later
known as Peru. Balboa himself did not attempt its discovery.
There was no lack, however, of those who wished to achieve fame
and fortune by so doing. Among other restless spirits who had
been attracted to the New World, was Francisco Pizarro. He had
been associated with Balboa in founding the settlement of
Darien, and, of course, he was among the first to hear of the
marvelous country farther south. In 1518, Panama, on the Pacific
coast, was made the seat of government for the Spaniards in that
section of the country. Pizarro was one of the first there--his
services had been rewarded by the grant of an estate.
The historian of his expedition speaks of him as "one of the
principal men of the land, possessing his house, his farm, and
his Indians."<1> We need not doubt but what he often pondered
over his knowledge of the rich country south. He was well
acquainted with Indian character, and knew that a small band of
resolute Europeans, possessed of fire-arms, could sweep every
thing before them.
He could not endure the quiet life on his estate, and so he
obtained from the governor permission to explore the coast of
the South Sea to the eastward. He spent a large part of his
fortune on a good ship and the necessary supplies for the
voyage, and finally set sail from Panama in November of 1524.
It needed a man of no common spirits to withstand the
disappointments of the next few years. In less than a year this
ship returned to Panama for reinforcements. Pizarro himself and
a few of his men remained at a place not very far from Panama.
Here he was joined by reinforcements under Almagro.
Undismayed by his first experience, he again sailed southward
along the coast. Xeres's brief account is as follows: "When they
thought they saw signs of habitations, they went on shore in
their canoes they had with them, rowed by sixty men, and so they
sought for provisions. They continued to sail in this way for
three years, suffering great hardships from hunger and cold.
The greater part of the crew died of hunger, insomuch that there
were not fifty surviving. During all these years they discovered
no good land; all was swamp and inundated land without
inhabitants."
This expedition accomplished nothing further than to obtain
definite information as to Peru. Pizarro's grant from the
governor having expired, and the further fact that he had spent
all his fortune in these unsuccessful expeditions, made it
necessary for him to go to Spain. Received by the emperor with
favor, clothed with ample authority, he was able to raise men
and money, and finally sailed from Panama in 1531 on his third
and successful expedition for the conquest of Peru. Thus was
made known to the world what is regarded as the most wonderful
example of native civilization in the two Americas.
The dawn of history for Peru was the sunset of her native
culture. In a few short years what has come down to us as the
Empire of the Incas was completely overthrown; the enslaved
Indians were groaning under the weight of Spanish oppression;
the demolition of her ancient monuments had already begun, and
romance, tradition, and wonder had already thrown their subtle
charms around the ruins. The old customs and usages were on the
sudden dropped, a new culture was forced upon the unwilling
natives, and prehistoric Peru, though distant but a few years in
time, was as completely separated from historic Peru as is the
culture of the Neolithic Age in Europe from that of the early
historic period.
The magician's wand in the fairy stories of olden days did not
present results more bewildering in their changes than did the
operations of the Spaniards in Peru. All accounts unite in
praising the government of ancient Peru. There is probably no
question but what the government the Spaniards overthrew was one
far better adapted to the wants of the native inhabitants than
the one they forced them to accept. But when we read the
accounts of that government as set forth by the early writers,
we are at a loss to know what to believe. There is such an
evident mixture of fables, traditions, and facts, that the
cautious student hesitates, and asks what support the researches
of later scholars give to these early writers. We doubt whether
we have to this day clear ideas of the culture of ancient Peru.
This is to be regretted. There is no question but that here was
the highest development of the Indian race in America. If we
accept the accounts given us, here rose an empire which will not
suffer by comparison with the flourishing empires of early times
in Oriental lands. Let us try and learn what we can of this
culture, and see wherein it differed from that of the civilized
tribes already discussed.
Illustration of Map of Peru.---------------
We must, first of all, acquaint ourselves with the physical
features of the country. We can never fairly judge of the
civilization or culture of a people until we know their
surroundings. One of the discoveries of late years is, that the
culture of a people is greatly influenced by their surroundings.
The very appearance of a country whether it is mountainous or
plain, sea-girt or inland, influences the character of a people.
Civilization is found to depend upon such common factors as
climate, food, and physical surroundings.<2> Now if we will
examine the map of South America, we will see that the entire
section of country occupied by the tribes under consideration is
very mountainous. What is known as the Andes is in reality the
most eastern of the two ranges. The western one nearer the coast
is called the Cordillera, or the Coast Range. The summit of this
mountain range often spreads out into great undulating plains,
the general elevation of which is from fourteen to eighteen
thousand feet above the sea. This series of elevated plains
forms a dreary, uninhabited stretch of country, "frigid, barren,
and desolate, where life is only represented by the hardy vicuna
and the condor."<3>
This is the uninhabited portion of Peru. The general width of
this plateau region is about one hundred and fifty miles.
Passing this dreary stretch of country we come to another still
elevated plateau section, which extends to the snow-clad Andes
proper. The distance between these two great mountain ranges is
from one to two hundred miles, but as we see on the map they
come together in places. One such place, the Pass of La Raya,
fifteen degrees south latitude is of importance as marking the
northern extremity of the great basin of Lake Titicaca.
This basin is remarkable in many respects. It is of no
inconsiderable size, being six hundred miles in length by one
hundred and fifty in width. It has a lake and river system of
its own. At the northern extremity of the basin is the noted
Lake Titicaca, which is given by some as the traditional place
of origin of the Incas. This lake finds an outlet in the River
Desaguadero, which flows in a broad and swift stream in a
southerly direction, where it empties into Lake Aullagas.
Of this lake we know next to nothing, but it seems to be
established that it has no outlet to the sea. Thus this Titicaca
basin is but another example of interior basins like that of our
own great Salt Lake. It is not, however, favorably situated for
agricultural purposes. It is a "region where barley will not
ripen except under very favorable circumstances and where maize
in its most diminutive size has its most precarious development;
where the potato, shrunk to its smallest proportions, is bitter;
where the only grain is the quinoa, and where the only
indigenous animals fit for food are the biscacha, the llama and
the vicuna."<4>
Thus we see that a large part of the interior of Peru was not
desirable for habitations. But this great plateau region north
of the basin of Lake Titicaca is here and there broken up by
what we would call valleys, but which the Spaniards more
appropriately named bolsons, literally meaning "pockets."
These bolsons are of various altitudes, and, therefore have
different climates and productions. Some are well drained and
fertile, others are marshy and contain considerable lakes. As a
general thing, the bolsons are separated from each other by
stretches of the dreary, desolate plateau; or by ranges of
precipitous hills and mountains, or by profound gorges, along
which courses some river on its way to swell the flood of the
mighty Amazon.
The coast range of mountains of which we have spoken runs nearly
parallel to the coast, distant from it about forty miles.
This stretch of country along the entire coast of ancient Peru
is mainly a desert. Owing to causes which we need not explain,
rain is almost unknown; the consequence is, the coast presents a
dreary, verdureless, forbidding appearance. The melting snows on
the great Cordillera, however, send down, here and there, on
their western flanks, feeble rivers. Some of these rivers reach
the sea, others prolong their flow but a few miles from the
mountains before the thirsty desert swallows them from view.
As is true of all desert countries, all that is needed to render
it fertile is water; so, wherever these rivers occur there are
found wonderfully fertile valleys. Every one of these valleys
was once thickly settled, but, like the bolsons of the interior,
they were not connected with each other. Each valley is
separated from its neighbor by many miles of almost trackless
desert, across which the Incas are said to have indicated the
road by means of stakes driven into the sand and joined by
Ozier ropes. No remains of such roads have been found by
modern travelers.
Illustration of Fortress, Huatica Valley.-------
From this description it is "clear that but a small portion of
the country was inhabitable, or capable of supporting a
considerable number of people. The rich and productive valleys
and bolsons are hardly move than specks on the map."<5> It is
necessary that we bear this description of the country in mind.
It will help us to understand as nothing else will how the
tribes located in one rich and productive bolson could, by
successive forays, reduce to a condition of tribute tribes
living in other detached valleys and bolsons. It will also
enable us to put a correct estimate on the extravagant accounts
that have reached us of the population of this country under the
rule of its ancient inhabitants. We can also readily see why the
tribes living in the hot and fertile valleys along the coast,
which were called Yuncas by the Peruvians, should differ in
religion and mental and moral characteristics from the tribes
living in the bolsons of the interior, where the snow-clad peaks
were nearly always in sight, and where the sun, shedding his
warm and vivifying beams, would appear to the shivering natives
as the beneficent deity from whence comes all good.
We must now turn our attention to the tribes inhabiting the
section of country just described. We have seen that the Mayas,
of Central America, the Nahuas, of Mexico, and the sedentary
tribes, of the United States, were considerably in advance of
the great body of the Indian tribes of North America. We find
the same fact true of the natives of South America. Those tribes
inhabiting the territory of ancient Peru, and those of the
territory now known as the United States of Columbia, were
considerably further advanced than the wild tribes living in the
remaining portions of South America. Quite a number of our
scholars have grouped in one class these partially civilized
tribes of both North and South America, and called them the
Toltecan Family.<6> But others do not think that there are
sufficient grounds for such a class division. They can not
detect any radical changes in the domestic institutions of the
various tribes.<7> On this point we must wait until our
authorities are agreed among themselves.
Attempts have been made to classify the various partially
civilized tribes of Peru. There are several difficulties in the
way. It was, for instance, the custom of the Incas, whenever
they had reduced a tribe to tribute, to force them to learn
their language, which was the Quichua, and is what the early
Spanish writers call the general language of Peru.<8> How far
this language was forced on the tribes, and how far it was their
own idiom, we can not tell. Mr. Markham, who has made a very
careful study of all the authorities bearing on Peru, divides
the territory of ancient Peru into five divisions, and in each
locates a number of tribes, which he thinks forms a family.
The first, and most northern one, extends north from near
Tumbez, in the present State of Ecuador. The second extends from
Loja, on the north, to Cerro De Pasco, in about eleven degrees
south latitude. The third, and most important, extends from this
last named place to the pass of La Raya, fifteen degrees south
latitude. This was the home of the Incas and five other closely
related tribes. To the south of La Raya is the basin of Lake
Titicaca, the home of a family of Indians generally known as the
Aymara Indians. This name is, however, wrong; these tribes
should be called the Collao Indians. These four divisions do not
include any territory west of the Cordillera range, except one
part of the third division. These four families are all closely
related. Mr. Markham thinks they all had a common origin.
Mr. Squier thinks the Collao, or, as they are generally called,
the Aymara Indians, are distinct from the others. "They differ
from each other as widely as the German's differ from the
French," is his own conclusion. The entire coast district of
Peru was the home of many tribes of Indians, about which we as
yet know but little. The name by which they are known
is Yuncas.<9>
We are now ready to proceed to a consideration of the culture of
ancient Peru, and a description of the monuments. But before
doing so we must have a word to say as to the authorities.
At the time of the Spanish conquest of Peru, the Empire of the
Incas was supposed to have been in existence about four hundred
years. But the Incas had no hieroglyphic or pictorial system of
recording events. The most they had was a system of knot records
or quippos, which will be explained in due time. These records
were simply aids to the memory. Mr. Squier places them "about on
a par with Robinson Crusoe's Notched Calendar, or the chalked
tally of an illiterate tapster."<10> They are manifestly of no
value as historical records.
It must be evident, then, that all our knowledge of Peru,
previous to the arrival of the Spaniards, rests solely upon
traditions. We have no reason to suppose that these traditions
are of more value in their case than in the case of other rude
and illiterate people. The memory of such people is very short
lived. The tribes in the southern part of the United States must
have been greatly impressed with Do Soto's expedition.
They heard fire-arms for the first time, and for the first time
saw horses ridden by men. Yet in the course of a few generations
they had completely forgotten all this.<11>
One very eminent authority is Garcillasso De La Vega.<12> Let us
examine his writings a minute. He was born in Cuzco about 1540,
but a few years after the conquest. His mother claimed descent
from the royal family. He left Peru in 1560, when he was just
twenty years old, and went to Spain. He first sought advancement
in the army. Despairing of success in that line, he turned his
attention to literature. One of his first works was an account
of De Soto's expedition to Florida. The historian Bancroft thus
characterizes this work: "An extravagant romance, yet founded
upon facts--a history not without its value, but which must be
consulted with extreme caution." Yet in this work there were no
subtile ties of blood, no natural bias as there would be in
favor of the land of his birth.
About 1600 he commenced his "Royal Commentaries of Peru."
This is the main source of information as to ancient Peru.
We must reflect that he had been away from his native land forty
years when he commenced the work. His sources of information
were the stories told him in his boyhood days, the writings of
the Spanish travelers, monks, and conquerors, and what he
learned by corresponding with his old friends in Peru, which he
did when he formed the design of writing his history. In other
words, his history rests on the traditions extant at the time of
the conquest, viewed, however, from a distance of sixty years.
Who can doubt but what the old man, writing his accounts of this
mother's race, that race that had been so deeply wronged, wrote
it under the influence of that potent spell, which the memory of
old age throws around childhood's days?
It is evident we have in these accounts but little deserving the
name of history. When he undertakes to tell us of the doings of
the Incas, who are supposed to have reigned three or four
hundred years before the Spanish conquest, descending to such
details as what nations they subdued, the size of their armies,
their speeches to their soldiers, the words of counsel they
addressed to their heirs, their wise laws and maxims--and we
know that this account rests on traditions--he who believes that
they are of historical value, is surely possessed of a good
store of credulity. We do not mean to say that his writings are
of no account. On the other hand, they are of value.
The historical part we are to consider simply as traditions, and
we are to weigh them just as we would any other collection of
traditions and compare them with monuments still extant. He is
good authority on the customs and manners of the Peruvians just
previous to the arrival of the Europeans.
We have seen what strange mistakes the Spanish writers made in
describing the government and customs of the Mexicans. We have
no doubt but what substantially the same mistake has been made
in regard to Peru. We believe that a careful, critical study of
all that has been written on the subject of Peru by the early
writers will establish this fact. As yet this has not been done.
We must therefore be careful in our description of the state of
society amongst them, as we do not wish to make statements not
supported by good authority.
We must try and decide as to what is the most probable origin of
the ancient Peruvian civilization. Some of the earlier writers
on this subject would trace it to an influx of Toltecs, the same
mythical race that is credited with being the originators of the
culture found in Mexico and Central America. But our modern
scholars have clearly shown that the Toltec Empire, which was
supposed to have preceded the Mexican, never existed. What we
are to understand by the Toltecs is the sedentary tribes of
Indians, either of the Nahua or Maya stock. The only value we
would assign to the story of their dispersion is that it is a
traditional statement that the migration of the sedentary
Indians has been in a direction from north to south.
Illustration of Ruins at Pachacamac.---------------
We have no means of knowing when the first tribes arrived in the
country, or of their state of culture. It was doubtless at a
very early date, and the tribes were probably not far advanced.
We have no reason to suppose the culture of Peru was influenced
from outside sources at all. We can not detect any evidence of a
succession of races in Peru. The distinguished author to whom we
have already referred<13> speaks of what he calls the ancient
Peruvians as distinguished from the modern tribes that
acknowledged the government of the Incas.<14> We think that all
the evidence points to a long continued residence of the same
race of people.
We may suppose that in the fertile valleys of the coast, and in
the bolsons of the interior, tribes of rude people were slowly
moving along the line of progress that conducts at last to
civilization. There is no reason to suppose that this progress
was a rapid one. Under all circumstances this development is
slow. We must not forget the natural features of the country.
The inhabited tracts were isolated, hence would arise numerous
petty tribes, having no common aims or mutual interests.
Each would pursue their own way, and would keep about equal pace
through the stages of Barbarism.<15>
In process of time geographical and climatic causes would
produce those effects, from which there is no escape, and some
tribes would distinguish themselves as being possessed of
superior energy, and the same results would follow there as
elsewhere; that is, the dominion of the strong over the weak.
All other circumstances being equal, we would look for this
result in a section where a mild climate and fertile soil
enabled man to put forth his energies, and rewarded his labors.
All accounts agree in speaking of the bolson of Cuzco as well
provided by nature in this respect. One eminent traveler speaks
of it as "a region blessed with almost every variety of climate.
On its bracing uplands were flocks of llamas and abundance of
edible roots, while its sunny valleys yielded large crops of
corn, pepper, and fruits.<16> Mr. Squier thinks that, on the
whole, the climate is very nearly the same as that of the south
of France.<17>
This bolson was the home of the Incas. A number of writers speak
of the Incas very much as if they were a royal family. It is not
necessary to discuss this point very extensively at present.
All our accounts of their early history are traditional.
Mr. Markham and Mr. Squier, both competent judges, assert that
the weight of traditions is to the effect that the Incas
originated near Cuzco. "Universal traditions," says Mr. Markham,
"points to a place called Peccari Tampu as the cradle or point
of origin of the Incas." As near as we can make out from the
description, this was where, as seen from Cuzco, the sun
appeared to rise.<18>
We must remark that the sun was the ancestral deity of the
Incas. All the Andean people worshiped some object as an
ancestral deity. "An Indian," says La Vega, "is not looked upon
as honorable unless he is descended from a fountain, river, or
lake, or even the sea, or from a wild animal, such as a bear,
lion, tiger, eagle, or the bird they called a condor, or from a
mountain, cave, or forest." The Incas claimed descent from the
sun. So we can see why their legends would center on the place
where the sun appeared to rise. In after years, when they had
extended their conquests to the Collao,<19> and stood on the
shore of Lake Titicaca, the sun appeared to them to rise out of
its waves; and so this lake became to them a second point of
traditional origin.
We see we can not solve the question of the origin of the Incas
until we solve the deeper problems of the origin of the Andean
tribes. Every thing seems to indicate a long-continued
residence, perhaps for centuries, and a slow advance in culture.
We are not to suppose the Incas were endowed with unusual
capacity for improvement; all the tribes were probably about
equal in this respect.<20> But their situation was in their
favor, and they did not have to contend with those obstacles
that confronted other tribes. They must have increased in
numbers and in culture; they would in time feel themselves
strong enough for conquest. We must bear in mind the peculiar
geographical features of the country. In the isolated valleys
and bolsons were living other tribes, but little inferior to the
Incas. There were no common interests between these tribes.
One by one they fell before the assaults of the Incas, and were
reduced to tribute. Rendered still more powerful by success, the
Incas pushed on their conquests until finally all the tribes
living in that vast stretch of country from the Andes to the
Pacific, from Chili to the United States of Colombia,
acknowledged themselves tributary to the Incas. This was the
state of things when the Spaniards, under Pizarro, appeared on
the scene.
When we undertake to learn the history or the state of culture
among the Incas, we are entering on a difficult subject.
Of their history, we know but very little more than is given in
this outline; and owing to the complete absence of all records,
we can not expect to know very much. Garcillasso draws such an
inviting picture of the happy government of the Incas, that we
would suppose that no rebellion or insurrection would ever
occur. It seems, however, that their government was as much
subject to such trials as any. Mr. Forbes tells us that "the
Aymaras never submitted tamely to their Peruvian masters, but
from time to time gave them much trouble by attempting to
recover their independence." And M. Reville tells us of the
Incas that, "more than once they had to suppress terrible
insurrections." And we shall see, further on, that the
probabilities are that the various tribes composing this
so-called empire were not more compact and united than were the
tribes composing the Mexican Empire.
Shortly before the conquest, the Incas had reached their zenith
of power. Huayna Capac, who died about 1525, was in reality the
last of the Inca chiefs. Under his management the tribes as far
north as Quito were reduced to tribute. The story goes that
shortly before his death he divided the empire between two of
his sons. One, Huascar, the rightful heir to the throne;
the other, Atahualpa, half-brother to Huascar. His mother was
daughter of the last king (?) of Quito. Her father had been
forced to submit to the victorious Huayna Capac. This division
of the Incarial Empire, was not at all to the liking of either
Huascar or Atahualpa. They both wished to be sole Inca.
Civil war was the result. Atahualpa, by treachery, had taken his
brother prisoner, and would doubtless have achieved his
ambition, but just then Pizarro invaded the country, and the
reign of the Incas was over.
Thus far, the story. We very much doubt whether this expresses
the facts of the case. There is no question, of course, that
civil war was in progress when the Spaniards arrived, which war,
by the way, was a very fortunate thing for the Spaniards; but we
do not know enough about the government of the Incas to know
whether Huayna Capac could bequeath any powers to his sons.
About all we are justified in saying is, that on his death, two
persons (they were very likely brothers, and sons of Huayna
Capac) aspired to the chieftaincy of the Incas, and, failing to
agree, resorted to war to settle the matter.
The question is, how far back in the unrecorded past can we
follow tradition? Huayna Capac is thought to have been chief for
about fifty years. His predecessor is said to have been one
Tupac Yupanqui. Velasco, an early writer on the Peruvians,
thinks he was chief for about thirty-six years. As this would
carry us back nearly one hundred years, it must be evident we
have gone about as far as we can place any reliance on
tradition. However, the third chief, going backwards, was also
called Yupanqui, sometimes denominated "Yupanqui the Great," and
his reign (?) takes us back to about the year 1400. "Beyond this
point," says M. Castaing, "we fall into a mythological era."
We fully agree with him. We can not think there is any special
value in accounts of events said to happen before that
time--that is, for historical purposes.
That there were victorious chiefs, conducting victorious forays
before that date, is, of course, admitted. That the names of
many of the chiefs have come down to us, as well as some of
their notable achievements is quite possible. It is also evident
that some mythological personages would appear in tradition as
"reigning Incas." It is equally plain that neither Garcillasso,
nor any of the Spanish writers, had any clear ideas of these
ancient times or events. All traditions finally settle on Manco
Capac as the first chief of the Incas. M. Castaing says he "is
but an allegory of the period of formation."<21> The date of the
accession of this mythological chief is given by most
authorities as about the year 1000. M. Castaing thinks it was in
the middle of the twelfth century. It does not make much
difference which date the reader concludes to accept--one will
do as well as the other.<22>
Let us turn our attention to the culture of the Incas, and their
state of government. Here we would expect to be on firm ground.
We would expect the Spanish writers to give us reliable accounts
of the state of society of the people they conquered. But, as
Mr. Squier remarks, the overthrow of the Peruvian government
"was so sudden and complete that the chroniclers had hardly time
to set down the events which took place before their own eyes,
and had little leisure, or perhaps inclination, to make a
careful investigation into the principles of their civil and
religious polity. As a consequence, this work has devolved upon
the laborious student and archaeologist of a later time."
In other words, we are to compare the accounts given us by the
early writers with our present knowledge of Indian society.
We have already made the statement that the Inca were a tribe of
Indians. But, if they were a tribe, did they have the usual
subdivisions of a tribe--which, we remember, are the phratry and
gens? The Spanish writers say nothing about such divisions.
This is not strange. They said nothing about the phratries and
gentes of the Mexicans; and yet they were in existence.
Neither did the English mention the institution of the phratries
and gentes among the Iroquois; and yet they were fully
developed. We answer, that the Inca tribe were divided into both
phratries and gentes. It is necessary to show what grounds we
have for such belief. It is well to have a little better
understanding of the surroundings of this tribe.
The isolated section of country which they occupied is about
seventy miles long by sixty in width. "The proper name for the
aboriginal people of this tract," says Mr. Markham, "is Incas."
This word must have been at first the title for chief--for all
the chiefs in this section were called Incas; but, in process of
time, the name was assumed as the special title of the tribe at
Cuzco. Mr. Markham gives us further the names of seventeen
lineages who occupied this valley. Whether a lineage was a tribe
or not we can not decide. We will now confine our attention to
the ruling tribe at Cuzco.
The Spaniards noticed that Cuzco was divided into two parts,
called respectively Upper and Lower Cuzco. Garcillasso tells us
that this division was made as follows. Manco-Capac with his
wife and queen were children of the Sun, sent to civilize the
Indians, who, before their arrival, were a very degraded sort of
savages. From Cuzco this sun-descended couple went their
different ways--the king to the north, the queen to the
south--"speaking to all the people they met in the wilderness,
and telling them how their father, the Sun, had sent them from
heaven to be the rulers and benefactors of the inhabitants of
all that land; ... and, in pursuance of these commands, they had
come to bring them out of the forests and deserts to live in
villages." This sounded so good to the wild tribes, that they
"assembled in great numbers, both men and women," and set out to
follow their exhorters.<23>
The tribe that followed the king settled Upper Cuzco; while the
queen's converts settled Lower Cuzco. This division was not made
so that those living in one half should have any special
privileges over the other--for they were all to be equal, like
brothers. The division was solely in order "that they might be a
perpetual memory of the fact that the inhabitants of one were
assembled by the king, and the other by the queen." The only
difference between them was, "that the people of Upper Cuzco
should be looked upon and represented as elder brothers, and
those of Lower Cuzco as younger brothers."
Such is the account of the settlement of Upper and Lower Cuzco.
Any one acquainted with the general principles on which the
division of Indian tribes into phratries took place, can not
help concluding that these divisions were simply two phratries.
The inhabitants of each traced their descent back to a
supernatural personage. They were equal in power to each other
as elder and younger brothers. Polo Ondegardo simply remarks
that "the lineage of the Incas was divided into two branches,
the one called Upper Cuzco, the other Lower Cuzco."<24>
There ought to be no objection to substituting for the word
branches used above the scientific term our scholars now employ;
that is, phratry. Each tribe of the Iroquois confederacy was
divided into two phratries, and their name for this division was
a word which meant brotherhood.<25>
Whatever doubt we may have on this point vanished when we come
to examine into the customs of the Incas. We must not forget
that the most prominent way a phratry shows itself is in matters
of religion, and in the play of social games. "The phratry,
among the Iroquois," says Mr. Morgan, "was partly for social and
partly for religious objects. ... In the ball game, for example,
they play by phratries, one against the other. Each phratry puts
forward its best players, usually from six to ten on a side, and
the members of each phratry assemble together, but on opposite
sides of the field in which the game is played. The members of
each phratry watch the game with eagerness, and cheer their
respective players at every successful turn of the game."
Illustration of Relics from Guano Deposits.---------
Let us see how it was among the Incas.<26> Like all Indian
tribes, the Incas were very fond of ceremonious feasts.
Nearly every month they celebrated one or more. We gather from
Molina that on occasions when the whole tribe participated in
such religious observances, the people of Upper Cuzco sat apart
front Lower Cuzco. In the month corresponding to August they had
a celebrated feast, the object of which was to drive out
all evil from the land. We read: "All the people of Cuzco came
out, ... richly dressed, sat down on benches, each man according
to the rank he held, those of the Upper Cuzco being on one side,
and those of Lower Cuzco on the other." And of another feast we
read: "They brought out the embalmed (?) bodies of the dead
Incas, placing those who had belonged to Upper Cuzco on the side
where that lineage was stationed, and the same with those of
Lower Cuzco." Other examples could be given, but this point is
well established. In games this same division was observed,
since we read that in the month of December, "on the first day
of the month, those who had been armed as knights--as well those
of the lineage of Upper Cuzco as those of Lower Cuzco--came out
into the square with slings in their hands, ... and the youths
of Upper Cuzco hurled against those of Lower Cuzco." We may
therefore consider it well established that the Incas were a
tribe of Indians having two phratries.
Let us now see how the matter stands in regard to gens.
This division follows almost as a matter of course, but it is
well to see what separate grounds exist for the assertion.
Garcillasso, in his description of Cuzco, after a reference to
the division into Upper and Lower Cuzco, tells us further that
it was divided into twelve wards. Mr. Squier gives us a map of
the ancient city. From this we see that the twelve wards were
arranged in an irregular oval around the principal square.
Seven of them belonged to the division of Upper Cuzco, the other
five to Lower Cuzco.
This division is utterly unintelligible to us, unless we suppose
them to be subdivisions of the phratries. It makes no difference
what name we bestow upon them, in effect they can be nothing
else than gentes. As to the number of them, it is well to notice
a coincidence in the statement of an Indian writer,
Salcamayhua.<27> On a certain very important occasion there were
assembled "all the councilors. The governor entered the
chamber, where twelve grave councilors were assembled."<28> The most reasonable explanation that can be
given for the number twelve is that each gens had one
representative in the council. The Incas are thus seen to be
very probably, at least, no exception to the general rule of
Indian tribes.
From our present standpoint what can we learn as to their
government? It is, of course, well known what the position of
the early writers on this subject is. They all agree that the
government of the Incas was a monarchy of the strictest type.
We have seen what a wonderful empire they bestowed on the
Mexicans. The Peruvian Empire is painted in still brighter
colors. Modern writers have not allowed the early accounts to
suffer by repetition. Rivero uses the following language:
"The monarchs of Peru, ... uniting the legislative and executive
power, the supreme command in war, absolute sovereignty in
peace, and a venerated high-priesthood in religious feasts, ...
exercised the highest power ever known to man."<29> Even so
cautious a writer as Mr. Squier speaks of the Incas as ruling
"the most thoroughly organized, most wisely administered, and
most extensive empire of aboriginal America."<30>
It is freely admitted that there is much that is indeed
wonderful in the culture of the Incas; but it has, undoubtedly
been greatly exaggerated. To deal with this question as it
should be would require an entire volume of itself, and would
require far more extensive research than the writer has been
able to make, or is, indeed, prepared to make. It will do no
harm to see what we can learn by comparing the statements of
some of the early writers with what we have now learned of
Indian society.
Let us first inquire as to the council. There is no question as
to the existence of a council. Garcillasso and all the early
writers refer to it in an accidental sort of way. To show the
force of this statement, we will give a few quotations.
Garcillasso, speaking of the movements of the Inca Viracocha,
says: "Having passed some years in making journeys, he returned
to Cuzco, where, with the advice of his councilors, he resolved
on war." And, in another place: "Having consulted with his
council" he assembled his army. Talking about the son of the
foregoing, he says: "In fine, this king, with the advice of his
council, made many laws, rules, ordinances," etc.<31> In the
foregoing we are made aware of the existence of a council, but
are not told as to its size or powers. Each gens would of course
be represented in the council. We have spoken in one place of
the number twelve. Mr. Bandelier tells us that the council
consisted of sixteen members.<32> As to its power we are also
left in the dark; but, judging from what we have learned of the
council among the Mexicans and Indian tribes of the North, who
can doubt but that it was the supreme governing body?<33>
The more we study this question, the more points of resemblance
we would find with the social organization of the Mexicans.
The tenure of land was of course the same, as we learn from the
report of Ondegardo--some differences may have occurred in
regard to tribute.
The Mexicans, we must remember, were at the head of a
confederacy, and the tribute was brought to Mexico to be divided
among the three tribes. The Incas were the only tribe, in the
case of Peru, having supreme power. Having no one to suit but
themselves, they introduced some new features. The tribute,
instead of being all brought to Cuzco, seems to have been, at
least a portion of it, stowed away in storehouses located at
places most convenient for the Incas. Cieza De Leon says: "The
Incas ... formed many depots full of all things necessary for
their troops. In some of these depots there were lances;
in others, darts; and in others, sandals: and so, one with
another, arms and articles of clothing which these people used,
besides stores of food. Thus, when a chief was lodged in one of
these depots with his troops, there was nothing, from the most
trifling to the most important article, with which they were not
supplied."<34> This tribute was gathered by regular
tribute-gatherers. As in the case of Mexico, these appear in
history as governors. Ondegardo says they left "Cuzco every
year, and returned in February, ... bringing with them the
tribute of the whole empire."
As a rule, the Incas did not interfere with the customs of the
tribes they had conquered. Garcillasso says: "Excepting a few
alterations that were necessary for the welfare of the whole
empire, all the other laws and customs of the conquered province
were retained without any change." In the main, all they wished
for was tribute. Yet they seem to have had some idea of a higher
policy than that. They are credited with carrying out measures
which would certainly tend to bring the tribes into a close
union. Mr. Squier remarks: "The efforts of the Incas to
assimilate the families that were brought within their empire,
by force or alliance--in respect to language, religion, and
modes of life--were powerful and well-directed."<35> This was a
step ahead of any thing that can be said of the Mexicans.
In the matter of language, it is said they made persistent
efforts to have the conquered tribes learn their own language.
De Leon tells us that it was a law throughout the kingdom that
this language should be used--"fathers were punished if they
neglected to teach it to their children in their childhood."
How much we are to believe of this account is doubtful.
Mr. Markham has shown us that the languages of all the interior
tribes were related. We know how difficult it is to compel a
conquered people by law to learn a foreign language. William the
Conqueror made an unsuccessful attempt to compel the
Anglo-saxons to learn French--it ended by his followers learning
English. Are we to believe that a tribe of Peruvian Indians were
successful in spreading their language over a wide extent of
territory in the course of a few generations?
Illustration of Burial Towers.-----------------
What is considered as the great stroke of policy on the part of
the Incas, was their system of colonies. On this point De Leon
tells us: "As soon as a province was conquered, ten or twelve
thousand men were ordered to go there with their wives; but they
were always sent to a country where the climate resembled that
from whence they came. If they were natives of a cold province,
they were sent to a cold one; and if they came from a warm
province, they went to a warm one. These people were called
mitimaes--which means Indians who have come from one country and
gone to another." On this we might remark, that the Incas did
not always show such discriminating care where they sent the
exiles, since Mr. Markham tells us that the "descendants of
colonists on the coasts of Peru (a warm climate, notice) still
retain traditions concerning the villages in the Andes (a cold
province), whence their ancestors were transported."
We will only refer to the so-called royal roads of Peru.
Humboldt observed them in Northern Peru, and speaks in high
praise of them. Many of the early writers mention them. De Leon
gives us a really wonderful account. Modern travelers have not
been so fortunate in finding their remains. Mr. Squier does not
mention them. Mr. Hutchinson searched at every place along the
coast, and could find no trace of such works. The northern part
of Peru, where Humboldt saw them, was almost the last section to
be conquered by the Incas. It is singular that they should have
been in such a hurry to build roads in that section, when the
other parts of their territory were destitute of them.
We are now prepared to inquire as to what remains of this
ancient people have come down to us; and in studying these ruins
we must keep constantly in mind the social organization of
Indian tribes.<36> We notice on the map, at about 8° south
latitude, a place marked Truxillo. It is situated nearly two
miles from the sea, in the valley of the Chimu. Its port is the
town of Huanchaco, a dilapidated village of a few hundred
houses, about ten miles further north. Truxillo was founded in
1535 by Francisco Pizarro, and was once a place of considerable
importance, but at present it is probably most noted for the
famous ruins located near it. Several of the fertile coast
valleys that we have previously described, here unite;
consequently this was a place of great importance to the coast
tribes. The ruins here are among the most remarkable in Peru.
The road from Huanchaco to Truxillo passes directly through the
field of ruins.
Illustration of Palace.------------------
Mr. Squier tells us that the ruins "consist of a wilderness of
walls, forming great inclosures, each containing a labyrinth of
ruined dwellings and other edifices." As our space is limited,
we will describe but one of these inclosed spaces. This is a
view of what is usually called a palace, but this certainly is
an absurd name. The inclosure contains some thirty-two acres;
the walls surrounding it are double, and sufficiently heavy to
resist field artillery. At the base the walls, in some cases,
are fifteen feet thick, gradually diminishing toward the top,
where they are not more than three feet thick. They vary in
height, the highest ranging from thirty to forty feet high.
In order to give a clear idea of these walls, we introduce this
cut, which gives us a section of the walls. The materials of
which they are built is adobe.
Illustration of Section of Palace Wall.--------------
Within this inclosure we notice three open places, or courts, a
number of smaller cross-walls dividing the remaining space into
a number of small courts. Around each of these courts, generally
on three sides, are the ruins of houses. All in the interior of
the large inclosures is so far gone in ruins that we can with
difficulty make out the plan. Inclosures, such as we have
described here, are the principal features of the Chimu ruins.
Mr. Squier speaks of one three or four times the size of this
one. With our present knowledge we are justified in concluding
that Chimu was the head-quarters of a powerful tribe. We are
surely justified in assuming further that each of these great
inclosed squares, containing upwards of thirty, forty, and even
fifty acres, was the home of a gens--their fortified place.
Of the houses, Mr. Squier says: "Around each court the dwellings
of the ancient inhabitants are grouped with the utmost
regularity. ... Some are small, as if for watchmen or people on
guard; others are relatively spacious, reaching the dimensions
of twenty-five by fifteen feet inside the walls. These walls are
usually about three feet thick, and about twelve feet high.
The roofs were not flat, but, as shown by the gables of the
various buildings, sharply pitched, so that, although rain may
not have been frequent, it was, nevertheless, necessary to
provide for its occurrence. Each apartment was completely
separated from the next by partitions reaching to the very peak
of the general roof. There are no traces of windows, and light
and air were admitted into the apartment only by the door."
On one side, at least, the whole area of the city was protected
by a heavy wall, several miles of which were still standing at
the time of Mr. Squier's visit. At various places along this
wall, cross-walls extended inward, thus inclosing great areas
which have never been built over, and which show all evidence of
ancient cultivation. We notice, near the upper end of this
inclosure, a court, occupied by a mound. This is known as a
huaca, which calls for some explanation. It seems that
the general name among all the Peruvian people, for a sacred
object, is huaca. Being a very superstitious people, this name
is applied to a great variety of purposes, amongst others, to
these great artificial mounds, the majority of which are
probably burial mounds. The construction of many of these mounds
is very singular. It seems as if they were a large collection of
rooms, each one of which was filled with clay or adobe. In some
of these chambers, probably, treasures are concealed. One very
celebrated huaca, at Chimu, was found to contain an enormous
amount of gold vessels.
We must not forget to notice the arts of the Chimu people.
The walls of the inner edifices were often ornamented as is seen
in the following cut, of which the upper one is stucco-work and
the lower one is in relief. Adobe bricks are allowed to project
out, forming the ornamental design. Other ornaments of
stucco-work were observed. The second figure on this page gives
us an idea of this style of ornaments. As an evidence of how the
climate of Peru preserves ruins, we would mention that, though
this last stucco-work has been exposed to the elements for
probably several centuries, yet it is still apparently perfect.
Illustration of Ornamentation of Walls.---------------
Illustration of Adobe Ornament.-----------------------
The Chimu people were certainly very expert workmen in gold and
silver. De Leon asserts that, when the Incas conquered them,
they took to Cuzco many of the artisans of the country, "because
they were very expert in the working of metals, and the
fashioning of jewels and vases in gold and silver." In the cut
following we have two vases--the smaller one of gold, the
larger of silver." The material is very thin, and the ornaments
are produced by hammering from the inside.
Illustration of Gold and Silver Vases.---------------
Illustration of Bronze Knives and Tweezers.-------------
Besides such works as just described they had the art of casting
representations of men, animals, and reptiles in
silver--sometimes hollow, sometimes solid. They even cast more
complex objects. Mr. Squier says he has one "representing three
figures--one of a man, and two women, in a forest. It rises from
a circular base about six inches in diameter, and weighs
forty-eight and a half ounces. It is solid throughout--or,
rather, is cast in a single piece, and rings, when struck, like
a bell." The trees, he says, are well represented, their
branches spreading in every direction. The human figures are
also well proportioned, and full of action. They also knew how
to manufacture bronze. Many agricultural implements are found,
not only at Chimu, but all along the coast. In the preceding cut
we have bronze knives and tweezers--also, a war-club of the
same material.
All the coast tribes of Peru excelled in the manufacture of
pottery. Mr. Squier tells us that, in this sort of work we find
"almost every combination of regular or geometrical
figures"--men, birds, animals, fishes, etc., are reproduced in
earthenware. In this cut we have one of the many forms. Notice
the serpent emblem.
Illustration of Water-jar.---------------------
Illustration of Water-jars from Ancon,-----------
The people of Chimu, whose ruins we have been describing, belong
to the coast division--differing in many respects from the
Peruvian tribes in the interior. Our information in regard to
the coast people is very limited. We have to judge them almost
entirely from the ruins of their towns, and the remains of their
handiwork. There is no reason to suppose they were the inferiors
of the Peruvians in culture. It is quite the custom to speak of
them as if they were low savages before the Incas conquered the
country; and that they owe to the latter all their advance in
culture. On the contrary, we may well doubt whether their
condition was at all improved by the Inca conquest. The coast
people are supposed to have been conquered about one hundred
years before the Spanish conquest. It was only after a most
stubborn resistance that the principal valleys were subdued.
Illustration of Cloth found in Grave.-----------------
It is not necessary, neither have we space, to give a review of
all the ruins along the coast. They are very plentiful. There is
not an inhabitable valley but that they abound there. The soil
where not irrigated is very dry, and tends to preserve any thing
buried therein. All the coast people buried their dead; hence it
is that we find, in nearly all the coast valleys, such extensive
cemeteries. At Ancon, for instance, twenty miles north of Lima
it is simply wonderful how extensive the cemeteries are.
Mr. Hutchinson says they extend for miles. Very extensive
explorations have been made here for scientific purposes.
We have given, earlier, some water-jars excavated at Ancon, in
last illustration we have some specimens of cloth found in
graves farther north; and in the same locality was found a very
wonderful piece of feather-work. The small feathers were so
fastened to a ground of cotton cloth that they could not be
pulled off.
Illustration of Wall in Huatica Valley.----------
Another noted place, about the same distance south of Lima, is
Pachacamac. Mr. Squier concludes, from the cemeteries at this
place, that it was a holy place, to which pilgrims resorted from
all parts of the empire so as to be laid to rest in holy ground.
When we learn of so many other similar localities, we see that
this conclusion does not follow. The most we can say is, that
these valleys have surely been settled for a long while.
The city of Lima is situated on the south bank of the Rimac
River, about six miles from the coast. Its port is the town of
Callao. The valley is called the Huatica Valley. Very extensive
and wonderful rains occur in this valley, between Lima and the
sea. We are told these ruins are thick and close over a space of
a few square miles, and are inclosed within a triple wall.
The last cut is given as a representation of a portion of this
wall, though only a small portion here and there is still
discernible. Amongst these ruins are a large number of
immense mounds.
Illustration of Burial Mound, or Huaca.------------
Some are huacas, or burial mounds; and some are in the nature of
fortresses. It is best to explain a little more particularly
about the burial mounds of the coast region of Peru. This cut
gives us an idea of their appearance. As to their construction
Mr. Squier says: "Many if not most of the pyramids, or huacas,
were originally solid--built up of successive vertical layers of
bricks, or compacted clay, around a central mass or core."
But this is not always the case; since in many huacas we find
walls, in some rooms, and, finally, as before remarked, some
apparently consist of a large, many-storied building, the rooms
of which are all filled with clay. In the mound just mentioned,
Mr. Hutchinson found a number of inclosures--though the work was
done in a rough, shapeless manner. Mr. Squier gives us a
description of a many-roomed huaca as follows: "Thanks to the
energy of treasure-hunters who have penetrated its sides, we
find that it had numerous large painted chambers, was built in
successive diminishing stages, ascended by zigzag stair-ways,
and was stuccoed over and painted in bright colors.
The conquerors filled up these chambers, and recast the edifice
with a thick layer of adobe."<37>
This is surely a singular piece of work. The building just
described by Mr. Squier must have been much like a pueblo.
We wish we had fuller descriptions of it. Mr. Squier is eminent
authority, and scholars delight to honor him for his researches.
We take the liberty, however, to question some of his
conclusions. How does he know that this structure was ever used
for any other purpose than as a mound? It is indeed a singular
way to construct a mound, but when we learn of the existence of
mounds showing the different methods of work--some solid, some
with walls, others with rude rooms, still others with rooms
towards the top--why not say that this many-storied building was
simply one style of mound-building? He claims that the Incas
filled up these rooms, and transformed the house into a mound.
Mr. Hutchinson claims there is no proof that the Incas did this
sort of work.
As an example of fortress-mounds, also prevalent in the valley
of the Huatica, we present the next cut. Mr. Hutchinson
describes this mound as being eighty feet high, and about four
hundred and fifty feet square. "Some of the adobe walls, a yard
and a half in thickness, are still quite perfect. That this was
not likely to have been a burial-mound may be presumed from its
formation. Great large square rooms show their outlines on the
top, but all filled up with earth. Who brought this earth here,
and, with what object was the filling up accomplished? for the
work of obliterating all space in these rooms with loose
earth must have been almost as great as the construction of the
building in itself."<38> So it seems that in the fortress-mounds
also we meet with this same mysterious feature--rooms filled
with earth.
Illustration of Fortress Mound.----------------
The Huatica Valley was also the location of a famous temple--at
least such are the traditions--and ruins are pointed out as
being those of the temple in question. It is simply an immense,
large inclosed square, of some forty-nine acres. On each side of
this square there is a huge mass of ruins, and another in the
center. In our next illustration we have a portion of the wall
surrounding the ruins on the south side of the supposed temple.
This is the largest of the group of ruins. The walls are seventy
feet high; the area at the top is over five acres. Here, again,
we notice the same mysterious feature already referred to, for
"on the top of this were also discernible the outlines of large
square rooms, filled up, as all the others, even to the topmost
height of seventy feet, with earth or clay."
Illustration of Temple Wall.----------------------
This cut is given as a fort, meaning thereby a fortress-mound,
such as we have already described. It is said to be situated to
one side of the temple. From this we understand that the wall
seen in the cut is that already mentioned as inclosing the
temple. Another ruined fortress found in this valley is given
earlier.
Illustration of Fortress, Huatica Valley.-----------------
Twenty miles south of Lima, in the valley of the river Lurin, is
an important field of ruins, known as Pachacamac, which is still
the name of a small village in the neighborhood. We give a
general view of the ruins. The principal point of interest,
about it is the ruins of an old temple. Traditionally, this, is
one of the most interesting points in Peru. All the coast tribes
were very superstitious. We have already referred to the
celebrated temple near Lima. The temple at Pachacamac was of
still greater renown. Arriaga, a famous ecclesiastic, took an
active part in extirpating their idolatrous belief. From his
accounts, it seems they were much addicted to fortune-telling.
Their gods were made to give out oracles and their temples
became renowned just in proportion as their priests were shrewd
in this matter.
Illustration of Pachacamac.--------------------
Those at Pachacamac were especially skillful, and it is said,
pilgrims resorted to it from all parts of the coast. As a
consequence, it became very rich. The god that was worshiped
here was a fish-god. The name of this god, and the name of this
old town are alike lost to us. When the Incas conquered the
coast people, they imposed the name of one of their own
divinities on this temple, and by that name the place is now
known to us.<39>
The ruins of the supposed temple are seen on the hill in the
background of the picture. A number of writers speak of this
hill in such terms as to imply that it was altogether
artificial, like the famous pyramid at Cholula.
Mr. Squier says that it is largely artificial, but that the
central core is a natural hill. He speaks of rocks cropping out
on the highest part, which seem to be conclusive of the matter.
They built up great terraces around this central core.
These terrace walls are now in such a ruined condition that they
can with difficulty be made out. We introduce this cut as a
nearer view of the ruins of the temple.
Illustration of View of the Temple.--------------
Some writers assert that the Incas erected on the summit of this
hill a temple of the sun. There are, however, no good proofs of
this assertion. According to Mr. Squier the only ruin of the
Inca type of architecture is a mile and a half distant.
Mr. Hutchinson noticed, on the very top of the hill, evidence of
the same mysterious proceedings to which we have already
referred--that is, great rooms all filled up with clay.
He propounds this query: "Whose hands carried up the enormous
quantities of earth that fill every space and allow no
definition of rooms, halls, or, indeed, of any thing but the
clay itself, and the walls cropping up from amongst them?"
We are afraid this query can never be answered. Mr. Hutchinson
found graves to be very plentiful all over the field of ruins.
Quite a number of curiosities have been found in these graves.
We present in this cut some of the same. We call especial
attention to the duck-headed bowl. Compare, this with the cut
given in Chapter X, and we will be struck with the similarity.
Another view of the ruins at Pachacamac is given earlier in this
chapter. As in the case of the ruins of Grand Chimu, the whole
field of ruins was encompassed by a wall, portions of which Mr.
Hutchinson observed on the north, stretching away from the sea
inland. Explorers have found here true arches. They are said to
exist in Northern Peru. We are at a loss to account for their
appearance, for certainly the people generally were ignorant of
their use.
Illustration of Relics from Graves at Pachacamac.-------
The valley of the Canete, the next one we meet going south, is a
very large and very fertile valley. It is also full of ruins,
but not differing enough from the others to justify a separate
description. About one hundred miles below Lima we notice three
small islands. These are the Chincha Islands, noticeable on
account of the immense quantities of guano they contain.
It seems that at various depths in this guano deposits are found
relics of man. In our next cut we present some of these objects.
The two small vessels which were probably water jars, were found
buried in the guano at a depth of sixty-two feet. The other
figure, a wooden idol, was found at the depth of thirty-five
feet.
Illustration of Relics found in Guano deposits.------
We have no very good data on which to rely when we attempt to
estimate the number of years required to bury the water jars to
the depth where found. Thousands of years must have passed.<40>
The water jars are not rude forms. No little skill is indicated
by their formation. The wooden idol is not necessarily near as
old as the jars, but no one can doubt but that it dates from
long before the Inca conquest of the valley. Another collection
of small idols, and supposed royal emblems, also found in guano
deposits, but at an unknown depth, is shown earlier in
this chapter.
We have thus far been describing the ruins that occur in the
territory occupied by the coast tribes, a people in many ways
different from the great body of Peruvian people in the
interior. According to traditions, the conquest of the coast
tribes took place about one hundred and fifty years before the
Spanish conquest. The details of this conquest are given with
great precision. We doubt whether any great reliance can be
placed upon them. We might remark that while Garcillasso traces
the progress of the conquest from the south north, Salcamayhua
reverses this order, and makes the victorious Incas march from
the north to the south. One or the other made a mistake
in traditions.
Illustration of Prehistoric Pottery Ware.----------
The Inca conquest of the coast tribes was a very thorough one.
The names and traditions of the tribes were blotted out.
The word Yunca, by which they are known, is from the Inca
language. The same is true of the names of the coast valleys,
and yet, from what we have already learned of them, we feel sure
that they were very far from the degraded savages Garcillasso
would have us believe they were. The inhabitants of each
valley formed a distinct community under its own chief. De Leon
says: "The chief of each valley had a great house, with adobe
pillars and door-ways, hung with matting, built on extensive
terraces." This might have been the official house of the tribe.
They were an industrious people, and the evidence is abundant
that they had made considerable advance in cultivation of the
ground. They "set apart every square foot of ground that could
be reached by water for cultivation, and built their dwellings
on the hillsides overlooking their fields and gardens.
Their system of irrigation was as perfect as any that modern
science has since adopted.<41> It is an altogether mistaken idea
to suppose the Incas were the authors.
We are not without evidence that they were possessed of
considerable artistic skill. This preceding collection of
pottery ware is not the work of savages. Mr. Markham further
tells us that they made "silver and gold ornaments, mantles,
embroidered with gold and silver bezants, robes of feathers,
cotton cloth of fine texture, etc." We have already referred to
the tasteful decorations of the walls of Grand Chimu.
"Figures of colored birds and animals are said to have been
painted on the walls of temples and palaces." At Pachacamac the
remains of this color are still seen on a portion of the walls.
This cut represents the head of a silver cylinder found in one
of the coast valleys. The ornamentation is produced by hammering
up from below.
Illustration of Silver Cylinder Head.------------
We must now leave the coast regions and investigate some ruins
in the interior. We have already spoken of the Lake Titicaca
region. Not far from the southern border of that lake we notice
a place marked Tiahuanuco. Here occur a very interesting group
of ruins. They consist of "rows of erect stones, some of them
rough, or but rudely shaped by art, others accurately cut and
fitted in walls of admirable workmanship; long sections of
foundations, with piers and portions of stairways; blocks of
stone, with mouldings, cornices, and niches cut with geometrical
precision, vast masses of sandstone, trachyte, and basalt, but
partially hewn, and great monolithic doorways, bearing
symbolical ornaments in relief, besides innumerable smaller
rectangular and symmetrically shaped stones rise on every hand,
or lie scattered in confusion over the plain."<42> In fact, all
explorers are loud in their praise of the beautifully cut stones
found in the ruins.
Illustration of Terrace Wall, Tiahuanuco.------------
We have seen in our review how general has been the desire to
raise foundations, sometimes of great extent, on which to place
buildings. This is true of the ruins under consideration.
Here the pyramid or foundation was faced with stone work.
In this illustration we have a view of such a wall yet remaining
in place. The labor expended on such a wall was very great.
We notice in the cut three large standing stones. These are
ranged along at regular intervals between. No mortar was used in
the construction of the wall. If we examine the large standing
stone carefully we will notice on the side a sort of projecting
shoulder. The stones of the wall that come in contact with this
standing stone are cut to fit this shoulder.
Illustration of Method of Joining Stone, Tiahuanuco.
The remaining stones in the wall were held in place by a
peculiar arrangement, illustrated in this cut. Round holes were
drilled in the bottom and top of each stone. There is reason to
suppose that bronze pins fitted into these holes.
Furthermore, each stone was cut with alternate grooves and
projections, so as to fit immovably into each other.
One case was observed where either the will has entirely
disappeared, or else it was left unfinished, and so we have a
row of these standing stones, as seen in this illustration.
This has been called the American Stonehenge name is
inappropriate, because we have no reason to suppose the plans of
the builders of the two structures were at all similar.
Illustration of Pillars of Stone, Tiahuanuco.--------
The most celebrated feature of these ruins is the presence of
huge gateways, each one cut out of a solid mass of stone.
We give a view of the most noteworthy of these gateways. It is
now broken, tradition says, by a stroke of lightning.<43>
The upper portion is covered with carvings.
Illustration of Gateway, at Tiahuanuco.----------------
North of Tiahuanuco is Lake Titicaca. This was the sacred lake
of the Incas. We have already referred to the probable origin of
this feeling. Near the southern end of this lake, on the western
side, is the peninsula of Copacabana. Separated by a narrow
strait from the northern extremity of this peninsula is the
sacred island, Titicaca. According to traditions, the Incas
sought, in all ways, to beautify this island. They built
temples, and laid out gardens. The hills were leveled as much as
possible, terraced, and then covered with earth brought from
afar. According to the statements of early writers, pilgrims
were not permitted to land on its sacred soil until they had
undergone certain preliminary fasts and purifications on the
main-land. Landing on the island, they traversed a terrace, and
by a narrow passage way they were conducted between two large
buildings, where other ceremonies were performed.
The most sacred spot in all the island was a rock in the
northern part. Only priests of especial sanctity were allowed
near it. The rock to-day presents but the appearance of a
weather-worn mass of red sandstone. It is traditionally
represented as having been plated all over with gold and silver,
and covered, except on solemn occasions with a mantle of rich
color and material. Here the sun was believed to have first
risen to dispel the primal darkness. To this day the Indians
regard it with superstitious veneration. The traveler's guide,
when he comes in sight of it, removes his hat, and reverently
bows to it, and mutters to himself a few words of
mystic import.<44>
Illustration of Ruins on the Island of Titicaca.-----------
The whole appearance of the island shows how highly it was
regarded. In one place the remains of a drinking fountain were
noticed. Streams from some unknown source were still bringing to
it their limpid burden. Perhaps as noticeable a ruin as any is
represented in this cut. It is called the Palace. It is in a
sheltered nook. The lake washes the very foot of the foundation
on which it stands. It is two-storied. In the lower story were
twelve rooms, so connected with each other that but four of them
communicated by doors with the outside. The others were
certainly dark and illy ventilated. The second story was entered
by means of the terrace in the rear. The same statement may be
made in regard to its rooms; they did not, however, at all
correspond in arrangement with the rooms below. The Island of
Coati, but a short distance to the south-east, was sacred to the
moon. It has also a number of ruins. The approach to this was
guarded by a number of terraces.
Illustration of Ruins, Island of Coati.-------------
We will describe one more class of ruins found abundantly in the
Collao region. These are burial towers, or chulpas. A view of
one is here presented. The chulpas are common in the Titicaca
basin, and usually occur in groups, and almost always in
positions from which a large extent of country can be viewed.
The great mass of a chulpa is solid, but within is a dome-shaped
chamber, into which the opening seen in the cut leads.
Sometimes the chulpas are round, and in some the masonry is of
that variety we have already mentioned, called the Cyclopean.
Another view of burial towers is given earlier in this chapter.
Illustration of Burial Tower.--------------------
As a mere description of ruins becomes tiresome, we will now
pass to Cuzco, and see of what we can learn of the architecture
of the Incas. The Incas were, of course, a very rich and a very
powerful tribe. All the tribes of ancient Peru had to pay them
tribute. We way therefore suppose that the pueblo of Cuzco was
well built, the houses large, and imposing, and that the
official buildings for worship and tribal business would be
commensurate with their importance as a tribe. Yet we have but
very few accounts of these buildings. Immediately after the
conquest, many of the Spanish leaders settled in Cuzco.
They made many changes in the various edifices, and introduced
into them many improvements. At present in the modern city we
still find portions of ancient walls, and can trace the
foundation of various buildings.
Illustration of Terrace Wall at Cuzco.---------------
The site of the city of Cuzco is very uneven. It stands on the
slopes of three hills, where as many rivulets come together.
The ancient builders had to resort to extensive terracing in
order to secure level surfaces on which to build. These
terraces, built in a substantial manner, and faced with stone,
are still standing in many places. In this illustration we have
a view of such a wall. Observe that the stones are not laid in
regular courses, nor is there any regularity as to their size.
This is a good example of a Cyclopean wall. Some of the stones
must weigh several tons, and they are fitted together with
marvelous precision, one stone having as many as twelve angles.
All accounts agree that the temple of the sun was the grandest
structure in Cuzco. We present an illustration of one end of it.
This end is slightly curving. It is necessary to remark that
this end now forms part of the Church of Santo Domingo.
The fine-looking window and balcony are modern additions to this
ancient building. According to Mr. Squier, the temple was an
oblong building, nearly three hundred feet long, by about fifty
in width. It formed one side of a spacious court. It did not
extend east and west, but rather north-east and south-west.
Early chroniclers affirm that the inner walls of this temple
were covered with gold. Portions of very thin plates of gold
exist in private museums in Cuzco, said to have formed part of
this covering. The end of the temple shown in our illustration
was covered with a great plate of gold intended to represent the
sun. This plate was all in one piece, and spread from wall
to wall.
Illustration of Temple of the Sun.-----------------
Only fragments of the ancient buildings of Cuzco now exist.
But enough are at hand to enable us to describe their general
characteristics. As a rule, they were built around a court, the
outer surface presenting the appearance of an unbroken wall.
These walls are excellent specimens of Inca masonry.
All travelers speak in their praise. Mr. Squier says: "The world
has nothing to show in the way of stone-cutting and fitting to
surpass the skill and accuracy displayed in the Inca structures
at Cuzco." There was but one gateway to the court. This entrance
was broad and lofty. On the lintels, over the doorway, was
frequently carved the figure of a serpent. The apartments were
constructed so as to face the court, and nearly all opened upon
the same. In some cases rooms wore observed, to which access
could be obtained only after passing through several outer
rooms. Some of the walls yet remaining at Cuzco are from
thirty-five to forty feet high. This would indicate houses of
two or three stories.
It is here necessary to state that the structures we have been
describing are considered by most writers as palaces of the Inca
chiefs. Names hive been bestowed upon them--such as the palace
of Huayna Capac. It is asserted that each Inca chief built a
separate palace. The credulous traveler is even pointed to a
pile of ruins said to have been the palace of that mythical
personage, Manco Capac. There is some conflict of authority as
to the names of these palaces. Modern tradition names one of the
most imposing piles as the palace of Inca Rocca, and as such it
is described by Mr. Squier and others. Garcillasso De La Vega
says this chief's palace was in an altogether different part of
the city.<45> Those who call these buildings palaces, think the
houses of the ordinary people have all disappeared. It is
evident, however, that if our views of the state of society
among the Incas be right, that it is a misnomer to call these
structures palaces. Some of them may have been public buildings,
devoted to tribal purposes. But we need not doubt but that this
was the type of communal buildings erected by the natives
of Cuzco.
Illustration of Fortress Walls.-----------------
We must describe one more piece of aboriginal work. This is the
celebrated Fortress of Cuzco. As we have stated, the ancient
pueblo, or city@, was built on the slopes of three hills. One of
these, easily defended, was strongly fortified, and thus
converted into a citadel. Though called a hill, it is in reality
a projecting headland. Back of it rise still higher hills.
The portion overhanging the city is very precipitous, in fact,
almost incapable of ascent. There is, however, a pathway up this
front, ascending in places by stone steps. On this front it did
not need very strong fortifications, yet sections of stone wall,
serving for this purpose, are to be seen. They have been mostly
thrown down, and the stones rolled or tumbled down the hill to
be utilized in building. The main defensive works are where the
headland commences, from which point the city is not visible.
Illustration of Section of Fortress Walls.-------------
In this illustration we have a view of the three massive walls
which defended the citadel. They are really wonderful works.
In order to understand the construction, we will present an
imaginary section of the walls. The walls support terraces, but
they rose above the terraces so as to form a parapet. To prevent
the accumulation of water behind the parapet, channels were cut
through the walls at regular intervals to drain them. The height
of the outer wall is at present twenty-seven feet; the width of
the terrace thirty-five feet. The second wall is eighteen feet
high; the width of its terrace is also eighteen feet. The height
of the third wall is fourteen feet.
The Incas divided the year into twelve months, but we do not
learn how they kept track of the years. In this respect they
were behind the Mexicans. Neither do we know of any
hieroglyphics for days, or months, or years. In the matter of
keeping records, they must have been far below the Mexicans.
Our next illustration is that of one of their knot records, or
quippos. It is a very rude attempt to assist the memory. To the
base cord are attached other threads of various colors, and tied
in various ways. We, of course, know but very little about them.
It is claimed, however, that a red thread signified a soldier,
or war; a yellow one signified gold; a white one silver, or
peace; a green one wheat, or maize. A single knot is said to
have stood for ten; two knots, twenty; a knot doubly
intertwined, one hundred, etc. Also the position of the knots on
the threads was to be considered, their distance apart, the way
the threads were twisted, and many other details.<46> It is
manifest, however, that this system of records is of very little
value, and is way below the picture-writing of the Mexicans.
Illustration of Quippos, or Knot Record.--------------
Take it all in all, the Incas are indeed an interesting people.
We believe, however, their culture has been greatly overrated.
Our object in this chapter has been to give an outline of the
Incas and the tribes subject to them. It is impossible in these
few pages to give more than an outline. Should the reader, by
the perusal of these pages, acquire an interest in the culture
of the Andean people just before the Spanish invasion, and be
thereby induced to continue his investigations, the writer will
consider such a result reward enough, even though the
conclusions reached should be totally opposed to those set forth
in this chapter on Ancient Peru.
REFERENCES
(1) Xeres: "Report on the Discovery of Peru," Markham's
translation, Hakluyt Society's Publication.
(2) Buckle's "History of Civilization," chap. ii.
(3) Squier's "Peru," p. 9. The Vicuna is a species of the llama.
(4) Squier's "Peru," p. 12. The quinoa is a species of plant of
the same genus as our pig-weeds. But it is a larger plant, and
its seeds give a very nutritious meal. The biscacha is about the
size and shape of the rabbit. It belongs to the chinchilla
family. The llama is the only representative of the camel family
on the western hemisphere. There were three species of this
genus in Peru, the llama, alpaca, and vicuna. These domesticated
and constituted what the Spaniards in their first reports
called sheep.
(5) Squier's "Peru," p. 12.
(6) Morton's "Crania Americanae," pp. 6, 83. Winchell's
"Pre-Adamites," p. 388.
(7) H. L. Morgan. "Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the
Human Family," p. 255; other works by the same author, "House
and House-life of American Aborigines," and "Ancient Society."
(8) The Quichuas were a closely related tribe to the Incas, and
their name has been given to the language of Peru. But as the
Incas were the ruling tribe, their name should have been given
to this family of languages.
(9) "The Geographical Distribution of the Tribes of the Inca
Empire," in "Journal of the Geographical Society," Vol. XLI, p.
281, et seq.
(10) "Peru," p. 571.
(11) Foster's "Prehistoric Races," p. 375. The Zuni Indians have
indeed preserved a tradition of the visit of Coronado three
hundred and fifty years ago, but in such a form that no one not
acquainted with the facts would guess the meaning. "Fifth Annual
Report Archaeological Institute," p. 40.
(12) More than one-third of Mr. Prescott's quotations are from
this authority.
(13) Morton.
(14) This idea was largely based on the differences of the
skulls. On this point see "Fourth Annual Report Peabody Museum."
Some authors speak rather vaguely of the ancient race of the
Titicaca basin. We know of no good foundation for such
expressions.
(15) Garcillasso impresses on his readers the idea that the
Incas was the only tribe at all civilized. The Aymara Indians
were certainly as far advanced as the Incas, and even surpassed
them in the art of cutting stone, if we conclude the ruins at
Tiahuanuco to be of Aymara origin. The tribes of the coast
region were certainly not far behind. The Muyscas, of Bogota,
who were never under the dominion of the Incas, were yet
possessed of a high degree of culture.
(16) Markham in Forbes's "Aymara Indians," p. 111.
(17) "Peru," p. 427.
(18) "It was from Cuzco the nearest point to the sun-rising."
(Markham.)
(19) Their name for the Titicaca basin.
(20) Markham, in Forbes's "Aymara Indians."
(21) American Antiquarian, Sept., 1884, p. 295, et
seq.
(22) It is manifest that, during the centuries of slow
development which the Incas underwent, they had a great many
chiefs. How many we shall never know. Garcillasso gives us a
list of fourteen, including Huascar and Atahualpa. Montesino
generously increases this number to one hundred and one. Neither
of them knew any thing positive about it; but this latter number
is the more reasonable of the two. Mr. Markham, who goes at the
problem in another way, thinks there were five historical Incas,
counting Huayna-Capac the last. He surmises that the first may
have flourished two hundred years before the conquest.
(23) Markham's Garcillasso's "Royal Commentaries," Vol. I, p. 66.
(24) Markham's translation, p. 151.
(25) Morgan's "Ancient Society," p. 100.
(26) Our authority is Christoval Molina, a priest of Cuzco. He
made a report to the bishop, which must have been written some
time between 1570 and 1584, on the "Fables and Rites of the
Incas." This was translated by Markham, and published by
Hakluyt Society in 1873. He obtained his information by
gathering together a number of aged Indians, including some
priests, who had participated in these ceremonies in the days of
the Incas.
(27) This writer, a native Indian, wrote about the same time as
Garcillasso.
(28) "Fables and Rites of the Incas," p. 105.
(29) "Peruvian Antiquities," p. 105.
(30) "Peru," p. 5.
(31) Many such quotations could be given, not only from
Garcillasso, but from Molina, Salcamayhua, and others.
(32) Address before the Historical Society of New Mexico.
(33) We can not help wondering if the Incas did not have two
chief executives. This would make them similar to the Iroquois,
and most of the more southern tribes, such as we have already
seen to be true of the Mexicans. Mr. Bandelier says there is
abundant proof that the Incas had two chiefs--one the
"dispensing Inca," the other the "speaking head."
("Archaeological Tour in Mexico," p. 167, note 6.)
(34) "Travels," Markham's Translation, p. 164.
(35) In Forbes's "Aymara Indians," p. 109.
(36) Indian architecture from the Sioux lodge to the houses of
Uxmal, Mitla, and Tiahuanuco, is only understood through Indian
social organization." (Bandelier.)
(37) "Peru," p. 214.
(38) "Two Years in Peru," Vol. I, p. 283.
(39) Markham's "Introduction," to "Report on the Discovery
of Peru."
(40) "In this case it is nonsense to talk of hundreds."
(Hutchinson.)
(41) Markham, in Journal of the Royal Geog. Society, Vol. XLI.
(42) Squier's "Peru," p. 375.
(43) The dimensions are: Length, thirteen feet five inches;
height above ground, seven feet two inches; thickness, one foot
six inches. (Squier.)
(44) Squier's "Peru," p. 336.
(45) Markham, in "Journal of Geog. Soc.," Vol. XLI.
(46) "Peruvian Antiquities," p. 110.
END OF CHAPTER XVI AND END OF BOOK.*****************